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Member of thb Virginia Historical Society and of the American Historical Association 
Fellow of the Royal Historical Society of England 


VOL. I. 


SDje Ktonsfoe $tm, Cambriuge 


Copyright, 1890, 

All rights reserved. 

The Riverside Press, Oamoridge, Mass., U. S. A. 
Eleotrotyped and Printed by H. 0. Houghton & Company. 


As a slight token of my appreciation of their kindness and assistance, 
I most respectfully inscribe this work to those who have aided me in its 
preparation : Mr. Charles Deane, LL. D., of Cambridge, Mass., whose 
works first called my attention to the fact that the only contemporary 
history of our foundation was not trustworthy, and who has personally 
helped me in many ways in my own undertaking ; the Hon. J. L. M. 
Curry, LL. D., late Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary 
of the United States of America at the court of Spain, without whose 
generous aid I could not have procured the copies of the records from 
the General Archives of Simancas ; the Hon. E. P. C. Lewis, Minister 
Eesident and Consul-General at Lisbon, who had the Archives of Portu- 
gal searched for me at his own expense ; Professor M. Schele De Vere, 
LL. D., of the University of Virginia, who made translations for me of 
the French and Spanish documents, without charge ; Rev. Edward D., 
NEHiL, A.B., of Minnesota, who permits me to use the documents collected 
by him and published in his works ; Mr. Charles H. Kalbfleisch, of 
New York city, who has, I believe, the choicest collection of very early 
Americana in this country, and has presented me with copies of some of 
his very rare documents ; Justin Winsor, LL. D., Librarian of Harvard 
University and Editor of The Narrative and Critical History of Amer- 
ica, who has lent me valuable books ; Rev. Philip Slaughter, D. D., 
Historiographer of the Protestant Episcopal Church in Virginia; and 
Rear-Admiral Thornton A. Jenkins, William C. Rives, Esq., R. A. 
Brock, Esq., and N. F. Cabell, Esq., of the Virginia Historical Society, 
who have aided me materially ; The Society of Antiquaries of London, 
Sir John Alexander Thynne, fourth Marquess of Bath, the Hon. Sir 
L. S. Sackville-West, late Envoy Extraordinary, etc., from Great Brit- 
ain to the United States, Sir John B. Monckton, Hon. Canon J. E. 
Jackson, Rev. Charles Herbert Mayo, Rev. Beaver H. Blacker, 
"William Duncombe Pink, Esq., Thomas Dorman, Esq., W. Noel 
Sainsbury, Esq., G. D. Scull, Esq., S. W. Kershaw, Esq., Dr. J A. 
Kingdon, and most especially to Lt.-Col. William Cabell, of London. 


Prince of Orange 


"As in arts and sciences to be the first inventor is more than to illustrate or am- 
plify ; and as in the works of God the creation is greater than the preservation ; and 
as in the works of nature the birth and nativity is more than the continuance ; so in 
kingdomes the first foundation or plantation is of more noble dignity and merit than 
all that followeth. And the foundation that makes one of none, resembles the crea- 
tion of the world, which was de nihilo ad quid." — Sir Frakcis Bacon. 

This work is especially devoted to the period included 
between the return of Weymouth to England in July, 1605, 
and the return of Dale in June, 1616. This was the period 
of " the first foundation." It found many Eng- Tlme covere( i 
lishmen ready and resolved to secure, for their bytbework - 
country and for their religion, " a lot or portion in the New 
World," regardless of the claims of Spain and Rome; it 
witnessed the granting of the first public charters in Eng- 
land and the planting of the first public colonies in Vir- 
ginia ; it saw the greatest difficulties overcome, and it closed 
with the irrevocable establishment of the English race on 
American soil. It was the crucial period of English occu- 
pancy of North America ; if the enterprise had then resulted 
in failure, the United States would not now be in existence. 
Yet, because of the insufficiency and inaccuracy of the only 
available sources of information, this period has hitherto 
been most imperfectly understood. The text of the first 
sermon (see p. 287) preached before the first company of 
Virginia has long since been fulfilled. We have long been 
" a great nation," and yet a full and fair account of our 
very beginning has never been accessible to us. The object 
of this work is to supply (at least in part) this national 

I do not attempt to give a history of the colonies in 

The method. 


America, for during the foundation period of which I 
The scope of write, the colonies were really dependent on the 
companies in England. I endeavor to give as 
complete an idea (narrative, evidence, biography, and illus- 
tration) as is now possible of the movement (1605-1616), 
in HJngland, which resulted in the plantation of North 
America by Englishmen. And although I express my 
opinion sometimes, it is my special desire to furnish the 
reader with the means of forming his own opinion regard- 
less of mine, and to present this means in such form as will 
enable him to do so readily and correctly. With these ob- 
jects in view I have adopted the following method: 
First, I give an introductory sketch of what had 
been done by Englishmen in the way of discovery and col- 
onization, prior to 1606, for the purpose of showing the 
motives and the guides which governed the Virginia com- 
panies when they first undertook to plant colonies in Amer- 
Thenarra- i ca « Then locating the narrative in London 
tlve ' (because that city was the chief basis of opera- 

tions), I aim to enable the reader to see the events as nearly 
as possible as they developed at that time, by presenting the 
TheeTi- evidence (the letters, broadsides, etc.), in the course 
dence. Q £ ^ e narra tive as ne arly as possible in the same 

order of time that it was presented to those then interested 
in the enterprise. 

In order to understand more clearly the evidence which 
remains, it will be necessary for us to glance over the 
The records records formerly existing, but now mostly missing, 
^iniacom- Of these the charters are of the first importance, 

panies and iiii IT 

colonies. anc i m0 st fortunately they have been preserved. 1 
think that the first draft l for the proposed first Virginia 
charter, annexed to the petition for the same, was drawn by 
Sir John Popham (see p. 47) ; but this draft was subject to 
alterations, as it had to be inspected, revised, and legally 
drawn (passing for these purposes through the hands of the 
King, the Privy Council, the Secretary of State, the Attor- 
1 See Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, xL p. 169. 


ney-general, the Solicitor-general, the Lord Chancellor, etc.), 
before the perfected instrument was finally signed, sealed, 
and delivered. The warrant for the first charter (V.) was 
issued by the Secretary of State (Robert Cecil, Earl of Salis- 
bury) ; the charter itself was prepared by the Attorney-gen- 
eral (Sir Edward Coke) and the Solicitor-general (Sir John 
Dodderidge) ; and it was passed under the Great Seal by the 
Lord Chancellor (Sir Thomas Egerton). Under this char- 
ter both the North and South colonies in Virginia were 
subjected to the management of the same Royal Council resi- 
dent in England (see p. 56, note). " The Booke-keeper " 
to this council was the most important and the best paid 
of " the under officers." He was appointed by the Lord 
Treasurer of England (Thomas Sackville, Earl of Dorset), 
was paid £100 ($2,500) per annum, and was required to 
keep complete records of the affairs of both Virginia colo- 
nies and companies. This first bookkeeper's records are 
missing ; his name even is unknown. A recorder or sec- 
retary was also appointed for each colony, and sent over 
with the first planters, who was to compile descriptions of 
the country and people, relations of affairs in his colony, 
etc. ; and the councils in each colony were required to have 
proper clerks, who were to keep a regular set of books for 
accounts and all business matters. Capt. Gabriel Archer 
(a lawyer) was the recorder for the Southern colony, and 
" Mr. Seaman " (probably Mr. Richard Seymour, a preacher), 
for the Northern colony. The names of the colonial clerks 
are not known, and the records kept by these early record- 
ers and clerks — with the possible exception of XXL, 
XXIL, XXIIL, and XXXVI. — are still wanting. 

The first drafts annexed to the petitions for the second 
(LXVI.) and third (CCII.) charters, were probably drawn 
up by Sir Edwin Sandys (see pp. 47, 207). The warrants 
for both of these charters were issued by Robert The records 

of the Vir- 

Cecil, Earl of Salisbury; the charters were both gi ™ a ° f °]£ n . 
prepared by Sir Henry Hobart and Sir Francis 5on- 
Bacon, and both were passed under the Great Seal by Sir 


Thomas Egerton. "While many of the same men were 
members of both Virginia companies, the Southern com- 
pany became an entirely distinct corporate body under the 
second charter (see pp. 206—208), and as such was organized 
somewhat on the plan of the East India and other great 
commercial companies, save that it was under the manage- 
ment of a special royal council. The Royal Council was the 
peculiar plantation feature of both Virginia companies, and 
the idea is especially commended by Bacon in several of his 
discourses. Besides this special protecting and connecting 
link to the crown, the company was directed by the treas- 
urer and deputy treasurer (both of whom were to be also 
members of the Royal Council) ; sixteen directors (a major- 
ity to be of the Royal Council) ; seven auditors (two at 
least of the Royal Council and three at least of the quorum) ; 
a secretary, a bookkeeper, the husband, the beadle, and " the 
cashyer." The auditors audited all accounts, and reduced the 
whole receipts and disbursements of each year into a book. 
They also kept in a separate book " set downe particularly 
and exactly the names of all Adventurers, with their several 
sums adventured ; stating what is paid and what is remain- 
ing unpaid." The bookkeeper was the clerk to the auditors. 
" The cashyer " was the clerk to the treasurer of the com- 
pany. The husband was the special manager of the con- 
cerns of the ships, etc., and kept a regular record of every 
voyage, which he presented to the auditors, and they to the 
court. There were several courts, namely : — 

A. The Court of "the Committies" or Directors, com- 
posed of not less than seven, whereof the treasurer or 
deputy must be one. They had a general direction of the 
affairs of the company, and met " whensoever occasion of 
business shall require." 

B. The Ordinary Courts of the company, composed of not 
less than five of the Royal Council (the treasurer or deputy 
being one) and fifteen of the generality, " which assembled 
every Wednesday fortnight reckoning from the Great Quar- 
ter Courts, for dispatch of ordinary and extraordinary 


C. The Preparative Courts of the Directors (a special 
branch of A.) were held every Monday before a Great Quar- 
ter Court to prepare such business as was to be submitted to 
that court. 

D. The Great Quarter Courts, " which assembled upon the 
last Wednesday save one of Hillarie (Winter) term, Easter 
(Spring), Trinity (Summer), and Michaelmas (Fall) terms, 
to elect officers, make laws and consider the business sub- 
mitted to them by the Preparative Court " (C). 

The secretary, who was a most important officer, kept the 
records of the proceedings of all four of the courts, each 
of which had its own set of books (the position was filled, 
during the period of which I write, by Richard Atkinson, 
Edward Maye (or Mayo), Henry Fotherby, and possibly 
others). There were a great many other books besides those 
which I have mentioned, and all were kept in the secretary's 
office. " The Secretarie shall also keepe safe in the Com- 
panies chest of evidences, the originals of all the Letters 
Patents, and other writings aforementioned : all the Bookes 
also aforesaid : All the Treasurers Bookes of the yearely 
accounts: The Husbands Bookes of accounts of every 
voyage to Virginia : and all other accounts perfected and 
approved by the Auditors. In the same chest shall be kept 
all Charter Parties, as well cancelled as uncancelled : All 
Bonds made to the Companie, or for their use : And all 
Bonds of the Companies discharged and cancelled: And 
all other writings and muniments whatsoever belonging to 
the Companie. And the Secretarie shall deliver out none 
of the Companies writings, but by direction from the 
Treasurer, Counseil or Court: taking a note of the par- 
ties hand for the true restoring of them." I doubt if a 
single original from " the Companies chest " remains. The 
documents of an official character which I give have been 
taken from first drafts, copies, or from originals preserved 
by other parties than the company to the instrument. It is 
thought that the originals were all destroyed by the great 
fire of 1666 ; but I am sure that enough remains to show 


very clearly the almost insurmountable obstacles which the 
managers of the movement during the foundation period 
were obliged to meet and to master. 

The early records of the Virginia companies, kept under 
the supervision of some of the best business men of the 
a review of time, were evidently verv complete ; but for good 

the growth ' . ,1 mi 

of the avail- and sumcient reasons they were never accessible 

able rnfor- J 

mation. j. Q fa e p UD li c j n0 history was compiled from them, 
and no contemporary account was written by a properly 
qualified or properly equipped person. From 1624 to 
1857, and even later, Capt. John Smith's " General History " 
(see his biography) was " almost the only source from which 
we derived any knowledge of the infancy of our State." 
As the extracts from the records of the Virginia Company 
of London, now preserved in the Library of Congress at 
Washington, relate chiefly to the later period of 1619- 
1624, it will not be necessary to discuss them here ; but as 
they sometimes refer back to the period of which I write, I 
will ask the reader to remember, when reading Stith's and 
other histories based on these records, that the administra- 
tion whose organ, or reports, they are was of an unfriendly 
and opponent party to the old founder administration. 
And it will be well to remember at all times, that it is a 
remarkable fact, and one greatly to be deplored, that the 
story of our very beginning has been based almost entirely 
on the evidence of those who were opponents or enemies of 
the managers who established the first English colony in 
America. In 1787 Thomas Jefferson, who was as well 
informed in the premises as any man, knew of only five 
documents written during 1606—1616, namely : V., XII., 
LXVL, CXXVIIL, and CCIII. In 1857 only twenty-seven 
of the contemporary papers had been printed (and thus 
made available) in America ; but at this date the repositories 
of the Old World began to open their doors more freely, 
and since then the accumulation of evidence has been more 
rapid. Within the next thirty years about forty-four docu- 
ments of more or less importance were added to the list of 


American publications. To these seventy-one I now add 
about three hundred. Some of these may be of no great 
consequence ; but, as a whole, they form the most impor- 
tant contribution yet made to our earliest history. 

The documents and reprints are furnished with head- 
notes, which state explicitly their origin and present loca- 
tion, as well as the events which called them forth, „ .. . , 

7 t ' Method of 

and with explanatory foot-notes. These notes are EK**' 
based not only on the papers mentioned in the ence ' 
work, but on many other authorities of a little later date. 
The documents are printed, when taken from English rec- 
ords, with scrupulous precision as to spelling and capitali- 
zation, and the translations from the Spanish and French 
have been made as literal as possible with due regard to in- 

For cogent reasons, it was impracticable to give all of the 
tracts, reprints, etc., in full in this work. In pre- cianUi*- 
senting the evidence, I have been guided by the evidence. 8 
following classification : — 

I. Manuscripts which never before have been printed. 
These are given in full regardless of their length. 

II. Printed papers which never have been reprinted 
either in England or in America. 

III. Manuscripts in foreign languages of which trans- 
lations into English never before have been printed. 

IV. Manuscripts and printed papers which have ap- 
peared at a later date in print, but not in America. 
These three divisions are given in full except in some in- 
stances when the length renders this impracticable ; in such 
cases extended extracts are given. 

V. Manuscripts and printed papers which have been 
printed in America. In this division only the briefer 
papers have been reproduced, but careful reference has been 
made to the longer ones, and full account given of the 
American reprint. 

VI. Illustrative material. This is properly noted for 
convenient reference. 


The evidence presented is of so varied a character, that 
it should be sifted and considered with great care. In 
Remarks on order to place a correct estimate, it is of the first 
dence. importance to regard the ideas and the motives 
which influenced the writers and the compilers. All evi- 
dence (outside of the private exact record, and unfortu- 
nately in this instance but little of this remains) which 
relates to an enterprise necessarily carried on with secrecy 
and diplomacy must be " taken with a grain of allowance ; " 
even the tracts " published by the authority of the Council " 
contained only such items as it was thought advisable to 
present to the public. The success of the enterprise really 
depended on the discretion, judgment, secrecy, and diplo- 
macy of the managers, and in their reports much was kept 
private, and very probably misrepresentation was sometimes 
made for the especial purpose of misleading. The tracts 
printed by individuals without the authority of the Virginia 
Council were inspired by some personal motive, and must 
be weighed accordingly. The character of the evidence 
which remained in manuscript is various : when written by 
those well informed and competent, and where there was no 
personal motive or diplomacy, it is more apt to be trust- 
worthy than evidence published for a purpose ; but some of 
the writers were not in a position to gain accurate intelli- 
gence, and some were bitter enemies of the enterprise, in- 
capable of doing justice to the movement. However, I 
give the documents to the reader as they are, with Sir Fran- 
cis Bacon's maxim : " It is the office of history to represent 
the events themselves together with the counsels and to 
leave the observations and conclusions thereupon to the 
liberty and faculty of every man's judgment." 

I have given somewhat extended biographies of the lead- 
The wog. ers ; but of the generality I only attempt to give 
raphy ' enough to enable the reader to identify the persons, 
and thus to form a correct estimate of those engaged in the 
enterprise. This portion of the work, besides the value 
which it possesses as a record not elsewhere to be found, 

PREFACE. xiii 

affords the student admirable facilities for an intelligent 
reading of the documents. It renders the entire work self- 
explanatory to an important degree. 

The reader is referred to the head-note to Brief Biog- 
raphies on pp. 807, 808, for additional remarks on the 
biographies and portraits. The illustrations, in- The iIlustra . 
eluding maps, plans, etc. — some of them of pecul- tl0us ' 
iar interest and value — will be found at proper places in 
the volumes (see the List of Illustrations). And, finally, 
all the various subjects, persons, places, etc., men- The General 
tioned are collected together in good form for to ex " 
ready reference by the General Index. 

In brief, I have attempted to make the work as complete 
a history as is now possible of the movement in England 
which resulted in the plantation of North America by Eng- 
lishmen : to ffive the narrative with the evidence, 
and the actors therein with their lives and portraits ; 
to enable the reader to see the events, and those engaged 
pass before his mind's eye almost as they passed before the 
Londoner of two hundred and eighty years ago. 

Much has been written in advocacy of several particular 
founders, and it is true that some were much more active 
than others ; but the first foothold on America was The move _ 
not secured through the instrumentality of any 
single Englishman. The plantation of this country by 
English Protestants was a result of the Reformation. 

The Spaniards were the first to establish colonies in Amer- 
ica. Their sovereign aimed not only at the restoration of 
the Roman Catholic empire in Europe, but also at the crea- 
tion of a new Roman empire in America, which was held 
(and could only be held) as the exclusive property of the 
Spanish crown under the Bulls of the Popes of Rome. 
For forty years the New World had been an important fac- 
tor in the great struggle then waging between Protestant- 
ism and Romanism. The idea that the dangerous and 
increasing power of Spain and Rome in America should be 

The found- 


checked had been growing in England ever since the arrival 
there, in 1565, of the Huguenots who escaped massacre by 
the Spaniards in Florida; it had produced several enter- 
prises of a private character ; but in 1605 it took a national 
turn, and very many Englishmen were determined to con- 
summate the idea by securing for their country and for 
their religion, " a lot or portion in the New World," regard- 
less of the claims of Spain and of the Bulls of the Popes. 
They were convinced that the establishment of English col- 
onies in North America would not only put " a byt into 
their ainchent enymyes' mouth," but would also advance 
the commonwealth, the commerce, and the church of Eng- 
land, or English Protestantism. 

Although many took little or no interest in the matter, 
and some were critics, opponents, and enemies of the enter- 
prise from the first, still the movement was really a 
national one. I am very sure that a majority of 
the House of Lords and of the House of Commons were 
interested. The government was represented by the king, 
the royal family, and many great officials ; the church by 
some of her most noted divines; the trades by the city 
companies of London and by some of the greatest mer- 
chants of England ; the army, the navy, and the learned 
professions by an assemblage of peculiarly illustrious names. 
England had the earnest support of the Protestants of the 
United Netherlands; and "the Eyes of all Europe were 
looking upon their endeavors to spread the Gospel among 
Thefounda. the Heathen people of Virginia, to plant an Eng- 
t0 " lish nation there, and to settle at in those parts " 

(p. 463). It was regarded "as an action concerning God, 
and the advancement of religion, the present ease, future 
honor and safety of the kingdom, the strength of the Navy, 
the visible hope of a great and rich trade, and many secret 
blessings not yet discovered " (p. 253). It was under the 
management of some of the greatest men in English his- 
tory ; they selected one of the strongest natural positions 
for their purpose on our Atlantic coast ; they took fast hold 


there ; they prayed " unto that mereif ull and tender God, 
who is both easie and glad to be intreated, that it would 
please him to blesse and water these feeble beginnings, and 
that as he is wonderfull in all his works, so to nourish this 
graine of seed, that it may spread untill all people of the 
earth admire the greatnesse and seeke the shades and fruite 
thereof " (p. 352) ; and it pleased God to answer their 
prayer. " All people of the earth admire our greatness ; " 
and yet, as I have said, our knowledge of these men and of 
their work has been derived almost entirely from the evi- 
dence of their opponents. I have tried to correct this great 
national and historical wrong. Necessarily very much is 
still wanting in the historical portion of my work ; but I be- 
lieve the true character of our founders is sufficiently shown 
in the biography (which thus throws much of the needed 
additional light on the history), and I think that a correct 
idea of our first foundation " which was de nihilo ad quid" 
will be arrived at, if the reader will take the pains to con- 
sider the whole work from Preface to Finis, before forming 
a fixed opinion. 

I have been earnestly laboring, since July, 1876, "to gather 
together all the fragments that remain that nothing be lost," 
which relates to the Genesis of the United States. My task 
has been a long, a laborious, and a very expensive 
one ; but as it progressed, I became more and more 
convinced that it was a patriotic duty which should be per- 
formed at all hazards ; and, therefore, although it has obliged 
me to practice every self-denial and to overcome difficulties 
which would have baffled many men, my effort in behalf of 
the true source of our historic life, in behalf of justice to 
our founders, has gone on from year to year for fourteen 
years. And now that my task is done, and the result of 
my long labors submitted to the jury, I sincerely hope that 
I may receive a satisfactory verdict from those who are 
enjoying " the shades and the fruite " produced by the 
" graine of seed " which our founders planted. 


It was my intention to dedicate the work to a few special 
friends ; but this design has been abandoned for good and 
sufficient reasons. I shall, however, avail myself of this 
opportunity to acknowledge my obligation for assistance of 
Acknowi- various kinds in the preparation of these volumes, 
edgments. ^0 J;he following Americans : The late Mr. Charles 
Deane, LL. D., of Cambridge, Mass., who gave me his 
helping hand from the beginning to the end ; his last letter 
to me is expressive of his interest and great faith in my 
work; the Hon. J. L. M. Curry, LL. D., late envoy 
extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United 
States of America at the court of Spain, without whose 
generous aid I could not have procured the copies of the 
records from the General Archives of Simancas ; Professor 
M. Schele De Vere, LL. D., of the University of Vir- 
ginia, who made the translations of the French and Spanish 
documents for me without charge ; the Hon. E. P. C. Lewis, 
late minister resident and consul-general at Lisbon, who had 
the Archives of Portugal searched for me at his own ex- 
pense; Mr. Horace E. Scudder, of Cambridge, Mass., 
who gave me his most valuable assistance and advice in pre- 
paring, presenting, and editing the work ; Mr. Charles H. 
Kalbfleisch, of New York, who presented me with copies 
of several very rare documents from his exceedingly choice 
collection of very early Americana ; Rev. Edward D. 
Neill, A. B., of Minnesota, who permitted me to use the 
documents collected by him and published in his works; 
Mr. Justin Winsor, LL. D., librarian of Harvard Univer- 
sity, Burton N. Harrison, Esq., and William Pitt 
Robinson, Esq., of New York, who lent me scarce and 
valuable books, and assisted me greatly in various ways ; 
Rev. Philip Slaughter, D. D., historiographer of the Prot- 
estant Episcopal Church in Virginia; the late William 
Cabell Rives, Esq., of Virginia; Rear-Admiral Thorn- 
ton A. Jenkins, Hon. A. R. Spofford, librarian of Con- 
gress, and Dr. G. Brown Goode, of the Smithsonian In- 
stitution, Washington, D. C. ; the late Hon. J. Russell 

PREFACE. xvii 

Babtlett, of Rhode Island ; Mr. James F. Hunnewell, 
of Charlestown, Mass.; Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet, and 
Rev. B. F. De Costa, D. D., of New York ; Mr. N. F. 
Cabell, and Mr. R. A. Bbock, of Virginia. 

And to the following in England : Lieut.-Col. William 
Cabell, of London, who aided me in almost every way 
from the beginning to the end ; Mr. W. Duncombe Pink, 
of Leigh, Lancashire, whose assistance, especially in the 
biographical portion of my work, was invaluable; Mr. 
James A. Kingdon, of London, who sent me the extracts 
from the Grocers' Records, and aided me in many other 
ways; The Society of Antiquabies of London, who 
permitted me to have copies made of several very rare 
(and probably unique) broadsides preserved in their collec- 
tion ; Sir John Alexander Thynne, fourth Marquess of 
Bath; the Hon. Sir L. S. Sackville-West, late envoy 
extraordinary, etc., from Great Britain to the United States ; 
Sir John B. Monckton, Kt., F. S. A., town clerk of Lon- 
don ; W. Noel Sainsbuby, Esq., of H. M. Public Record 
Office ; Mr. Thomas Dobman, of Sandwich ; Canon J. E. 
Jackson, of Leigh Delamere; Rev. Chables Hebbert 
Mayo, of Sherborne, Dorset; Rev. Beaveb H. Blackeb, 
of Bristol; the Libbabians of the Bbitish Museum, 
Lambeth Palace, Bodleian, and other libraries; the 
Clebks of the London City Companies; the Town 
Clebks of the old Cinque Pobts, and others. In truth, 
it is a special gratification to me, that nearly every one to 
whom I applied, at home or abroad, rendered me such assist- 
ance as was within his power. And I hope that every one 
who aided me in any way — either in the preparation or in 
advancing the publication — will take a personal interest in 
the future welfare of these volumes, which relate not only 
to the beginners and the beginning of an English nation 
" where none before had stood," but also to the beginners 
and the beginning of that wonderful onward march of the 
English-speaking people from the ports of the little Isle, 
which has continued until they have become, in the words 

xviii PREFACE. 

of Webster, " a power to which Rome, in the height of her 
glory, was not to be compared, — a power which has dotted 
over the whole surface of the globe with its possessions 
and military posts, — whose morning drum-beat, following 
the sun, and keeping company with the hours, circles the 
earth daily with one continuous and unbroken strain of its 
martial airs." 

"Union Hill," Nelson County, Va., 
May If, 1R90. 

King of -Spain 



Introductory Sketch. 1485-1605 1-28 



I. "Eastward Hoe." September 4, 1605 29-32 

II. Articles of Agreement. October 30, 1605 32-35 

III. Reasons for raising a fund. 1605 36-42 

"The Gunpowder Plot." November 5, 1605 42 

Remarks on the Spanish documents 43-45 

IV. Zufiiga to the King of Spain. March 6, 1606 45, 46 

V. Letters-Patent to Gates and Others. April 10, 1606 . . 46-63^ 

Voyages to America. 1606 64 

VI. Instructions for the Government of the Colonies. Novem- 
ber 20, 1606 64-75 

VII. Orders of the Council. December 10, 1606 75-79 

VIII. Advice of the Council. December 10, 1606 79-85 

Newport's voyage. December 19, 1606 85 

IX. Ode to the Virginian Voyage 86, 87 

X. Zufiiga to the King of Spain 88-90 

XI. The King of Spain to Zufiiga. February 26, 1607 ... 91 

XII. An Ordinance and Constitution. March 9, 1607 .... 91-95 

XIII. Gorges to Chalens. March 13, 1607 95-97 

XIV. Zufiiga to the King of Spain. April 20, 1607 97-99 

Havham and Pring's voyage. 1607 .99 

XV. Ciriza to Pedrastra. April 27, 1607 100, 101 

Extract from the Sparks Manuscripts. 1607 101 

Hudson's and Popham's voyages. May, 1607 .... 102 

XVI. The King of Spain to Zufiiga. June 2, 1607 102, 103 

The Dutch ambassadors. 1607 104 

XVII. Zufiiga to the King of Spain. July 20, 1607 104, 105 

XVHI. Newport to Lord Salisbury. July 29, 1607 105, 106 

Newport's return from Virginia. 1607 106 

XIX. The Council in Virginia to the Council in England. June 

22,1607 106-108 

XX. Robert Tindall to Prince Henry. June 22, 1607 .... 108, 109 
XXI. "A Relatyon of the Discovery of Our river." June 22, 

1607 , 109 


XXII. The Description of the Country of Virginia. June 22, 

1607 110 

XXIII. " A Brief Description of the People." June 22, 1607. 110 

XXIV. ZuHiga to the King of Spain. August 12, 1607 . . . 110, 111 
XXV. Carleton to Chamberlain. August 18, 1607 .... 111-114 

XXVI. Captain Barley to Monke. August 18, 1607 .... 114, 115 

Minute, E. I. Co. Records. September 4, 1607 ... 115 

XXVII. The King of Spain to Zuniga. September 11, 1607 . 115, 116 

XXVIII. Zuniga to the King of Spain. September 12, 1607 . . 116-118 

XXIX. Zuniga to the King of Spain. September 25, 1607 . . 118, 119 

XXX. Zuniga to the King of Spain. September 28, 1607 . . 120-123 

XXXI. Zuniga to the King of Spain. October 6, 1607 . . . 123, 124 

Newport's second voyage. October 8, 1607 .... 124, 125 

XXXII. The King of Spain to Zuniga. October 18, 1607 . . 125 

XXXIII. Report of the Spanish Council of State. October 31, 

1607 125-127 

XXXIV. Challons' Voyage. November, 1607 127-139 

XXXV. Zuniga to Philip III. November 27, 1607 .... 140 

A ship returns from North Virginia. 1607 .... 140 

XXXVI. Relation of a Voyage to Sagadahoc. 1607 .... 140, 141 

XXXVII. Zuniga to Philip III. December 12, 1607 141 

XXXVIII. Extract from the French Mercury 142 

XXXIX. Ralegh to Salisbury 143 

XL. Report of the Spanish Council of State. January 7, 

1608 143, 144 

A ship returns from North Virginia. 1608 .... 144, 145 

XLI. Popham to James I. December 13, 1607 145, 146 

XLII. Zuniga to Philip III. March 18, 1608 147 

XLIII. Resolution of the States General. April 14, 1608 . . 148 

XLIV. Gorges to Salisbury. May 2, 1608 148-150 

XLV. Herris's Tombstone. May 16, 1608 150, 151 

Newport returns from Virginia. May 21, 1608 . . . 151 

XLVI. Tindall's Chart of James Rive*. 1608 151 

XLVII. Percy's Discourse. 1608 152-168 

XLVIII. White's Description of Virginia. ' 1608 169 • 

XLIX. Wingfield's Discourse. 1608 170-172 

L. Zuniga to Philip III. June 16, 1608 172 

LI. Letter from Francis Perkins [?]. March 28, 1608 . 173-177 
Nelson returns from Virginia. Newport sails on his 
third voyage to South Virginia, and Captain Davies 

on his second voyage to North Virginia. 1608 . . 177-179 

LII. Chamberlain to Carleton. July 7, 1608 179, 180 

LIII. Philip III. to Zuniga. July 19, 1608 180, 181 

LIV. Smith's Relation. 1608 181-183 

LV. Report of the Spanish Council. August 6, 1608 . . 183 

LVI. Zuniga to Philip III. August 31, 1608 183,184 

LVII. Chart of Virginia. 1608 184-190 

LVIII. Plan of St. George's Fort. 1608 190-194 

LIX. Report on Virginia. 1608 195 

LX. Philip III. to Zuniga. September 13, 1608 . . *** 



LXI. Zuniga to Philip III. October 29, 1608 196 

The colony returns from North Virginia. 1608 . . 197 

LXII. Zuniga to Philip III. January 5, 1609 197, 198 

LXIII. Zuniga to Philip III. January 7, 1609 198 

Newport returns from South Virginia. 1609 . . . 198, 199 

LXIV. Smith to the Treasurer of Virginia 199-204 


VEMBER, 1609. 

LXV. Chamberlain to Carleton. January 23, 1609 ... 205 

LXVI. The Second Charter. 1609 206-237- 

Extract from E. I. Co. Records. February 13, 1609 . 237 

Chamberlain to Carleton. February 14, 1609 ... 237 
LXVXI. The Council of Virginia to Plymouth. February 17, 

1609 238-240 

LXVIII. Nova Britannia. February 18, 1609 241-243 

LXIX. ZuSiga to Philip III. February 23, 1609 .... 243-247 

LXX. Broadside concerning Virginia. 1609 248, 249 

LXXI. Hugh Lee to Thomas Wilson. March 16, 1609 . . 249 
Remarks on the Records of the London companies . 250, 251 
LXXII. The Council of Virginia to the Lord Mayor of Lon- 
don. 1609 252,253 

LXXIH. Precept of the Lord Mayor. 1609 254 

LXXIV. Extract from Fishmongers' Records. March 20, 1609 254 

LXXV. Zuiiiga to Philip III. March 22, 1609 254, 255 

LXXVI. Sermon by Richard Crakanthorpe. March 24, 1609 . 255, 256 

LXXVII. Extract from Grocers' Records. 1609 257 

LXXVIII. Extract from Grocers' Records. March 31, 1609 . . 257, 258 

LXXIX. Zuniga to Philip III. April 2, 1609 258,259 

LXXX. New Britain. 1609 259-277 

LXXXI. Extract from Mercers' Records. April 4, 1609 . . 277 

LXXXII. Extract from Clothworkers' Records. April 5, 1609 277, 278 

Sir George Carew to Salisbury. April 4, 1609 . . . 278 

LXXXIII. Extract from Clothworkers' Records. April 12, 1609 278, 279 

LXXXIV. Virginia Richly Valued. April 15, 1609 .... 279, 280 

LXXXV. Extract from Fishmongers' Records. April 24, 1609 280-282 

LXXXVI. Virginea Britannia. [Sermon.] April 25, 1609 . . 282-291 

LXXXVII. Extract from Clothworkers' Records. April 26, 1609 291 

LXXXVIII. Extract from Stationers' Records. April 28, 1609 . 292, 293 

LXXXIX. Good Speed to Virginia. April 28, 1609 293-302 

XC. Extract from Merchant Taylors' Records. April 29, 

1609 302-306 

XCI. Extract from Merchant Taylors' Records. May 3, 

1609 306,307 

Argall's voyage to Virginia. May 3, 1609 .... 307 

XCII. Salisbury to the Officers of Customs. May 3, 1609 . 307 


XCIII. Extract from the Merchant Taylors' Records. May 4, 

1609 308 

XCIV. The Privy Council to the Heralds. May 9, 1609 . . . 308, 309 

XCV. Extract from Stationers' Records. May 10, 1609 . . . 309, 310 

XCVI. Zuriiga to Philip III. May 10, 1609 310 

Charter of the E. I. Co. May, 1609 310 

XCVII. Philip III. to ZuHiga. May 4, 1609 311 

XCVIII. Philip III. to Zuniga. May 15, 1609 311 

XCIX. Price's Sermon. May 28, 1609 312-316 

C. Instructions to Holcroft. May 29, 1609 316-318 

[Canon Jackson's letter.} 318 319 

CI. Stallenge to Salisbury. 1609 320 

Gates sails for Virginia. 1609 320 

CH. Laws sent by Gates. 1609 321 

CIII. Matthew to Shrewsbury. June 8, 1609 321 

CIV. New France. June 12, 1609 321-324 

CV. Zuniga to Philip III. June 25, 1609 324 

The Irish plantation. July 1, 1609 324, 325 

CVL Buckler's Petition. July 25, 1609 325 

CVII. Moryson to Salisbury. August, 1609 325 

French company charter. 1609 326 

CVIII. Ecija's Relation. 1609 326 

CIX. Extract from Van Meteren. 1609 327 

Argall returns from Virginia. 1609 327 

CX. Letter of Gabriel Archer. August 31, 1609 328-332 

CXI. Zuniga to Philip III. November 13, 1609 332, 333 

Return of the fleet from Virginia. 1609 333 

CXII. Radcliffe to Salisbury. October 4, 1609 334, 335 



CXIII. Zuniga to Philip III. November 31, 1609 336, 337 

CXIV. A True and Sincere Declaration. December 14, 1609 . 337-353" 

CXV. A Broadside by the Council. 1609 354-356'. 

CXVI. Southampton to Salisbury. December 15, 1609 . . . 356, 357 

CXVII. Zuniga to Philip III. December 21, 1609 357, 358 

Extract from Van Meteren. 1609 358 

CXVIII. Zuniga to Philip III. January 18, 1610 358 

Folkingham's Feudigraphia. February 2, 1610 .... 359 

The plantation of Newfoundland. February 9, 1610 . . 359 

CXIX. Minute from the Commons Journal. February 14, 1610 359, 360 

CXX. Crashaw's Sermon. February 21, 1610 360-375 

Roe sails to Guiana. Howes. 1610 375 

Poutrincourt to New France. 1610 375 

CXXI. Lord De la Warr's Commission. February 28, 1610 . . 375-384 

CXXII. Virginia Commodities 1610 384-386 

CXXIH. Zufiiga to Philip III. March 1, 1610 386 

Spanish ambassadors, etc. 1610 387 


CXXIV. Minute from the Grocers' Records. March 4, 1610 . 387, 388 

Lord De la Warr sailed for Virginia. April 1, 1610 388 

Henry Hudson for the North West. April 18, 1610 388 

CXXV. Minute from the Grocers' Records. April 30, 1610 . 388, 389 

CXXVI. Minute from the Grocers' Records. May, 1610 . . 389 

CXXVII. Minute from the Grocers' Records. May, 1610 . . 390 

CXXVIII. Newfoundland Charter. May 2, 1610 390, 391 

Assassination of Henry IV. of France. May, 1610 . 391 

CXXIX. Receipt given to Dover. May 23, 1610 391, 392 

CXXX. Velasco to Philip III. June 4, 1610 392 

Extract from the Trinity House Records. 1610 . . 393 

The Dainty sails to Virginia. Howes. 1610 ... 393 

CXXXI. Report of Francis Maguel. June 21, 1610 .... 393-399 
Gates and Newport return from Virginia. September, 

1610 399,400 

CXXXII. Somers to Salisbury. June 15, 1610 400-402 

CXXXHI. Council in Virginia to the Virginia Company. July 

7,1610 402-413 

CXXXIV. De la Warr to Salisbury. July, 1610 413-415 

CXXXV. Letter from Strachey. July 15, 1610 416,417 

CXXXVI. Velasco to Philip III. September 20, 1610 . . . 418, 419 

CXXXVIL A Discovery of the Barmudas. 1610 419 

CXXXVIII. Newes from Virginia. 1610 420-426 

CXXXIX. Report of the Spanish Council. October 23, 1610 . 426, 427 

CXL. A True Declaration. November 8, 1610 .... 427, 428 

The return of the Dainty. 1610 428 

CXLI. Argall's Voyage. 1610 428-439 

CXLII. A Broadside by the Council. 1610 439 

CXLIII. More to Winwood. December 15, 1610 440 

The Hercules sailed for Virginia. 1610 440 

CXLIV. Evelyn's Letter. 1610 440-442 

CXLV. Extract from the Mercers' Records. December 20, 

1610 442 

CXLVI. Velasco to Philip III. December 21, 1610 .... 442, 443 

CXL VII. Ralegh to Queen Anne 443, 444 

CXL VIII. A Broadside by the Council. January, 1611 ... 445 

CXLIX. Resolution of the States General. January 10, 1611 446 

CL. Resolution of the States General. January 15, 1611 446, 447 

CLI. Resolution of the States General. January 30, 1611 44T 

CLII. Winwood to Salisbury. February 6, 1611 .... 447-450 

CLIII. Reply of the States General. February 2, 1611 . . 450,451 

CLIV. Philip III. to Gaspar de Pereda. February 10, 1611 451, 452 

CLV. 1 Extracts from Northampton Records. February 24, 

1611 452,453 

CLV. 2 Extracts from Northampton Records 453, 454 

CLVI. Roe to Salisbury. February 28, 1611 454, 455 

CLVII. Velasco to Philip III. March 12, 1611 455-457 

CLVIII. Map of America. 1610 457-461 

Dale sails for Virginia. Howes. 1611 461 

CLIX. Laws by Dale. March, 1611 461 



CLX. Sandys to Mayor of Sandwich. March 21, 1611 . 
CLXI. Circular Letter of the Virginia Council. February 


CLXII. List of Subscribers. November, 1610, to February, 

1611 , 

CLXIII. Classes of Emigrants wanted. 1611 . . , 
The voyage of Harley and Hobson. 1611 
The voyage of Edge and Poole. 1611 . . , 
" Three Articles sett downe." April 8, 1611 
CLXIV. A Bill of Adventure. April 11, 1611 . . . 
CLXV. Cottington to Salisbury. April 10, 1611 . , 
CLXVI. Cottington to Salisbury. April 23, 1611 . 
The first voyage from England to Japan . 
CLXVII. Velasco to Philip III. May 6, 1611 . . 

Capt. Matthew Somers returns to England 1611 

Gates sails to Virginia. Howes. 1611 

CLXVIII. Biard to Balthazar. May 31, 1611 . . . 

CLXIX. Philip III. to Velasco. June 7, 1611 . . 

CLXX. De la Warr to Salisbury. June 22, 1611 . 

CLXXI. De la Warr's Relation. June 25, 1611 . 

CLXXII. Spelman's Relation. 1611 

Captain Adams returns from Virginia. 1611 
CLXXIII 1 . Dale to the Council. May 25, 1611 . . . 
CLXXIIF. Dale to the Committee. 1611 .... 
CLXXIV. Velasco to Philip III. August 12, 1611 . 

" The last newes from Virginia." August 16, 1611 
CLXXV 1 . The Weymouth Bond. September 8, 1611 
CLXXV 3 . Cranfield's Receipt. September 20, 1611 . . 
CLXXV 8 . Extract from Trinity House Records. October 


Vessels return from Virginia. 1611 . . . 

CLXXVI. Whitaker to Crashaw. August 9, 1611 . . 

CLXXVII. Percy to Northumberland. August 17, 1611 . 

CLXXVIII. Dale to Salisbury. August 17, 1611 . . . 

Extract from Shakespeare's " Tempest." 1611 

CLXXIX. Lee to Wilson. November 2, 1611 .... 

CLXXX. Lerma to Arostegui. November 3, 1611 . . 

CLXXXI. Report of the Voyage to Virginia. 1611 . . 

CLXXXII. Digby to Salisbury. November 4, 1611 . . 

CLXXXIII. Velasco to Philip III. November 5, 1611 . 

CLXXXIV. Philip HI. to Velasco. November 5, 1611 . 

CLXXXV. Philip III. to Velasco. November 5, 1611 . 

CLXXXVI. Philip III. to Velasco. November 5, 1611 . 

CLXXXVII. More to Winwood. November, 1611 . . . 

CLXXXVIII. Velasco to Philip III. December 4, 1611 . 

CLXXXIX. Chamberlain to Carleton. December, 1611 . 

CXC. Laws for Virginia. December 13, 1611 . . 

CXCI. Digby to Salisbury. December 13, 1611 . . 

CXCII. Velasco to Philip III. December 14, 1611 . 

The return of Harley and Hobson. 1611 . . 




469. 470 

470. 471 

472, 473 






476, 477 






494, 495 




496, 497 



500, 501 




509, 510 


522, 523 




525, 526 



527, 528 


530, 531 

531, 532 


CXCIII. Chamberlain to Carleton. December 15, 1611 ... 532 

Newport returned from Virginia. 1611 532 

CXCIV. Dale to the Council. 1611 532, 533 

CXCV. Philip III. to Velasco. December 27, 1611 .... 533 

CXCVI. Biard to the Provincial. January 21, 1612 .... 533-536 

CXCVIL Digby to Salisbury. February 2, 1612 536,537 

CXCVIII. Chamberlain to Carleton. February 12, 1612 ... 537 

CXCIX. Philip in. to Velasco. February 15, 1612 .... 537,538 
" A booke or thinge called the PublicaCon of the Lot- 
tery for Virginia." February 24, 1612 .... 538 " 
CC. Letter to the Governor and Company of Virginia. 

1612 538 

CCI. Digby to Salisbury. March 9, 1612 539 

CCII. Extract from the Trinity House Records. March 11, 

1612 539,540 

"A Discourse concerning the circumference of the 

Earth, or a North-West Passage." 1612 .... 540 

CCIII. The Third Charter. March 12, 1612 540-553 

CCIV. Philip III. to Velasco. March 22, 1612 553,554 

CCV. Velasco to Philip III. April 4, 1612 554 

CCVI. Sandys to the Mayor of Sandwich. April 8, 1612 . 555 

CCVII. Digby to SaUsbury. April 18, 1612 556 

Button's Voyage. 1612 556 

CCVIII. Moore's Commission. April 27, 1612 557 

Vessels sent to Virginia. Howes. 1612 557 

CCIX. Extract from the Grocers' Records. April 29, 1612 . 557, 558 
" Touchinge the deferringe of the Lottery." May 16, 

1612 558 

CCX. The New Life of Virginia. May 1, 1612 558,559 

CCXI. From the Mercers' Records. May 20, 1612 ... 560 

CCXII. Philip III. to Velasco. May 27, 1612 560 

CCXIII. Velasco to Philip III. June 8, 1612 560 

CCXIV. Digby to Carleton. June 20, 1612 561 

CCXV. From the Grocers' Records. June 23, 1612 ... 561 

CCXVI. Strachey's Virginia. I. 1612 562-567 ' 

CCXVII. Strachey's Virginia. II. 1612 567, 568 

CCXVIII. From Stow's Chronicle. June 29, 1612 568 

CCXIX. Chamberlain to Carleton. July 9, 1612 569, 570 

CCXX. The Lottery Drawing. June 29 to July 20, 1612 . . 570, 571 
" A booke called, The Lottery for Virginea." July 2, 

1612 571 

" The Articles sett downe for the Second Lottery." 

July 17, 1612 571 

CCXXI. Records of St. Mary Colechurch. 1612 571,572 

CCXXII. Records of St. Mary Woolchurch Hawe. 1612 . . 572 

CCXXIIL Flores (Zuiiiga) to Philip III. July 22, 1612 . . . 572, 573 

Argall sailed to Virginia. July 23, 1612 573 

CCXXIV. Charter of the N. W. P. Company. July 26, 1612 . 573, 574 

CCXXV. Flores (Zuiiiga) to Philip III. August 6, 1612 . . 575 

CCXXVI. Purchas his Pilgrimage. August 7, 1612 576 







































Digby to James I. August 21, 1612 577 

Digby to James I. September 1, 1612 .... 577 

A sbip arrives from Virginia. 1612 577 

The darkest hour. September, 1612, to July, 1613 . 578 

Whitaker to Sir Thomas Smythe. July 28, 1612 . 578, 579 

Whitaker's Good News from Virginia. 1612 . . 679-588^ 

Digby to James I. September 13, 1612 .... 588, 589 

Northampton to James I. 1612 589, 590 

Digby to Carleton. September 22, 1612 .... 590 

From Grocers' Records. September 29, 1612 . . 590, 591 

From Grocers' Records. December 18, 1612 . . 591, 592 

From Grocers' Records. December, 1612 . . . 592 

Digby to Carleton. October 10, 1612 592,593 

Philip III. to Velasco. October 24, 1612 .... 593 

The death of Henry Prince of Wales. 1612 ... 593 

Digby to James I. November 12, 1612 .... 593, 594 
The Virginia Company sold the Somers Islands. 

November, 1612 594 

Chapman's An Epicede 594, 595 

Extract from the French Mercury 595, 596 

Smith's Map of Virginia 596, 597 

Smith's Map of Old Virginia 596, 597 

Smith's Description of Virginia 597-601 

Smith's Procedings, etc., in Virginia . . . . . . 597-601 

Biondi to Carleton. January 7, 1613 601 

Velasco to Philip III. January 15, 1613 .... 602 

Ships sent to Bermudas and Virginia. 1613 . . . 602 

Edmondes to James I. January 26, 1613 .... 603 

Philip III. to Velasco. February 3, 1613 .... 603 

The Mask at White Hall. February 15, 1613 . . 604-606 

Marriage of the Princess Elizabeth. 1613 . . . 606 

Digby to James I. February 18, 1613 606, 607 

Letter from Lisbon. February 11, 1613 .... 607 

A Broadside by the Council. March, 1613 . . . 608, 609 

Digby to James I. March 5, 1613 609 

Charter granted to the Russia Company. March 

13,1613 609,610 

Chamberlain to Carleton. March, 1613 .... 610 

Philip III. to Velasco. March 22, 1613 .... 610, 611 

Charter for the Irish Plantation. March 29, 1613 . 611 

Crashaw's Epistle Dedicatory. 1613 611-620 

A Plain Description of Bermuda. 1613 .... 620, 621 

Report of the Spanish Council. April 20, 1613 . . 621, 622 

Edmondes to James I. April 24, 1613 622 

Edmondes to James I. April 28, 1613 623 

Brooke to Ellesmere. April 28, 1613 623-631 

Ships set forth by the Muscovy Company. 1613 . 631 

Philip III. to Velasco. May 9, 1613 631 

Philip III. to Velasco. May 13, 1613 631, 632 

Digby to James I. May 13, 1613 632 






































ZuSiga to Philip III. September 22, 1612 . . . 632, 633 

Velasco to Philip III. May 20, 1613 .... 633,634 

Digby to Carleton. May 22, 1613 634,635 

Digby to Lake. May 26, 1613 635 

Digby to James I. June 4, 1613 636 

Instructions to Gondomar. 1613 636 

Extract from Shakespeare's Henry VIII. 1613 . 637 

Velasco to Philip III. July 2, 1613 638,639 

The Elizabeth returns from Virginia. July 20, 

1613 639 

Dale to Sir Thomas Smith. June, 1613 . . . . 639,640 

Argall to Hawes. June, 1613 640-644 

Portion of Virginia and Summers Island Histories. 

1613 . 645 

Velasco to Philip III. July 23, 1613 645,646 

Molina to Velasco. May 18, 1613 646-652 

Molina to Velasco. June 28, 1613 652-654 

Philip III. to Gondomar. July 31, 1613 ... 654 

Chamberlain to Carleton. August 1, 1613 . . . 654-656 

Digby to James I. August 15, 1613 656 

Gondomar arrives in England. 1613 656 

The Harcourt Colony. August 28, 1613 ... 657 

Digby to James I. September 3, 1613 .... 657 

Philip III. to Velasco. September 4, 1613 . . . 657,658 

The Martha returns from the Bermudas. 1613 . 658 

Digby to James I. September 22, 1613 .... 658 

Gondomar to Philip III. September 25, 1613 . 659-662 

Edmondes to James I. October 11, 1613 ... 662 

Digby to James I. October 13, 1613 .... 662, 663 

The Elizabeth sails for Virginia. October 14, 1613 663 

Philip III. to Gondomar. October 14, 1613 . . 663 

Montmorency to James I. October 18, 1613 . . 664, 665 

Chamberlain to Carleton. October 27, 1613 . . 665-667 

Concerning the North-West Passage, etc. 1613 . 667 

Digby to Carleton. November 3, 1613 .... 668, 669 
Limits of the Spanish Possessions in America. 

1613 669-673 

English trade into the West Indies. 1613 . . 673-675 

Gondomar to Philip III. November 6, 1613 . . 675, 676 

E. I. trade ; Champlain's works, etc. 1614 . . 676 

Order in the Privy Council. January 2, 1614 . 676, 677 

Edmondes to James I. January 2, 1614 . . . 677, 678 

The Mask of Flowers. January 6, 1614 . . . 678, 679 

Order in the Privy Council. January 23, 1614 . 679, 680 
Minutes E. I. Co. ; Dutch charters ; Hunt and 

Smith to N. E., and the fleet to the Bermudas . 680 

Gondomar to Philip III. March 7, 1614 . . . 680-684 
" A declaration ... of the English in Virginia." 

March 9, 1614 684, 685 

Privy Council to City Companies. April 1, 1614 685, 686 

Parliament ; the voyage of Gibbons. 1614 . . 686 



CCCII. Extract from Grocers' Records. April 15, 1614 . . 686-688 

The Irish plantation. 1614 688 

CCCIII. The Lord Mayor to City Companies. April 20, 1614 688 

The Elizabeth returns from Virginia, etc. 1614 . . 689 

CCCIV. Extract from Commons Journal. April 20, 1614 . 689, 690 
CCCV. Extract from Merchant Taylors' Records. May 6, 

1614 690,691 

CCCVI. Chamberlain to Carleton. May 12, 1614 .... 691 

CCCVII. Extract from Commons Journal. May 12, 1614 . . 692 

CCCVIII. Extract from Commons Journal. May 17, 1614 . . 692-694 

CCCIX. Extract from Commons Journal. May 18, 1614 . . 694-696 

CCCX. Chamberlain to Carleton. May 19, 1614 .... 696, 697 

CCCXI. Lorkin to Puckering. May 28, 1614 697, 698 

CCCXII. Extract from Carayon 698-700 

CCCXIII. Biard to Acquaviva. May 16, 1614 700-706 

CCCXIV. Biard to Louis XIII 706-708 

CCCXV. Biard's Relation 709-725 

CCCXVI. Biencourt's Complaint. July 8, 1614 725-729 

The voyages of llarlie and Hobson. 1614 . . . 729 



The Treasurer returns from Virginia. July, 1614 
CCCXVII. Virginia Council to Privy Council. 1614 . 
CCCXVni. Reply of the Privy Council. 1614 . . . 
CCCXIX. Lorkin to Puckering. July 21, 1614 . . . 
Minutes of the E. I. Co. July 29, 1614 . 
CCCXX. James I. to States General. August 19, 1614 
Capt. Smith returns from N. E., etc. 1614 
CCCXXI. Letter to Sir Thomas Dale. September 20, 1614 
CCCXXII. Extract from Present State of Ireland. 1614 
CCCXXIII. Resolution of the States General. September 


CCCXXIV. Gondomar to Philip III. October 7, 1614 . 

CCCXXV. Molina to Gondomar. April 20, 1614 . . 

CCCXXVI. Molina to Gondomar. June 4, 1614 . . . 

Charter from the States General, etc. 1614 

CCCXXVII. Hamor's Narration. October 20, 1614 . . 

CCCXXVIIL RolfetoDale. March, 1614 

CCCXXLX. DaletoD.M. June 18, 1614 

CCCXXX. Whitaker to Master G. June 18, 1614 . . 
The Bermudas resigned to the Crown. 1614 

CCCXXXI. Howes' Chronicles 

CCCXXXII. Edmondes to Winwood. December 12, 1614 
CCCXXXIII. Extract from Stationers' Records. 1614 . 
CCCXXXIV. Edmondes to Winwood. December 30, 1614 







745, 746 











CCCXXXV. Complaints against the French. 1614 

757, 758 

CCCXXXVI. Extract from Alexander's Doomsday 758 

CCCXXXVII. Extract from Cooke's Tuquoque 759 

Vessels return from the Bermudas. 1614 . . . 759 

CCCXXXVIII. Gondomar to Philip III. January 31, 1615 . . 759 

CCCXXXIX. Letter from Lewis Hughes. December 21, 1614 . 759, 760 

Captain Argall sails for Virginia. February, 1615 760 

CCCXL. Minute of the Privy Council. February 19, 1615 760 

CCCXLI. Privy Council to Canterbury. February 22, 1615 760, 761 

CCCXLII. A Declaration for the Lottery. February 22, 1615 761-766 

CCCXLIII. Extract from the Trade's Increase. 1615 . . . 766 

CCCXLIV. Extract from the Defense of Trade. 1615 ... 767 

Voyage to the North- Westwards, etc. 1615 . . 767 

CCCXLV. Extract from Britain's Buss. 1615 767,768 

CCCXLVI. CarewtoRoe. April, 1615 768 

CCCXL VII. Extract from Records of Dover. 1615 .... 768,769 

CCCXL VIII. Extract from Records of Wycombe. 1615 ... 769 

Sundry voyages to the N. E. Coast. 1615 . . . 769, 770 

CCCXLIX. The Somers Islands Charter. June 29, 1615 . . 770, 771 

Richard Hawkins sails for N. E. ; extracts from 

E. I. Co. Records. 1615 771 

CCCL. Tobacco Memoranda. 1615 772 

The Lottery drawing. November 17, 1615 . . . 773 

CCCLI. East India Company to the Lord Mayor. 1615 . 773 

CCCLII. Carew to Roe. January 24, 1616 773 

Tucker's Commission ; the first land-owner in 

Virginia ; Ralegh to go to Guiana. 1616 . . 774 

CCCLIII. A Brief Declaration. 1616 774-779 

Baffin's voyage to the Northwest ; Sundry voy- 
ages to N. E. 1616 779,780 

CCCLIV. Smith's Map of New England. 1616 780 

CCCLV. Smith's Description of New England. 1616 . . 781, 782 

Dale returns from Virginia. 1616 782 

CCCL VI 1 . Dale to Winwood. June 3, 1616 783, 784 

CCCLVP. Captain John Smith to Queen Anne 784-788 

CCCLVII. Carew to Roe. June, 1616 789 

CCCLVIII. Chamberlain to Carleton. June 22, 1616 . . . 789, 790 

CCCLIX. Rolfe's Relation to James I. 1616 790 

" The first Magazin " ship sails for Virginia. 1616 790 

CCCLX. Abbot's Geography 790-795 


CCCLXI. His Majesty's Council for the Virginia Company. 

1613-1619 .... 796,797 

CCCLXII. Broadside by the Virginia Council. 1616 . . . 797,798 

CCCLXIII. Bacon's Essay of Plantations 799-802 

CCCLXIV. Members of Parliament in Virginia Company 

1624 802,803 

CCCLXV. List of additional members of the Virginia Com- 
panies. 1612-1616 803-805 



Head Note 807-808 

Duration of Parliaments 809 

Explanations and Abbreviations 810 

Brief Biographies of Persons connected with the founding of Vir- 
ginia 811-1068 

The following Documents are given in the Biographies: — 

Winwood to Carleton. March 31, 1617 870 

Dale to Carleton. October 18, 1617 870, 871 

Dale to Carleton. November 6, 1617 871 

James I. to Carleton. November 11, 1617 871, 872 

Saville to Carleton. December 4, 1617 872 

Carleton to Lake. February 4, 1618 872, 873 

Carleton to Southampton. February 12, 1618 873 

Carleton to Lake. March 3, 1618 873 

Lake to Carleton. March 26, 1618 873 

Gondomar to Philip III. December 7, 1616 899, 900 

Sanchez de Ulloa to Philip III. October J, 1618 900 

List of Adventurers. April, 1623 982 

Additional Members of Parliament 1069, 1070 

Index 1071-1151 

Of France and of Navarre 




James Stuart. King James I., of England . . Frontispiece Vol. I. 
From Thomas Woolnoth's engraving of the original portrait by Van- 

Maurice of Nassau, Prince of Orange iv 

From Bernardi's engraving of the painting by Michel Mirevelt. 

Philip III., King of Spain xviii 

From Ogborne's engraving of the original portrait by Boizet. 
Henry of Bourbon. King Henry IV., of France and of Navarre . . xxx 
From an etching by E. Boilvin published in Lettres Intimes de Henry 
IV. par L. Dussieu. 

Elizabeth Tudor. Queen Elizabeth of England 1 

From W. Holl's engraving of the original portrait in Her Majesty's 
collection at St. James's Palace. 

George Abbot, Archbishop of Canterbury 10 

From the engraving in Lodge's Portraits. 

William Alexander, first Earl of Stirling 20 

From William Marshall's engraving prefixed to " Recreations with the 
Mvses, 1637." 

Thomas Arundell, first Baron Arundell 30 

From the engraving by Richard Cooper of a miniature in the possession 
of the Right Honorable Lord Arundell. 

Sir Roger Ashton, or Aston 40 

From the engraving, published in 1800 by Cadell & Davies, on the 
Strand, London, of his monument in St. Dunstan's Church, Cranford 
Parish, Middlesex, England. 

Walter Aston, first Baron Aston 50 

From the engraving in Lodge's Portraits. 

Francis Bacon, first Viscount St. Albans . 60 

From H. Wright Smith's engraving of the old print by Simon Pass. 

Sir George Barnes 70 

From his portrait in the picture of the delivery of the charter of Bride- 
well to him, as Lord Mayor, by Edward VI., in 1553. 

Henry Brooke, eighth Lord Cobham 80 

From the engraving published by W. J. White, 14 Brownlow Street, 

Sebastian Cabot 90 

From S. Rawle's engraving of the original in the possession of Charles 
Joseph Harford, Esq., in 1823. 


Sir Julius Caesar 100 

From the engraving in Lodge's Life of Sir Julius Csesar, London, 

George Calvert, first Baron Baltimore 110 

From an engraving of the painting hy My tens in the Earl of Verulam's 
gallery at Gorhambury. 

George Carew, first Earl of Totness 120 

From the engraving published May 20, 1806, by J. Scott, on the Strand, 

Henry Carey, or Cary, first Viscount Falkland 130 

From J. Brown's engraving of G. P. Harding's drawing of the original 
painting by Vansomer, formerly at Strawberry Hill. 

Robert Carey, or Cary, first Earl of Monmouth 140 

From J. Stow's engraving of a drawing in the possession of Mr. G. P. 
Harding in 1815. 

Captain Christopher Carleill, or Carlile 160 

From the engraving in Holland's Heroologia Anglia. 

Dudley Carleton, first Baron Carleton 170 

From the engraving of the portrait by Rivers, published by J. Scott, on 
the Strand, London, in 1807. 

Captain Thomas Cavendish, or Candish 180 

From a copperplate engraving in H. Holland's Heroologia, Arnheim, 
1620, p. 89. 

William Cavendish, first Earl of Devonshire 200 

From the engraving of Gardiner's drawing of the original painting at 
Hard wick. 

Edward Cecil, first Viscount Wimbledon 210 

From an old engraving. 

Robert Cecil, first Earl of Salisbury 220 

From J. Cochran's engraving of the portrait by Zucchero in the col- 
lection of the Right Honorable the Earl of Salisbury in 1836. 

Thomas Cecil, first Earl of Exeter 230 

From H. Meyer's engraving of the original by Marc Gheeraerts, in 
the possession of the Most Noble the Marquis of Exeter, 1828. 

William Cecil, first Baron Burghley 240 

From W. Freeman's engraving of the original by Marc Gheeraerts, in 
the collection of the Most Noble the Marquis of Exeter, in 1829. 

Sir Thomas Chaloner ; 250 

From the engraving of his monument at Chiswick in Middlesex, pub- 
lished by Robert Wilkinson, Cornhill, London, 1812. 

George Clifford, third Earl of Cumberland 260 

From the engraving published by W. Richardson, Castle Street, 
Leicester Fields. 

Francis Cottington, first Baron Cottington 270 

From the engraving in Lodge's Portraits of the painting by Van- 

Sir Robert Bruce Cotton 280 

From J. Tookey's engraving of the original painting of 1629 by C. 
Johnson (Jansen, Janssen, Janssens). 

Thomas Coventry, first Baron Coventry 290 

From an old engraving of the original painting by C. Jansen. 


Lionel Cranfield, first Earl of Middlesex 300 

From W. Finden's engraving of the original of Myten's in the collec- 
tion of His Grace the Duke of Dorset, 1830. 

Sir John Danvers, or Da vers 310 

From an old engraving of " a fine and curious drawing in the collection 
of Robert Stearne Tighe, Esq." 

Dr. John Dee 320 

From the engraving by Scheneker, published by T. Cadell, Strand, 
London, 1792. 

John Digby, first Earl of Bristol 330 

From an old engraving. 

Sir Dudley Digges 340 

From C. Turner's engraving of a drawing by Harding after the orig- 
inal in the collection of William Hammond, Esq., at St. Albans's 
Court, 1813. 

Sir Francis Drake 350 

From a copperplate engraving in H. Holland's Heroologia, Arnheim, 
1620, p. 105. 

Michael Drayton, poet 360 

From W. Hole's engraving issued as a Frontispiece to his works in 

Sir Robert Dudley 370 

From J. Brown's engraving of 6. F. Harding's drawing from the orig- 
inal miniature by N. Milliard, in the collection of Lord de Lisle and 

Thomas Egerton, first Baron Ellesmere 380 

From the engraving published by W. Richardson, Castle Street, 
Leicester Square, in 1794. 
Eiatintomino. Portrait in the engraved heading to CCCXLII. . . . 760 

John Eldred, merchant 390 

From the engraving published by the Society of Antiquaries of Lon- 
don in 1806. 

Rev. Nicholas Ferrar 400 

From P. W. Tomkins's engraving of the original painting by C. John- 
son, 1791. 

Sir Martin Frobisher 410 

From S. A. Schoff's engraving of the portrait in Holland's Heroologia 
Anglia, published in the N. E. Hist, and Gen. Register, January, 

Sir Humphrey Gilbert 420 

From the engraving published by E. Harding, Pall Mall, London, in 

Count De Gondomar 430 

From Ben Damman's engraving of the original portrait by Mytens at 
Hampton Court, published in Life of Lord Herbert of Cherbury, 
by Sidney L. Lee. By permission of John C. Nimmo, publisher. 

Rev. William Gouge, D. D 440 

From his engraved portrait by John Dunstall. 

Sir Richard Grenville 450 

From the engraving published by E. Harding, Pall Mall, London, in 


Fulke Greville, first Baron Brooke 460 

From the engraving by J. Jenkins of the original in the collection of 
the Right Honorable Lord Willoughby De Broke, 1825. 
John Harington, or Harrington, first Baron Harrington .... 470 

From an old engraving of " an original by Isaac Oliver." 
Lucy Harxngton, or Harrington, Countess of Bedford 480 

From H. T. Ryall's engraving of the original of Honthorst in the col- 
lection of His Grace the Duke of Bedford, in 1835. 
Henry Hastings, fifth Earl of Huntingdon 490 

From the engraving published by W. Richardson, Strand, London, 
Sir Edward Coke, Chief Justice 490 

From Barratt's engraving of an original published by Harrison & Co., 
London, 1795. 
Rev. Samuel Purchas 490 

From an engraving by H. R. Cook. 
Sir John Hawkins 500 

From an engraving of the bas-relief, a photograph of which is given in 
the Hakluyt Society's edition of the Hawkins Voyages. 
James Hay, first Earl of Carlisle 510 

From an old engraving. 
Sir John Hayward, or Haiward 520 

From his engraved portrait by W. Pass, in his Life of Edward VI. 
Robert Heath, Esq.," Chief Justice 530 

From Richard Sawyer's etching of the painting by W. Hollar. 
Philip Herbert, first Earl of Montgomery 540 

From E. Scriven's engraving of the original of Vandyke in the collec- 
tion of the Right Honorable the Earl of Pembroke, 1828. 
William Herbert, third Earl of Pembroke 550 

From H. T. Ryall's engraving of the original of Vandyke in the col- 
lection of the Right Honorable the Earl of Pembroke, 1836. 
Sir William Hericke, or Herrick 660 

From an old engraving. 
Sir Henry Hobart, Baronet 570 

From his engraved portrait by Simon Pass, prefixed to his Law Re- 
Henry Howard, first Earl of Northampton 580 

From H. Robinson's engraving of the original of Zucchero in the col- 
lection of the Right Honorable the Earl of Carlisle in 1834. 
Thomas Howard, first Earl of Suffolk 590 

From his engraved portrait by R. Elstracke. 
Richard Humble, Esq 610 

From the engraving of his monument effigy in St. Mary Overies. 
William Knollys, first Earl of Banbury 620 

From the engraving published by W. Richardson, Strand, London, 
Nicholas Leate, or Leake, merchant 630 

From the very rare engraved portrait by Jo. Payne. 
Richard Martin, Esq 640 

From the very rare engraved portrait by Simon Pass. 
Matahan. Portrait in the engraved heading to CCCXLII 760 


Henry Montague, first Earl of Manchester 650 

From an old engraving. 

James Montague, Bishop of Bath and Wells 660 

From an old engraving. 
George Mountaine, or Montaigne, Archbishop of York .... 670 
From an old engraving. 

Sir Henry Neville 680 

From W. N. Gardiner's engraving of S. Harding's drawing " F jm an 
original picture in the collection of Richard Aldworth Nevi' Esq.," 

Sir John Ogle 690 

From an old engraving. 

Captain George Percy 700 

From an engraving of a portrait belonging to the Virginia Historical 
Society at Richmond. 

Pocahontas 710 

From a photograph of the original painting of 1616. 

John Poulett, or Pawlet, first Baron Poulett 720 

From the engraving of E. Harding. 

Sir Walter Ralegh 730 

From Stalker's engraving, published by I. Stockdale, Piccadilly, Lon- 
don, 1812. 

Henry Rich, first Earl of Holland 740 

From John Godefroy's engraving of the painting by Samuel Cooper. 

Robert Rich, second Earl of Warwick 750 

From H. Robinson's engraving of " the original of Vandyke in the col- 
lection of the Right Honorable the Earl of Hardwicke," 1827. 

Sir Thomas Roe 770 

From an old engraving. 

Margaret Russell-Clifford, Countess of Cumberland 790 

From an old engraving of the original painting at Gorhambury. 

Edward Sackville, fourth Earl of Dorset 800 

From the engraving published by W. Richardson, Strand, London, 1800. 

Richard Sackville, third Earl of Dorset 810 

From an old engraving. 

George Sandys, Esq 820 

From W. Raddon's engraving of the drawing by G. Clint, A. R. A., 
" from the original in the collection of the Marchioness of Down- 
shire," 1823. 

Sir John Scott 830 

From Zucchero's engraving of the original painting in Scott's Hall, 
published in Memorials of the Scotts of Scot's Hall, by James 
Renant Scott, F. S. A. 

John Selden, Esq 840 

From W. Holl's engraving of the original of Mytens, in the Bodleian 
Library, Oxford, in 1829. 

Edmond Sheffield, first Earl of Mulgrave 850 

From T. Berry's engraving of the print by Elstracke. 

Mary Sidney, Countess of Pembroke 860 

From the engraving in Lodge's Portraits from the original of Marc 


Sir Philip Sidney 870 

From E. Scriven's engraving of the original of Sir Antonio More in the 
collection of His Grace the Duke of Bedford, in 1823. 

Robert Sidney, first Earl of Leicester 880 

From an engraving in the Antiquarian Repertory of 1807. 

Captain John Smith 890 

From an old engraving. 
Sir Thomas Smith, or Smythe, first treasurer Virginia Company . . 900 
From the engraving published by W. Richardson, York House, Strand, 
London, 1797. 

Sir George Somers 910 

From the engraving of the original of Vansomer, published by General 
Lefroy in the Hakluyt Society Volume, 1882. 

Robert Spencer, first Baron Spencer 920 

From W. Skelton's engraving of the drawing by T. Uwins from the 
original in the possession of Earl Spencer, at Althorp. 

Anne Stuart. Queen of England 930 

From Ben Damman's engraving published in the Life of Lord Her- 
bert of Cherbury, by Sidney L. Lee. By permission of John C. 
Nimmo, publisher. 
Charles Stuart. Prince, afterward Charles L, of England .... 940 

From Richard Cooper's engraving of the rare print by Delaram. 
Elizabeth Stuart, Queen of Bohemia. From whom the present 

royal line of Great Britain 950 

From the engraving by T. A. Dean of the original of Honthorst, in the 
collection of the Right Honorable the Earl of Craven, 1826. 

Henry Stuart, Prince of Wales 960 

From the engraving by W. Finden of the original of Mytens, in the 
collection of His Grace the Duke of Dorset, 1830. 

Gilbert Talbot, seventh Earl of Shrewsbury 970 

From an old engraving of " an Original Picture in the possession of 
Mr. Clarke," 1788. 

Horace Vere, first Baron Vere 980 

From an engraving of the portrait by Cornelius Jansen, owned by 
Marquis Townshend. 

Sir William Waad, or Wade 990 

From an old engraving. 

Sir Francis Walsingham 1000 

From Richard Cooper's engraving of the original painting by Zuc- 

Thomas West, third Baron Delaware 1010 

From Hall's engraving of a photograph of the original painting by 
Hilliard, in the collection of the present Earl de la Warr, at Buck- 
hurst Park, published in the Mag. of Am. Hist., N. Y., January, 

John Whitson, Mayor of Bristol 1020 

From E. Scriven's engraving of the drawing by Eliz. Eden, from the 
original picture in possession of the corporation of Bristol, England. 

Sir Ralph Winwood 1030 

From George Vertue's engraving of the original painting by Miere- 
velde (Mierevelt, Mirevelt). 


Sib Henry Wotton 1040 

From J. Cochran's engraving of the original of Cornelius Jansen, in 
the Bodleian Gallery, Oxford, 1835. 

Henry Wriothesley, third Earl of Southampton ....... 1050 

From S. Freeman's engraving of the original of Mirevelt, in the col- 
lection of His Grace the Duke of Bedford, 1830. 

Edward Zouche, eleventh Baron Zouche 1060 

From an old engraving. 


A View of London in 1616 Frontispiece Vol. II. 

After the unique original by Visscher, preserved in the British Mu- 

Seal of His Majesty's Council of Virginia 57 

Outline drawing of North America 80 

Tindall's Chart of James River. XLVI. (1608) 150 

Chart of Virginia. LVII. (1608) 184 

Plan of St. George's Fort. LVIII. (1607) 190 

Map of North America, Atlantic coast. CLVHI. (1610) 456 

Smith's Map of Virginia. CCXLII. (1612) 596 

Smith's drawing of Old Virginia. CCXLIH 596 

The engraved heading to " A Declaration for the Lottery." CCCXLII. 760 

Smith's Map of New England. CCCLIV. (1616) 780 

never been published before. 


" Nova Britannia." LXVIII 241 

Sermon by Symonds. LXXXVI 283 

Good Speed to Virginia. LXXXIX 294 

Saules Prohibition. XCIX 312 

News from Virginia. CXXXVIH 420 

The New Life of Virginia. CCX. 559 


Samuel Argall 816 

Timothie Batherst 826 

George Bolles 831 

George Calvert 842 

William Canning 842 

George, Lord Carew 843 

Robert Cecil 850 

Thomas Coventry 866 

Rawly Crashaw 867 

Thomas Dale 874 

John Delbridge 876 

Francis Drake 881 

John Dyke 883 

Richard Edwards 884 

Martin Frobisher 893 


Thomas Gates 896 

Thomas Gresham 905 

Richard Hakluyt, preacher 908 

Christopher Hatton 915 

(James Hay) Carlile 918 

Thomas Hewytt 922 

John Hyde (or Hide) 923 

Lewes Hughes 929 

Thomas Jadwyn 931 

Robert Johnson 932 

Marie (de Medici) 945 

(Henry Montague) H. Manchester 952 

John Ogle 959 

William Palmer , . 96O 

Giles Parslo 9g2 

Edmond Piershall %2 

George Percy 964 

John Popham 969 

John Pory 971 

John Radcliffe 978 

Nathaniel Rich 980 

Robert Rich 980 

Robert Rich, second Earl of Warwick 982 

Thomas Roe 986 

William Romeny 987 

(Margaret Russell) M. Cumberland 988 

Edwin Sandys 994 

Edmond Sheffield 999 

John Smith 1010 

Robert Smyth 1011 

Thomas Smythe 1018 

George Somers 1019 

Stephen Sparrow 1020 

Henry Spelman (Sir Henry) 1021 

William Strachey 1024 

Gilbert (Talbot, Earl of) Shrewsbury 1030 

Daniel Tucker 1033 

George Tucker 1034 

William Waade 1040 

Thomas (West, Lord de) la Warr 1049 

Ferd Wenman (Weynman, etc.) 1049 

JohnWhitson 1053 

Danyel Winche 1054 

JohnWoodall 1059 

Edward, Lord Zouche 1067 

John Zowche (Zouche) 1067 




In order to form correct ideas of the motives which gov- 
erned the Virginia companies, and to know what guides 
they had to go by when they undertook to plant colonies 
in America, it is necessary to ascertain what had been done 
in matters of this nature prior to 1606. I have made a 
study of what was done in naval affairs, discovery, com- 
merce, and colonization from 1470 to 1605, and have com- 
piled 1 an extended chronological list of sundry events coming 
under these heads. This list is entirely too long for use 
in this work, and I must content myself with extracts 
therefrom as brief as possible consistent with the object in 
view. While I shall relieve the reader's mind from the 
burden of much foreign matter, confining myself quite 
closely to the acts of Englishmen, he must remember that 
English statesmen like Walsingham and Cecil, geographers 
like Hakluyt, and merchants like Gresham kept themselves 
thoroughly informed regarding all foreign commercial 
affairs, discoveries, etc., and of course foreign publications 
were also accessible to Englishmen. 

The Wars of the Roses ended on Bos worth Field Au- 
gust 22, 1485. The union of the Roses was effected in 
the marriage of Henry VII. with the Princess Elizabeth, 
daughter of Edward IV., January 18, 1486, and England, 
for the first time in thirty years, freed from internal strife, 

1 From contemporary authorities in lie and private collections at home and 
print and MS. still preserved in pub- abroad. 


was able to take her position in the line of the world's 
progress. John Cabot was sent to America, and charters 
for discovery and colonization were granted to him and his 
sons, and also to Richard Warde, Thomas Ashhurst, Hugh 
Eliot, Nicholas . Thorne the elder, and others ; but these 
charters, in order to be " without prejudice to Spain and 
Portugal," * could not extend south of 44° north latitude, 
and thus the English were confined in the New World to a 
region too cold and desolate to encourage settlement. 

Henry VII. died April 21, 1509, and was succeeded by 
Henry VIII., whose reign marks a transition period in the 
history of England of the greatest interest and importance. 
His contentions with the popes of Rome were instrumental 
in establishing the Church of England, in creating a disre- 
gard for the papal bulls relating to America, and finally in 
establishing English colonies in America. 

Henry VIII. laid the foundation of the English navy as 
a distinct service. The Royal Dock at Deptford was estab- 
lished by him about the beginning of his reign; the old 
naval storehouse there was erected by him in 1513. In 1512 
the Trinity House was founded by Captain Thomas Spert, 
as an " Association for piloting ships." It was incorpo- 
rated in 1514. The most remarkable publication of this 
reign having a bearing on America was Sir Thomas More's 
" Utopia." And the most notable voyage was the expedition 
of Master Robert Hore of London to Newfoundland, April 
to October, 1536, in two ships with Armigil Wade, Oliver 
Dawbeney, merchant of London, M. Joy, M. Weekes, M. 
Thomas Buts, M. Tucke, M. Tuckfield, M. Hardie, M. 
Biron, M. Carter, M. Wright, M. Rastel, M. Ridley, with 
sixteen other gentlemen and ninety others, sailors, etc. 

Henry VIII. died January 28, 1547, and was succeeded 
by his son, Edward VI., who began to establish Protestant- 

1 See letter of January 21, 1496, the Papal Bulls to divide between 

from Doctor de Puebla to Ferdinand Spain and Portugal, by a north and 

and Isabella of Spain, and their reply south line, only the new discoveries 

of March 28, following. I understand " west and south " of Spain. 


ism in England and to look out for new lands, regardless of 
the bulls of the popes of Rome. He recalled Sebastian 
Cabot from Spain, and under his leadership that great asso- 
ciation was formed in England called " The Mysterie and 
Companie of the Merchant Adventurers for discoverie of 
Regions, Dominions, Islands, and Places unknown." It 
was to a certain extent a reissuance to a company of the 
Cabot charter of 1496 ; but this charter did not regard the 
bounds as fixed by the Pope, as the Cabot charter did. 
Discoveries were not confined to " North, east, and west of 
England." The leading men in the enterprise were Sir 
George Barnes and Sir William Gerrard. The descendants 
of very many of the founders of this company were after- 
wards interested in planting colonies in America. 

Edward VI. died July 6, 1553, and was succeeded by 
Queen Mary, who reestablished Romanism in England. She 
married Philip II. of Spain July 25, 1554, and July 6, 
1555, Philip and Mary granted a second charter to the Mer- 
chant Adventurers, confining them to the north, northeast, 
and northwestward of England, thus respecting the Spanish 
claims more fully than the Cabot grant of 1496 had done. 
In this reign many English merchants visited, inspected, 
and gained a knowledge of King Philip's possessions in 
America. In 1555 Richard Eden published his " Decades 
of the Newe Worlde or West India," which is the first pub- 
lished collection of voyages in English. It is dedicated to 
" Philip, King of England and Spain." 

Queen Mary died November 17, 1558, and was succeeded 
by Queen Elizabeth. 

The reigns of the sovereigns of England from 1485 to 
1558 may be studied only as having a bearing on our his- 
tory. America south of 44° north latitude was really con- 
ceded to Spain, and before Elizabeth ascended the throne of 
England the Spaniards had explored our coasts, 1 east and 
west, and had traversed a large part of our present territory. 
But under Elizabeth the embryo took shape, and her reign 

1 See The Narrative and Critical History of America,, vol. ii. 


must be studied closely as the direct introduction to our 

Elizabeth at once took issue with the Pope in her first 
Parliament (1559), a bill was passed which vested in the 
crown of England the supremacy claimed by the Pope of 
Rome, the mass was abolished, and the Protestant religion 

May, 1562, Captain Jean Ribault, who had been sent 
by Admiral Coligny, determined to lay the foundation of 
the first Huguenot colony in North America at Port Royal 
(South Carolina). 

October, 1562, Captain John Hawkins sailed from Eng- 
land on his first voyage to the West Indies, and in Sep- 
tember, 1563, they returned to England with accounts of 
their voyage. 

Leaving his colony in America Captain Ribault returned 
to France, but early in 1563 he was obliged to take refuge 
in England, and soon after his arrival there was published 
in London his account of Terra Florida (the flourishing 
land), on May 30, 1563. 

Some time before June 30, 1563, the celebrated Captain 
Thomas Stukely proposed to settle his province in Terra 

The French colonists left by Ribault at Charles Fort 
(Carolina), compelled by distress to abandon the country, 
landed in England in the fall of 1563. 

April 22, 1564, Coligny sent a second colony of Hugue- 
nots under Captain Rene de Laudonniere, who settled on 
St. John's River, Florida. In October, 1564, Captain John 
Hawkins sailed from England on his second voyage to 
Guinea and the West Indies, set forth by the Earl of Pem- 
broke, the Lord Robert Dudley, the Lord Admiral Clin- 
ton, Sir William Cecil, Sir William Gerrard, Sir William 
Chester, Sir Thomas Lodge, Benjamin Gonson, Edward 
Castlyn, John Hawkins, and William Winter. This expedi- 
tion passed along the whole coast of Florida, and on the 3d 
of August, 1565, relieved the Huguenots at Fort Caroline. 


Thence they sailed "along the whole extent of our east 
coast," via Newfoundland, and reached England in Septem- 
ber, 1565. The next month the Huguenots, Laudonniere, 
Le Moine, Challeux, and others who had escaped massacre 
by the Spaniards in Florida, landed in Wales. Hawkins and 
his men gave a lively description of Florida, its products, 
soil, climate, etc. They brought to England samples of 
tobacco, potatoes, and other products. The Huguenots told 
the English of the destruction of the Protestant colony in 
America. They were able to give a general idea of the 
country which now is Florida, Georgia, and Carolina. 
Laudonniere, Challeux, and Le Moine each wrote accounts 
which were afterwards published. Challeux's account was 
published in England in 1566. Le Moine, the painter, who 
was commissioned by Coligny to make a description and map 
of the country with drawings of all curious objects, etc., 
remained in England, under the patronage and consulted 
by the Gilberts, Ralegh, the Sidneys, and others. He died 
in England about 1587, and not long before his death he 
published "La Clef des Champs, pour trouver plusieurs 
Animaux, tant Bestes qu'Oyseaux, avec plusieurs Fleurs & 
Fruits. Anno 1586," which is dedicated to Madame Sid- 
ney (Sir Philip's mother) by her very affectionate servant, 
the author. The relations of the returning Huguenots of 
1563 and 1565, and of Hawkins and his men, planted a 
determination in the minds of a few Englishmen to possess 
at least a portion of that country. This plant may have 
grown slowly at times, but evidently it continued to grow. 

November 17, 1566, a bill passed Parliament defining 
and increasing the privileges, etc., of the Merchant Adven- 
turers of 1555, and changing their name to " The Fellow- 
ship of English Merchants for Discovery of New Trades." 
Some time before November, 1566, Humphrey Gilbert peti- 
tioned Queen Elizabeth for privileges for himself and his 
two brothers to discover the northeast passage to Cathay, 
and soon after this date he petitioned the queen for privi- 
leges for himself and "the heirs of Otes Gylberte," for 


discoveries to the northwest. On January 24, 1567, Sir 
William Gerrard and Alderman Rowland Haiwarde, as the 
representatives of the Merchant Adventurers, wrote to Sec- 
retary Cecil in regard to Gilbert's second petition. 

October 2, 1567, Captain John Hawkins sailed from 
Plymouth on his third voyage with six vessels. Among the 
officers were Captain John Hampton, Captain Thomas 
Bolton, Master Francis Drake, and Master Robert Barret. 

On September 23 or 24, 1568, Hawkins lost three of his 
ships in a memorable fight with the Spaniards at " San 
Juan d'Ulua" (Vera Cruz). October 8th he was forced 
to set ashore north of the bay of Tampico, Mexico, 114 of 
his men. Three of these, David Ingram, Richard Brown, 
and Richard Twide, marched northward, and within twelve 
months, having evidently traversed a great part of the pres- 
ent United States, they reached the Atlantic coast about 
fifty leagues from Cape Breton, where they found a French 
vessel which carried them to England " anno 1568." About 
seventy of these men marched westward into Mexico under 
the command of Anthony Goddard. Among these were 
Miles Phillips and Job Hortop, who afterwards published 
accounts of their travels. Merchants kept themselves well 
informed as to what was going on in the world, but this 
information, for business reasons, was seldom given to the 
public. However, in this instance we know that, in less 
than forty days after the disaster of September 24 at Vera 
Cruz, the news had been given to Benedict Spinola, a mer- 
chant of London, who reported to Admiral William Win- 
ter, and he notified Master William Hawkins, who wrote 
to Secretary Cecil about the report on December 3, 1568. 
Just before this letter was written several Spanish ships 
laden with treasure, being chased in the Channel by men- 
of-war belonging to the Prince of Conde, were compelled 
to sail into the harbors on the south coast of England for 
safety. So William Hawkins begged Cecil "to advertise 
the Queen thereof, to the end there might be some stay 
made of King Philip's treasure here in these partes, till 


there be sufficient recompens made for the great wrong 
offered " his brother at Vera Cruz. And Cecil decided " to 
stay this treasure " in England for a time. These incidents 
produced a rupture with Spain which was not healed. " All 
the materials for an explosion had long been accumulating, 
and nothing but a spark was necessary to fire the train." 1 
The spark kindled in Mexico at the City of the True Cross 
had a wonderful influence on the destiny of North America. 

In January, 1569, in the midst of the bitter contention 
over " King Philip's treasure," which had been " stayed " 
on his account, Captain John Hawkins reached England, 
and his report of the events of his voyage widened the 
breach between England and Spain. America was thence- 
forward an important object in the great struggle between 
Protestantism and Romanism. 

In the spring of 1569 England was repairing her sea- 
ports. In the autumn of the same year there was a rising 
of the Roman Catholics in the North of England. 

" On the morning of the 15th of May, 1570, the Bull 
declaring Elizabeth deposed and her subjects absolved from 
their allegiance was found nailed against the Bishop of 
London's door." 2 

On the 25th of August, 1572, the great massacre on St. 
Bartholomew's day took place in France, and the house of 
the English ambassador (Francis Walsingham) in Paris was 
a place of refuge for the Huguenots. 

In 1574 most of the Englishmen set on shore in Mexico 
by Hawkins in October, 1568, were sentenced by the Holy 
Office, and these men were the performers at the celebration 
of the first Auto-da-fe" in the New World. 3 Sixty-eight 
were punished with stripes and imprisonment in the galleys, 
and three were burnt to ashes. 

March 22, 1574, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, Sir George Peck- 

1 Burgon's Life and Times of Sir T. 8 See Bernard Quaritch's Rough 
Gresham, vol. ii. p. 277. List, No. 87, January, 1888, item 134 ; 

2 Froude's History of England, vol. also the narrative of Miles Philips in 
x. p. 59. Hakluyt. 


ham, Mr. Christopher Carlile, Sir Richard Grenville, and 
others petitioned Queen Elizabeth to allow of an enterprise 
for discovery of sundry rich and unknown lands " fatally 
reserved for England and for the honor of your Majesty." 
Soon after this, and possibly as a result of this petition, 
Frobisher delivered a letter from Queen Elizabeth to the 
Muscovy company, urging them to make discoveries or else 
to grant their license to others. The company returned 
an unfavorable reply, but in December following Frobisher 
procured a second letter from the queen, "requiring the 
company either to attempt the matter themselves or to 
grant licence to another to do it by the northwestward." * 
The company granted the desired license on February 3, 
1575, but " the enterprise was stayed this year for lack of 
Money." 1 Frobisher made his first voyage to the north- 
west under this license, June to October, 1576 ; the second, 
May to September, 1577 ; and the third May to October, 
1578. These voyages were sent out by a stock company 
composed of more than ninety English people of means 
who were then interested in advancing foreign discoveries 
and commerce. Of these Julius Caesar, Michael Lock, 
Mrs. Mary Sidney, Richard Martin, and probably others ; 
and the heirs of m&st of them were interested in establish- 
ing the colonies in America in 1605-1616. 

November 6, 1577, some one presented the queen with 
" A discourse how Her Majesty may annoy the Kinge of 
Spaine by fitting out a fleet of shippes of war under pre- 
tence of Letters Patent, to discover and inhabit strange 
places, with special proviso, for their safeties whom policy 
requires to have most annoyed — by which means the doing 
the contrary shall be imputed to the executor's fault ; your 
Highness's letters patent being a manifest show that it was 
not your Majesty's pleasure so to have it," etc. Under this 
plan the writer offers to destroy the great Spanish fleets 
which went every year to the banks of Newfoundland for 
the fish for their fasting days, and continues : " If you will 

1 Cal. of State Papers, Colonial, East Indies, 1513-1616, pp. 12, 13. 


let us first do this we will next take the West Indies from 
Spain. You will have the gold and silver mines and the 
profit of the soil. You will be monarch of the seas and out 
of danger from every one. I will do it if you will allow 
me ; only you must resolve and not delay or dally — the 
wings of man's life are plumed with the feathers of death." x 
This remarkable document is not signed. On the day that 
it was written Sir Humphrey Gilbert had a consultation with 
Dr. Dee at Mortlake. The same idea of " reading between 
the lines " will be found in Gilbert's letter to Cecil from Tre- 
gouse September 7, 1572, and in several other letters of his. 2 

January 7, 1578, England and the United Netherlands 
made a treaty for the mutual support of each other against 
the then exorbitant power of Spain. 

June 11, 1578, Elizabeth granted letters-patent to Sir 
Humphrey Gilbert, his heirs or assigns, for the inhabiting 
and planting an English colony in America, with " special 
proviso" that there shall be no robbing "by sea or by 
land," etc. In the fall Gilbert sailed for America with 
seven ships and 350 men ; but all the fleet was forced to 
return within a short time save the Falcon, commanded by 
Captain Walter Ralegh. 

Early in 1579 Gilbert was preparing to sail again for 
America in " a puissant fleet, able to encounter a king's 
power by sea ; " but Ralegh had already had a dangerous 
sea-fight with the Spaniards and other complications had 
arisen, so the English council ordered Gilbert to " stay " 
until these matters were settled. 

In September, 1580, Drake returned to England from 
his voyage round the world, and the Spanish minister in 
England demanded that the treasure taken by him from 
Spaniards should be returned to Spain. The English 
government in their answer made this important declara- 
tion : " That they could not acknowledge the Spanish right 
to all that country, either by donation from the Pope or 

1 State Papers, Domestic, Eliz. 2 See Froude's Hist, of England, vol. 

x. p. 417, note. 


from their having touched here and there upon those coasts, 
built cottages, and given names to a few places ; that this 
by the law of nations could not hinder other princes from 
freely navigating those seas and transporting colonies to 
those parts where the Spaniards do not inhabit ; that pre- 
scription without possession availed nothing." 

Captain Edward Fenton's voyage, June, 1582, to May, 

July 16, 1582, Sir George Peckham had a consultation 
with Dr. John Dee " to know the tytle for Norombega in 
respect of Spain and Portugall parting the whole World's 
destilleryes." ! 

August and September, 1582, Sir Francis Walsingham, 
Sir George Peckham, Captain Christopher Carlisle, and 
divers others of good judgment and credit examined David 
Ingram as to America to the southwest of Cape Breton. 
They also examined the reports of " Vererzamis, Jacques 
Cartier, John Barros (Johann Baros), Andrew Thevett, and 
John Walker ; with the last three Sir Humphrey Gilbert did 
confer in person." 2 

November 2, articles of agreement indented between 
Sir H. Gilbert and such as adventure with him touching 
new lands to be discovered or conquered by him. 3 

November 6, report or prospectus for the voyage of 
discovery to be undertaken by Sir H. Gilbert, the nature 
of the country and the advantage of its trade, and a detail 
of early voyages of discovery in America and Canada. 4 

November. Master Thomas Aldworth, merchant of Bris- 
tol, wrote to Walsingham that he had a good inclination to 
the western discovery. 5 

February 7, 1583, while the arrangements for his voy- 
age were in progress Gilbert wrote to Walsingham, " touch- 
ing the queen's desire for him to stay at home," etc. 6 

1 Dee's Diary. 8 State Papers, Domestic, Eliz. 

2 Royal Hist. MS. Com. Report, ii. p. 4 Ibid. 

45. MS. of Lord Calthorpe. See also 5 Hakluyt, vol. iii. 

Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 6 State Papers, Domestic, Eliz. 


Archbishop of Canterbury 


March 11, 1583, Walsingham wrote to Aldworth com- 
mending his good inclination to the western discovery ; 
and on the same day wrote also to the Rev. Richard Hak- 
luyt, " encouraging him to publish about discoveries in the 
western parts," etc. 1 

March 17, Ralegh wrote to Gilbert, telling him : " I 
have sent you a token from her Majesty, an ancor guided 
by a lady," and further conveying her Majesty's good 
wishes for the success of his voyage, etc. 2 

March 27, Aldworth replied to Walsingham concerning 
a western voyage intended for the discovery of the coast of 
America lying to the southwest of Cape Breton, telling him 
the merchants of Bristol had subscribed the sum of 1,000 
marks and upward, propose to send two vessels, to be left 
in the country under the government of Captain Carlisle 
if agreeable, etc. 3 

In April Captain Carleil issued " A discourse upon the 
intended voyage to the hithermoste parts of America," 4 to 
induce the merchants of London to contribute thereto. 
In reply to this discourse the Merchant Adventurers ap- 
pointed Alderman Hart, Messrs. Spencer, William Bur- 
rough, Christopher Hudson, William Towerson, Slanye, 
Stapers, Maye, John Castelin, and Nicholas Leake to con- 
ferre with M. Carlile, and this committee set down certain 
points to guide them in this intended conference, viz. : 
" That 100 men be conveyed thither to remain one whole 
year, who with friendly entreaty of the people may enter 
into the better knowledge of the country, and gather what 
commodities may be hereafter expected from it. The 
charges will amount to £4,000, the city of Bristol having 
very readily offered £1,000, the residue remains to be fur- 
nished by the city of London. Privileges to be procured 
by M. Carlile for the first adventurers; also terms upon 
which future settlers will be allowed to plant. In the 

1 Hakluyt, vol. iii. 8 Hakluyt, vol. iii. 

2 Life of Sir Walter Ralegh, by Ed- * Ibid, 
wards, vol. ii. p. 19. 


patent to be granted by the Queen liberty will be given to 
transport all contented to go." l 

May 20, 1583, George, Earl of Shrewsbury, agreed to 
adventure 100 marks with Carlile in this his intended dis- 
covery rather than it should fail, for his friend's sake, etc. 
(i. e., Walsingham's sake). 2 For some reason Carlile gave 
over his part in this voyage, but on June 11, 1583, Sir 
Humphrey Gilbert sailed from " Caushen Bay neere Plim- 
mouth " on his voyage to the west and northwest of Amer- 
ica with a fleet of five ships. They landed in Newfound- 
land August 4, and the next day took possession in the right 
of the crowne of England. August 20 they sailed toward 
the southwest of Cape Breton. August 29 one of the ves- 
sels was wrecked on Sable Island. August 31 Gilbert sailed 
homeward, and at midnight September 9 the lights of the 
little Squirrel went out forever. Sir Humphrey Gilbert and 
all in her were swallowed up by the sea. The Golden Hinde, 
Captain Edward Hayes, reached Falmouth September 22, 
1583. There was a long lingering hope in England that 
Gilbert had weathered the storm and would finally arrive 
safely in England. There were earnest appeals for coloni- 
zation and it was proposed to make another attempt under 
Gilbert's patent. 

While the foregoing voyage of Gilbert's was under way, 
there was another American venture on the tapis, and it is 
not always easy to assign the contemporary references to 
these voyages accurately. January 23, 1583, Secretary 
Walsingham, Mr. Adrian Gilbert and Dr. John Dee talk 
over the northwest straits discovery. The next day the 
above together with John Davis and Mr. Beale have a 
secret conference on the same subject. March 6, Dr. Dee, 
Mr. Adrian Gilbert, John Davis, Mr. Alderman Barnes, 
Mr. Towerson, Mr. Young, and Mr. Hudson continue the 
conference about the northwest voyage. 3 

1 State Papers, Colonial, 1574-1660. • Dr. Dee's Diary. 

2 Illus. of Brit. Hist., Lodge, vol. ii. 
pp. 241, 243. 


June, 1583, heads of the grant to Adrian Gilbert to 
discover and settle the northerly part of Atlantis called 
JSfovus Orbis, not inhabited or discovered by any Chris- 
tians hitherto but by him. The said Adrian Gilbert, John 
Dee, and John Davis to be exempt from all customs for- 
ever. 1 

February 6, 1584, the queen granted letters-patent to 
Master Adrian Gilbert, Walter Ralegh, Dr. John Dee, John 
Davis, William Sanderson, and others, for the search and 
discovery of the northwest passage to China. Captain John 
Davis made three voyages under this patent, the particulars 
of which it will not be necessary to give. 

March 25, 1584, after Gilbert's death was assured, the 
letters-patent for discovering and planting of new lands, 
etc., were regranted, with the same special proviso, to his 
half brother, Walter Ralegh, and on April 27 Philip 
Amadas and Arthur Barlow sailed from England, set forth 
at the charges of Ralegh, Sir Richard Greenville, Mr. Wil- 
liam Sanderson, and others. The expedition reached the 
present coast of North Carolina in July ; returned to Eng- 
land about the middle of September. They gave a glowing 
description of the land of " Wyngandacoia," and England's 
virgin queen named the land Virginia. 

December 14, 1584, the bill in confirmation of Ralegh's 
patent was read in the House of Commons the first time. 2 
In the afternoon it was read the second time and commit- 
ted to the vice-chancellor, Christopher Hatton, Secretary 
Walsingham, Sir Philip Sidney, Sir Francis Drake, Sir 
Richard Greenville, and others. December 17, the said 
bill without alterations was ordered to be engrossed. The 
next day it was read for the third time, when after many 
arguments and a proviso added it passed the House upon 
the question. December 19, the bill was read the first 
time in the House of Lords. It was drafted as " An Act 
for the confirmation of the Queen's Majesty's letters-patent 

1 State Papers, Domestic, Eliz. House were interested in American 

a At least twenty members of this colonization, 1606-1616. 


granted to Walter Raleigh Esquire, touching the discovery 
and inhabiting of certain foreign lands and countries." 
It recites the queen's desire for the spread of true religion 
and the increase of traffic in England, etc. 1 (Ralegh's name 
is spelled in six different ways in the draft and proviso.) 

April 9, 1585, " Sr Walter Rawle's " fleet of seven ves- 
sels sailed from Plymouth under the letters-patent of Eliza- 
beth, Queen of England, to take possession of a land claimed 
by Spain under the Bulls of the Popes of Rome. The fleet 
was commanded by Sir Richard Greenville, and among the 
other officers were Thomas Cavendish, M. John Arundell, 
Mr. Raymund, Mr. Stukely, Mr. Bremige, Mr. Vincent, 
Simon Ferdinando, Mr. Atkinson, Mr. Russell, Edward 
Gorges, Francis Brooke, Captain John Clarke, and others. 
Captain Ralph Lane, Philip Amidas, John White, Thomas 
Hariot, Edward Stafford, and about 103 others " were by 
agreement to remain in the colony one whole year at least." 2 
They reached the present coast of North Carolina in June. 
The history of this expedition is well known. Greenville 
on his return voyage, after some fighting, captured a Span- 
ish ship ; he reached England about October 29, 1585. 

June 20, 1585, Bernard Drake was commissioned to 
proceed to Newfoundland to warn the English fishing there 
of the troubles with Spain, etc. 3 

Sainte-Aldegonde's " pithie and most earneste exhortation 
to all Christian Kinges, Princes and Potentates to beware of 
Kinge Phillip's ambitious growinge," was printed in Eng- 
land prior to August, 1584, 4 and was probably received 
there with the respect due to the works of this celebrated 
man and reformer. In the summer of 1584 Sir Philip Sid- 
ney began to take an earnest interest in the American 

1 MSS. House of Lords. See Third 8 Cal. Stale Papers, Dom., 1581-1590, 
Report Royal Com. on Hist. MS., Ap- p. 246. 

pendix, p. 5. * See Haklnyt's Discourse on West- 

2 See the suggestion of the Merchant ern Planting, 1584. Maine Hist. Soc, 
Adventurers to Carlile under April, 1877. 



enterprises. 1 He was interested in Ralegh's voyage, but late 
in 1584 he projected an expedition on a much grander scale 
which was to be under the command of Sir Francis Drake 
and himself, assisted by the ablest officers of those martial 
times. " This scheme," says Fulke Greville, " was the ex- 
actest model Europe ever saw ; a conquest not to be enter- 
prised but by Sir Philip's reaching spirit that grasped all 
circumstances and interests." The idea was to check the 
dangerous power of Spain and Rome by attacking the Span- 
iards in America ; by subverting their government there 
and laying in its place an English Protestant settlement 
upon such a plan as it might become a durable establish- 
ment, and by degrees increase till it extended its power 
from ocean to ocean. 2 

April 7, 1585, Hakluyt wrote from Paris to Walsing- 
iiam a long letter, largely devoted to the war then waging 
in the Low Countries between Romanism and Protestantism ; 
a struggle which was continually shaping the destinies of 
the New World. In this letter Hakluyt also wrote : " The 
rumor of Sir Walter Rawle's fleet, and especially the prep- 
aration of Sir Francis Drake, doth so much vex the Span- 
iard and his fautors as nothing can do more." 

April 25, Queen Elizabeth was again excommunicated 
by Bull of Pius V. In July Elizabeth accepted the pro- 
tectorate of the Netherlands ; virtually accepting war with 
Spain. And Philip II. laid an embargo on all the vessels, 
men, and merchandise of England in the ports of Spain ; 
virtually declaring war with England. The fleet of Sid- 
ney and Drake was now ready to sail for the attack on the 
Spanish settlements in America, and to begin " the scheme 
in which Sir Philip had embarked a great part of his own 
fortune ; " but Elizabeth would not allow Sidney to go. 
She ordered him to the Netherlands, and therefore his idea 
was not fully carried out. 

August 6, 1585, Henry Talbot wrote to the Earl of 

1 One of the first letters from Vir- 2 See Life and Times of Sir Philip 
ginia, August 12, 1585, was written by Sidney, by S. M. D. Boston : Ticknor 
Layne to him. & Fields, 1859, pp. 244, 245. 


Shrewsbury : " Here are no speeches but of going either 
into Flanders, or else with Sir Francis Drake." ' The de- 
parture of the fleet was delayed from early in July to 
the middle of September (12 or 14) when it sailed under 
the command of Sir Francis Drake. It consisted of 
" five and twenty saile and 2,300 souldiers and sailers." 
The officers, who had been carefully selected for this 
very important enterprise by Sidney and Drake, were 
Lieutenant-General, Christopher Carlile ; Sergeant-Major, 
Anthony Powell ; Captains Matthew Morgan, John Samson, 
Anthony Plat, Edward Winter, John Goring, Robert Pen, 
George Barton, John Merchant, William Cecil, Walter 
Biggs, John Haman, and Richard Stanton ; Lieutenants 

Thomas Gates, Thomas Tucker, Alexander Starkey, 

Crofts, Escot, and Waterhouse and others, land 

officers. The naval officers were Admiral, Sir Francis Drake ; 
Vice- Admiral, Captain Martin Frobisher ; Rear-Admiral, 
Captain Francis Knollys; Captains, Thomas Vennor, Edward 
Winter, Christopher Carlile (who also commanded the land 

forces), Henry White, Thomas Drake, Thomas Seely, 

Bayly, Robert Crosse, George Fortescue, Edward Careless 
alias Wright, James Erizo, Thomas Moone, John Rivers, 
John Vaughan, John Varney, John Martin, Richard Gilman, 

Richard Hawkins, Bitfield, and Edward Greenefield ; 

Masters, Abraham Kendall, Grifeth Heme, George Candish, 
Nicholas Winter, Alexander Carleill, Robert Alexander, 

James Dyer, Peter Duke, Scroope, and others. 

I can only follow this voyage very briefly. Returning 
from the siege of Carthagena in May, 1586, they took St. 
Augustine in Florida from the Spaniards, pillaged and then 
burnt the town. June 8 they arrived off the English 
settlement at " Roanoak," and on the 19th " all hands sett 
saile " for England, and on the 22d or 27th of July, 
1586, they arrived at Portsmouth, bringing the English 
colonists who had spent one year in North Carolina, with 
the description and maps of the country, drawings of the 

1 Illus. of Brit. History, Lodge, vol. ii. p. 268. 


inhabitants, etc. Drake also brought some prisoners from 
Florida, among whom were Pedro Morales, a Spaniard, and 
Nicolas de Burgoyne, a Frenchman, said to have been 
spared in the massacre of 1565. These two men had been 
long in this country, and gave the English wonderful 
accounts (which are published in Hakluyt) of the regions to 
the northwest of St. Helena, of the vast mineral treasures of 
the Appalachian Range. The accounts of the Huguenots 
who reached England from Coligny's and Ribault's colonies 
in 1563, 1565, and 1586, of the Florida and Carolina coun- 
try were very instrumental in planting in the English mind 
a desire to settle that country. 

While the preparation for Francis Drake's voyage was 
under way in June, 1585, the envoys for the United States 
arrived in London, and in July, as I have said, " Elizabeth 
accepted the protectorate of the Netherlands." About two 
weeks after Drake sailed " the queen caused a declaration to 
be published, setting forth the reasons which had induced 
her to give aid to the afflicted and oppressed people of the 
Low Countries. It was dated at Richmond on October 1, 
1585." Markham, in " The Fighting Veres," says : " It is 
one of the noblest state papers that was ever written, and 
it placed the English nation in a most honorable position 
before the world. It is not unworthy to take a place beside 
the Declaration of American Independence." Many of 
those who learnt their lesson under the influence of the 
sentiments expressed in this document were afterwards very 
instrumental in establishing English Protestant colonies in 

"April 16, 1586. Sir Richard Greynville sailed over 
the barr at Barnstaple with his flee boat and frigot ; but 
for want of sufficient water on the barr, being neare upon 
neape, he left his ship. This Sir Richard Greynville in- 
tended his goinge to Wyngandecora where he was last 
year." 1 A "bark of Aviso" was sent to Virginia soon 
after Easter, but Greenville himself was detained by the 

1 Chanter's Literary History of Barnstaple. Barnstaple, 1866. 


tides until late in the spring, when he sailed with three ves- 
sels for the relief of the colony. The bark arrived at 
Roanoke in July, but finding no one returned to England. 
Sir Richard arrived in August, and being unwilling to lose 
the possession of the country, left fifteen men on Roanoke 
Island well furnished for two years and departed again for 
England. " By the way making spoyle of the townes of 
the Azores and there taking divers Spaniards." l 

June 26, 1586. George Clifford, Earl of Cumberland, 
began his celebrated naval raids on the commerce of Spain 
on the Atlantic Ocean. 

July 21, 1586. Captain Thomas Cavendish sailed on 
his voyage around the world under the patronage of Henry 
Cary, Lord Hunsdon. The real object of this voyage was 
to raid upon Spain's commerce on the Pacific, the great 
South Sea. 

December 30, 1586. Hakluyt wrote from Paris to 
Ralegh a very interesting letter in which he says : " If you 
proceed, which I long much to know, in your enterprize of 
Virginia, your best planting will be about the Bay of the 
Thestepians [Chestepians or Chesapeake], to which latitude 
Peter Martyr and Franciscus Lopez de Gomara, the Span- 
iard, confess that one Gabot (Cabot) and the English did 
first discover ; which the Spaniards hereafter cannot deny 
us, whensoever we shall be at peace with them." 2 

England was now at open war with Spain, and her ship- 
ping could now be attacked without such subterfuges as 
patents for discovery. January 7, 1587. Sir Walter Ra- 
legh by an indenture granted to John White, Roger Bay- 
lye, Ananias Dayre, Christopher Cooper, John Sampson, 
Thomas Steevens, William Fulwood, Roger Pratt, Dionise 
Harvie, John Nichols (Nicholas), George Howe, James 
Piatt, and Simon Ferdinando of London, gentlemen, certain 
privileges for planting a colony in Virginia. May 18, 
Governor John White with three vessels sailed from Plym- 

1 Purchas, iv. p. 1645. 2 Calendar of Clarendon Papers, vol. 

ii. App. p. 1. Oxford, 1872. 


outh taking with him 150 householders to plant the city 
of Ralegh on Chesapeake Bay, according to the advice of 
Hakluyt, Lane and others. July 22, they landed at Hata- 
rask for the purpose of taking off the men left there by 
Greenville the year before. They did not find them, and 
they finally determined to remain at Roanoke, although 
the experience of Lane and Drake had condemned this 
stormbeaten, harborless coast as altogether unsuitable for 
the purpose in view, and although the expedition was 
intended for the Chesapeake Bay. " August 18, Elyoner 
Dare, wife of Ananias Dare and daughter of Governor 
White, gave birth to a daughter and the child was named 

" August 27, 1587. Governor White sailed to England 
for supplies." The fate of those left at Roanoke is a 
blank page in our history which appeals to our hearts more 
eloquently than words. White reached Southampton on 
the 8th of November and found all England actively pre- 
paring to meet the threatened Spanish invasion. 

April 25, 1588. "Notwithstanding the prospect of a 
Spanish invasion White, with two small vessels, sailed from 
Bidef ord to supply the colony in Virginia ; but these ves- 
sels, undertaking to take Spanish prizes, were forced to 
return to England in May and June without performing 
the intended voyage." 

The Popes of Rome had never acknowledged Elizabeth 
as the Queen of England, and Sixtus V. had made over 
England to Philip II. of Spain, as the rightful heir to his 
deceased wife, Mary of England. For several years that 
king had been preparing to take possession of his English 
dominions, and in May, 1588, his preparations were com- 
pleted. Sixtus V. laid an interdict on England and ex- 
communicated Queen Elizabeth. John Aylmer, Bishop of 
London, replied by excommunicating the Pope. 

May 29, the invincible Armada sailed from Lisbon under 
the blessing of the Cardinal Archduke Albert. 

July 29 to August 7. The invincible Armada was 


defeated. Among the officers of the English fleet were 
many who were afterwards interested in the Virginia enter- 
prises of 1606-1616. 

March 7, 1589. " An indenture made between Sir "Wal- 
ter Ralegh, Chief Governor of Virginia on the one part, 
and Thomas Smith, William Sanderson, Walter Bayly, 
William Gamage, Edmund Nevil, Thomas Harding, Walter 
Marler, Thomas Martin, Gabriel Harris, William George, 
William Stone, Henry Fleetwood, John Gerrard, Robert 
Macklyn, Richard Hackluyt, Thomas Hood, Thomas Wade, 
Richard Wright, Edmund Walden, merchants of London 
and adventurers to Virginia; John White, Roger Bayly, 
Ananias Dare, Christopher Cooper, John Sampson, Thomas 
Steevens, Roger Pratt, Dionise Harvie, John Nichols, Hum- 
frey Dimmocke, late of London, gentlemen of the other 
part, witnesseth." Ralegh transferred the colony of Vir- 
ginia and the planting thereof in his domain to these men ; 
he gave them £100 towards the planting of the Christian 
religion there ; bound himself, " as much as in him lieth, 
to procure and indevor to obtaine the Queen's letters patent 
for ratification, approbation and more sure confirmation of 
the items in this indenture," and reserved to himself and 
his heirs or assigns only the fifth part of all gold and silver 
ore. I suppose Governor White had gotten these mer- 
chants of London to aid him in his effort to relieve the 
colony in Virginia ; whether the indenture was ratified by 
the queen or not I do not know. Evidently it was a very 
bad time to attempt an English colony in Virginia. The 
Atlantic Ocean was swarming with vessels of war. It is 
remarkable to read of the success of English sailors, under 
the inspiration of the defeat of the Armada, and of the 
fatality which attended the shipping of Spain during the 
years 1588, 1589, 1590, and 1591. Probably more than 
800 Spanish ships were destroyed during those years by the 
elements and the English. The Atlantic was a battlefield, 
and the coast of old Virginia was strewn with wreckage. 

Thus the supplying of the city of Ralegh was hindered 

First Earl of Stirling 


until March 20, 1591, when three ships and two shallops 
furnished at the special charges of Mr. John Watts and 
others sailed from Plymouth to relieve the colonists and 
" to make spoil of the Spaniards." Governor John White 
sailed in this fleet and, August 15, they came to anchor 
at Hatarask. " Some tracts of feeting they found upon a 
sandy bank, and on a tree, curiously carved, these Romaine 
letters, C. R. 0., which gave them hope they might be 
removed to Croatan." * Not a living soul was seen, and the 
vessels, " having made some spoil of the Spaniard," re- 
turned to England, arriving there in the fall of 1591, and 
on the 16th of October Ralegh wrote to Cecil " on the 
value of the prizes captured by these ships, and on the par- 
tition of the profits." 2 [This voyage has been incorrectly 
placed in 1589 and 1590.] 

In or about 1590 Elizabeth granted a commission to 
Richard Greyneville of Stow, Piers Edgecombe, Thomas 
Digges and others for discovering lands in the Antarctic 
seas, to the Dominions of the great Cam of Cathaia. 3 

August 26, 1591, Captain Thomas Cavendish sailed 
from England "on his last fatal voyage." Dr. Thomas 
Lodge was on one of the vessels and while at sea wrote his 
" A Margarite of America." 

September 14, 1591, Mr. Thomas James of Bristol wrote 
to Cecil concerning " the discoverie of the isle of Ramea." 

1592. January 25, Captain Christopher Newport sailed 
from England with three ships and a pinnasse for the West 
Indies, where " he took and spoyled Yaguana and Ocoa in 
Hispaniola and Truxillo, besides other prizes." 4 

Early in this year a strong expedition was organized for 
a privateering cruise against the vessels of New Spain, com- 
bined with a plan for an attack on the Spanish settlements 
at Panama; the nearest way to the South Sea and the 

1 Strachey's History of Travaile into 2 Life of Sir W. Ralegh, by Ed- 
Fa. Brita., p. 152. Hakluyt Soc. Vol. wards, vol. ii. p. 43. London, 1868. 
1849. » Cat State Papers, Domestic. 

4 Purchas, iv. p. 1186. 


key to the possessions of Spain in America. The Adven- 
turers provided thirteen vessels well equipped, and the 
queen two ships of war. Sir Walter Raleigh was to have 
the command of the expedition as admiral ; Sir John Bor- 
ough vice-admiral, and Sir Martin Frobisher next in com- 
mand. They were ready to sail in February, but were 
detained by the winds for at least three months, and when 
they finally sailed Raleigh was followed by peremptory 
orders from the queen that he should instantly resign and 
return forthwith to the court. Before returning Raleigh 
relinquished the proposed attempt on Panama, and divided 
the fleet into two separate commands. One under Sir John 
Borough was sent to the Azores to waylay the plate-ships 
from the West Indies. The other, under the command of 
Frobisher, was sent to the coast of Spain to hold the Span- 
ish convoy fleet on their own coast. 

July 28, Sir John Borough, being then near the Azores, 
entered into an agreement with Captain Newport " to be 
partakers in lawfull pryses," and on the 3d of August 
their vessels, together with the vessels of the Earl of Cum- 
berland, captured the Great Carrack, the Madre de Dios, 
and Captain Newport was placed in her as captain and 
carried her to Dartmouth, where he arrived September 7, 
1592. Edwards, in his " Life of Raleigh," says : " The 
capture of the Great Carrack of 1592, and the proceedings 
which ensued in relation to the partition of her spoils, 
have an interest which extends far beyond the mere occur- 
rence itself. It was in one sense the most brilliant feat of 
privateering ever accomplished by Englishmen, even in the 
days of Queen Elizabeth. It was also a piece of mercantile 
enterprise, — pregnant with results, — and the history of 
which throws light, alike on some curious points connected 
both with our admiralty law and with the growth of our 
commerce and colonies." 

In 1592 Captain James Lancaster, returning in his ship 
from the East Indies, was wrecked on Mona, a small Island 
in the West Indies. 


1593. The voyage of Mr. George Drake of Apsham 
(Topsham, the Port of Exeter) to Ramea in the Gulf of 
St. Lawrence. 

" The voyage of Richard Strong of Apsham . . . unto 
Cape Breton and beyond to the latitude of 4A degrees and 
an half in 1593." 

1593. Captain George Weymouth sent out with two 
ships by the merchants of the Russia and Levant compa- 
nies to discover a northwest passage. This year the Earl of 
Cumberland sent three of his ships on a cruise to the West 
Indies. There were as many as seventeen English vessels 
at one time before Havana (Cuba) " wayting for purchase." 

December 17. Henry May, one of Captain Lancaster's 
men, was wrecked on the Bermudas. 

1594. Mr. Silvester Wyet's voyage to Ramea. Captain 
Jacob Whiddon and Captain Parker sent by Raleigh on an 
exploring voyage to Guiana, South America. 

November 6, 1594, to late in May, 1595. Sir Robert 
Dudley's voyage to Guiana and the West Indies, with Cap- 
tain Benjamin Wood, Captain George Popham, Master 
Abraham Kendall, and others. They returned by the Ber- 
mudas. Captain George Popham captured from a Spanish 
vessel at sea letters concerning Guiana which he gave to 

1595. " Some to the wars, to try their fortune there, 

Some to discover islands far away." 

Two Gentlemen op Verona, act i. sc. 3. 

February 6, Ralegh sailed from England on his famous 
voyage for Guiana, South America. 

August 27, 1595, to April, 1596. The fatal voyage of 
Sir Francis Drake, Sir John Hawkins, Sir Thomas Bask- 
erville, Captain Arthur Chichester, and others, with twenty- 
seven ships and barks containing 2,500 men and boys, 
intended for some special service in the West Indies. 

1596, January to June. Captain Laurence Keymis' 
voyage to Guiana for Ralegh. 


March to September. The victorious voyage of Captain 
Amias Preston and Captain George Somers to the West 

April 23, 1596, to June, 1597. Sir Anthony Sherley's 
voyage with nine ships and a galley to the West Indies, the 
Bay of Honduras, and homeward by Newfoundland. 

1596, to July, 1597. " Captain Parker's voyage 

to the West Indies, with his taking of Campeche, the chief 
town of Yucatan." 

June to August. The expedition against Cadiz. At 
least fifteen of the knights made by Essex at Cadiz were 
afterwards interested in the Virginia enterprise. 

December 27, 1596, to June 28, 1597. Ralegh sends 
another expedition to Guiana. 

1597. M. Charles Leigh's voyage to Cape Breton and 
to Ramea in the Gulf of St. Lawrence. 

August 17. The celebrated voyage to the Azores under 
the command of the Earl of Essex, Lord Howard, and 
Ralegh, with Sir William Monson, Sir Thomas Gates, Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges and many others who were afterwards 
interested in the colonies in Virginia. 

1598, March 6 to October. The twelfth voyage of the 
Earl of Cumberland. To the Azores and the West Indies 
in nineteen ships with a large force. Returning, one of 
the vessels was cast away in a storm at the Bermudas. 
In November Ralegh was preparing to send another expedi- 
tion to Guiana under Sir John Gilbert. The Rev. Richard 
Hakluyt began the publication of " The Principal Naviga- 
tions, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English 
Nation, Made by Sea or Overland, to the Remote and Far- 
thest Distant Quarters of the Earth, at Anytime within the 
Compasse of these 1600 yeres." 

Of those who were interested in publishing books, tracts, 
and broadsides regarding naval affairs, discovery, com- 
merce, and colonization, in the reign of Elizabeth, 1558 to 
1603, 1 have listed 105 authors, fifty-eight printers and 
booksellers, and thirty-nine patrons to whom dedicated. 


I have been obliged to omit these publications from this 
sketch ; but the reader will find most of them mentioned 
in " The Narrative and Critical History of America." 

1599, September 22. Over £30,000 was ventured in a 
proposed voyage to the East Indies by a company of Eng- 
lishmen, about sixty of whom were afterwards interested in 
the Virginia companies. A second invasion of England 
was threatened by Spain. 

1600, " England employed annually two hundred ves- 
sels and 10,000 men and boys in the Newfoundland fisher- 
ies." 1 

"A very considerable business was now transacted on 
the present New England coast, connected with the fisheries 
and the fur trade, which centred chiefly at Monhegan and 
Pemaquid. At both places a considerable and busy popu- 
lation was found in the summer season and very possibly 
some remained through the winter." 2 

Of course these fishing and trading voyagers were con- 
stantly gaining information regarding our northern coasts 
and reporting to their employers ; but of these reports we 
know almost nothing. In fact we know but little regard- 
ing the results of the voyages sent out especially for discov- 
ery. It seems evident that full reports were made to the 
employers, but the published reports given to the public 
were generally written by those in subordinate positions, 
and are very meagre and unsatisfactory. 

December 31, the great East India Company was first 
chartered. The first governor, Sir Thomas Smythe, and 
about one hundred of the first members were afterwards 
interested in the Virginia companies. 

1601, February 8. The rising of the Earl of Essex. 
Several voyages to the West Indies, including the voyage 

of Captain William Parker, Captain Ashley, and others, to 
the taking of Saint Vincent and Puerto Bello. 

It must be borne in mind that for nearly twenty years, 

1 Sabine's American Fisheries, p. 40. 2 Johnston's History of Bristol and 

Bremen, p. 47. 


with the West Indies as the centre of attraction, the Atlan- 
tic was the great battle-ground of England and Spain. 
English sailors sailed on it, fought over it, and were well 
acquainted with it. 

1602. Sir Walter Raleigh sent Samuel Mace of Wey- 
mouth on a voyage to Virginia. 

March 26 to July 23, the voyage of Captain Barthol- 
omew Gosnold, Captain Bartholomew Gilbert, Captain Ga- 
briel Archer, with John Brereton, James Rosier, Robert 
Salterne, William Street, John Angell, John Tucker, and 
twenty-three others, to our New England coast. They were 
set forth by Henry, Earl of Southampton, Lord Cobham, 
and others. 

May 2 to September, the voyage of Captain George 
Weymouth to discover the Northwest Passage, set forth by 
the merchants of London. 

Nova Scotia (Mawooshen) began to be visited regularly 
by the English traders. English commissioners at Bremen 
engaged in making a treaty with Denmark concerning com- 
merce and fishing. 

1603. The voyage of Captain Martin Pring, set forth 
by Master John Whitson, Master Robert Aldworth, and 
other of the chiefest merchants of Bristol, sailed from 
King-rode March 20 and reached Milford Haven about 
the 27th, where they heard of Queen Elizabeth's death. 

Queen Elizabeth died at Richmond March 24, and on 
the same day James VI. of Scotland was proclaimed king 
of England as James I. 

April 10, Pring continued his voyage from Milford 
Haven to our New England coast, and returning entered 
King-rode October 2. April to September 10, the voyage 
to Cherry Island, set forth by Alderman Francis Cherry. 

May 7, James I. entered London and was crowned at 
Westminster July 25. 

May 10 to September, the voyage of Captain Bartholo- 
mew Gilbert to the Chesepian Bay in the country of Vir- 
ginia. July 29, Captain Gilbert, Master Thomas Canner, a 


gentleman of Bernard's Inn, Richard Harrison, the master's 
mate, Henry Kenton, the chirurgion, and one Derricke, a 
Dutchman, went on shore [probably the eastern shore o£ 
Virginia] and were all killed there by the Indians. There- 
fore the master, Henry Suite, took his course home for Eng- 

1604, January. The celebrated Hampton Court con- 
ference. March 21, Captain Charles Lee sailed for Guiana. 
In the spring the Gunpowder Plot was organizing. June 
25, license to Sir Edward Michelborne to make a voyage to 
China, Japan, etc. August 18, ratification by James I. of 
a treaty of peace and mercantile intercourse with Philip 
III., King of Spain, and Allbert and Isabel, archduke and 
archduchess of Burgundy. In the fall the Phoenix again 
left England for Lee's colony in Guiana. 

1605, March 31 to July 18, the voyage of Captain 
George Weymouth, set forth by the Earl of Southampton, 
Lord Thomas Arundell, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and others, 
with John Stoneman, James Rosier, Master Thomas Cam, 
and twenty five others, some of whom had been with Ra- 
legh in Guiana. They remained a month on our New Eng- 
land coast. 

April 14, Sir Olive Lee sent a vessel to the relief of his 
brother in Guiana. During the summer the Phoenix re- 
turned to England from Guiana. Champlaine entered the 
present harbor of Plymouth, New England. Hakluyt 
received a letter written at Valladolid by Luis Tribaldo, of 
Toledo, " touching Juan de Onate, his Discoveries in New 
Mexico, five hundred leagues to the North of Old Mexico." 
Captain Newport brought two young crocodiles and a wild 
boar from Hispaniola, West Indies, and they were pre- 
sented alive to King James. 1 Captain George Weymouth 
returned as aforesaid (July 18), bringing five native In- 
dians with him, which " accident," says Gorges, " must be 
acknowledged the means under God of putting on foot and 
giving life to our plantations," and on June 15 the treaty 
1 How's Stow, ed. 1615, p. 871. 


of peace between Spain and England was signed and rati- 
fied by Philip III. Which peace was " the means under 
God " of making possible the settlement of English colo- 
nies, across the Atlantic battle-ground, in the far distant 
land of Virginia. 



This was the experimental period, in which a trial was 
made both in North Virginia and in South Virginia ; as a 
result of these experiments it was thought best to make a 
concentrated effort to secure a footing in America in the 
milder climate of South Virginia, and in the remarkably 
strong and strategical position afforded for the purpose by 
the James River. 


The stage is apt to illustrate the popular tastes of the 
time ; comedy generally caters to those who laugh at ob- 
jects of popular interest. 

The following extracts from " Eastward Hoe," a comedy, 
will serve as a prelude to this work. The play was written 
by George Chapman, Ben Jonson, and John Marston, and 
was entered for publication at Stationers' Hall by William 
Aspley on the 4th of September, 1605. 

Act II. Scene 1. Quicksilver. . . . Well, dad, let him [Sir Petronell 
Flash] have money ; all he could anyway get is bestowed on a ship, 
nowe bound for Virginia ; the frame of which voyage is so closely con- 
vaide that his new lady nor any of her friends know it. Notwithstand- 
ing, as soone as his ladies hand is gotten to the sale of her inheritance, 
and you have furnisht him with money, he wil instantly hoyst saile and 

Security. Now, a franck gale of wind go with him, Maister Franck ! 
we have too fewe such knight adventurers. Who would not sell away 
competent certenties to purchase (with any danger) excellent uncerten- 
ties ? Your true knight venturer ever does it. Let his wife seale to- 
day, he shall have his money to-day. . . . 

30 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

Act III. Enter a Messenger. 

Messenger. Sir Petronel, here are three or fowre gentlemen desire 
to speake with you. 

Petronel. What are they ? 

Quicksilver. They are your followers in this voyage, knight Cap- 
taine Seagul and his associates ; I met them this morning, and told them 
you would be here. 

Pet. Let them enter, I pray you ; I know they long to be gone, for 
their stay is dangerous. 

Enter Seagul, Scapethrift, and Spendall. 

Seagul. God save my honorable Collonell ! 

Petronel. Welcome, good Captaine Seagul, and. worthy gentlemen; if 
you will meete my friend Franck here, and mee, at the Blewe Anchor 
Taverne by Billingsgate this evening, wee will there drinke to our happy 
voyage, be merry, and take boate to our ship with all expedition. 

Act III., Scene 2. Enter Seagull, Spendall, and Scapethrift in the 
Blewe Anchor Taverne, with a Drawer. 

Seagull. Come, drawer, pierce your neatest hogsheads, and lets have 
cheare — not fit for your Billingsgate taverne, but for our Virginian Col- 
onel ; he will be here instantly. 

Drawer. You shal have al things fit, sir ; please you have any more 
wine ? 

Spendal. More wine, slave ! whether we drinke it or no, spill it, and 
draw more. 

Scapethrift. Fill all the pottes in your house with al sorts of licour, 
and let 'hem waite on us here like souldiers in their pewter coates ; and 
though we doe not emploie them now, yet we will maintaine 'hem till we 

Drawer. Said like an honorable captaine ; you shal have al you can 
commaund, sir. [Exit Drawer. 

Seagull. Come, boyes, Virginia longs till we share the rest of her 

Spendall. Why, is she inhabited alreadie with any English ? 

Seagull. A whole countrie of English is there, man, bread of those 
that were left there in '79 ; they have married with the Indians, and 
make 'hem bring forth as beautifull faces as any we have in England ; 
and therefore the Indians are so in love with 'hem, that all the treasure 
they have they lay at their feete. 

Scapethrift. But is there such treasure there, Captaine, as I have 
heard ? 

Seagull. I tell thee, golde is more plentifull there then copper is with 

First Baron Arundel I 


us ; l and for as much redde copper as I can bring He have thrise the 
waight in gold. Why, man, all their dripping-pans and their chamber- 
potts are pure gould ; and all the chaines with which they chaine up their 
streets are massie gold ; all the prisoners they take are f etered in gold ; 
and for rubies and diamonds they goe forth on holydayes and gather 
'hem by the sea-shore to hang on their childrens coates, and sticke in their 
children's caps, as commonly as our children weare saffron-gilt-brooches 
and groates with hoales in 'hem. 

Scapethrift. And is it a pleasant countrie withall ? 

Seagull. As ever the sunne shind on : temperate and ful of all sorts of 
excellent viands ; wilde bore is as common there as our tamest bacon is 
here ; venison as mutton. And then you shall live freely there, without 
sargeants, or courtiers, or lawyers, or intelligencers [; only a few indus- 
trious Scots perhaps, who are indeed dispersed over the face of the whole 
earth. But as for them, there are no greater friends to Englishman and 
England, when they are out on 't, in the World, than they are : and for 
my part, I would a hundred thousand of them were there, for we are all 
one countrymen now, ye know, and we should find ten times more com- 
fort of them there than here]. 2 Then for your meanes to advancement, 
there it is simple, and not preposterously mixt. You may bee an alder- 
man there, and never be scavinger ; you may be any other officer, and 
never be a slave. You may come to preferment enough, and never be a 
pandar ; to riches and fortune enough, and have never the more villanie 
nor the lesse witte. Besides, there wee shall have no more law then con- 
science, and not too much of eyther ; serve God enough, eate and drinke 
inough, and " enough is as good as a feast." 

1 " Sir Thomas More, in the second omitted. The story is thus related 
book of his Utopia preferreth iron in Ben Jonson's conversations with 
before gold and silver." "Andgiveth Drummond : "He was dilated by Sir 
us there also a plot to bring gold and James Murray to the King, for writ- 
silver into contempt : telling us how ing something against the Scots in a 
the Utopians imploy these mettals, in play Eastward Hoe, and voluntarily 
making of chamber pots, and vessels imprissonned himself with Chapman 
of more uncleane use ; how they make and Marston, who had written it 
fetters and chaines herewith to hold in amongst them. The report was, that 
their rebellious slaves and maelf actors; they should then have had their ears 
how they adorne their infants and lit- cut and noses. After their delivery, 
tie children with jewels and pretious he banqueted all his friends ; there 
stones, etc." — Heylyn ; but see Uto- was Camden, Selden, and others; at 
pia. the midst of the feast his old mother 

* This comedy was popular at the dranke to him, and shew him a paper 

time, and at least four editions were which she had (if the sentence had 

issued in 1605. In the first impres- taken execution) to have mixed in the 

sion is this passage reflecting upon the prisson among his drinke, which was 

Scots, for the publication of which the full of lustie strong poison, and that 

authors got into serious trouble, and she was no churle, she told, she minded 

in the later impressions these lines are first to have drunk of it herself." 

32 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

Spendall. Gods me ! and how farre is it thether ? 

Seagull. Some six weekes saile, no more, with any indifferent good 
winde. And if I get to any part of the coaste of Affrica, ile saile 
thether with any winde ; * or When I come to Cape Finister, ther 's a fore- 
right winde 2 continuall wafts us till we come to Virginia. See, our col- 
lonell 's come. 

Enter Sir Petronell Flash with his followers. 

Sir Petronell. . . . Wee '11 have our provided supper Drought a hord 
Sir Francis Drake's ship, 3 that hath compast the world, where, with full 
cups and banquets, wee will doe sacrifice for a prosperous voyage. 

The Virginian adventurers fall into the hands of the law, 
but finally everything ends happily and we 

" Behold the carefull father, thrifty sonne, 
The solemne deeds which each of us have done : 
The usurer punisht, and from fall to steepe 
The prodigall child reclaimed, and the lost sheepe ! " 

[Mem. — This comedy was played before King James 
January 25, 1614. Sir Petronell Flash, perhaps some 
time personated by the immortal Shakespeare, was one of 
the first of a long and illustrious line of " Virginian colo- 


Soon after the return of Weymouth (July 19, 1605) 
there were several plans set on foot by Englishmen for set- 
tling English colonies in America, and for making trading 
voyages to that country. The plan to form royal colonies 
there, by chartered companies under license from the crown, 
it seems, was largely under the management of Sir John 
Popham, the lord chief justice of England. But before 
the petitioners under this plan had received in answer to 
their petitions the royal charter asked for, by which the 

1 That is, would be carried by the as a memorial of the first English voy- 

ocean current. age " 'round about the world," the 

- 2 The trade-wind. cabin being turned into a banqueting- 

8 For long years the Golden Hind house, 
was preserved in Deptford dockyard 


country between 34° and 45° north latitude was taken 
under the crown, and private enterprise for settlements, 
etc., thus shut out, other plans were well under way. Prior 
to October 30 Captain Weymouth had engaged himself 
to make " a marchante voyage to Virginia ; " but he aban- 
doned this voyage and entered into the following agree- 
ment for making a settlement there. The original is still 
preserved among the Kimbolton manuscripts of His Grace 
the Duke of Manchester. It is No. 203 of the appendix 
(Part II.) to the eighth report of the Royal Commission on 
Historical Manuscripts, 1881. Extracts from the docu- 
ments are given in this appendix, and Mr. Neill refers to 
them in his " Virginia Vetusta " (1885), pp. 1, 2 ; but the 
whole document, I believe, has never been printed before. 

" Articles of Agreement Indented made and agreed upon 
the thirtithe daie of October, In the yeeres of the Reigne of 
Our Sovereigne Lord James by the Grace of God Kinge of 
England, Scotland, Fraunce and Ireland defender of the 
faith &c. That is to saie of England, France and Ireland 
the thirde and of Scotland the nyne and thirtith. Be- 
tweene the Right Worshipfull Sir John Zouche of Codnor 
in the County of Darbye Knight on the one parte, and 
Captayne George Waynmouth of Cockington in the County 
of Devon gent on the other parte. For and concerninge a 
voiage intended to be made unto the land commonly called 
by the name of Virginia uppon the Continent of America. 

" Firste on the parte and behalf e of the said Sr John 
Zouche. It is covenated and agreed, That he shall at his 
owne proper costs and charges, sett forth two shipps fitted 
prepared and furnished with all necessaries of victuall, pro- 
vision, munition, and two hundred able and sufficient men ; 
that is to saie, of such trades and arts as are fittinge for a 
plantation and colonie, before the last daie of Aprill nexte 
cominge after the date hereof. 

" Item. It is covenanted and agreed that he, the said Sir 
John, shall in present payment give and deliver unto the 

34: PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

said Captayne George Waymouth the somme of one hun- 
dred pounds of lawfull English money within twenty-one 
dayes next after the date of theis presents, in consideration 
of his travell and paynes to be taken in and about the saide 
voyage and for his owne charge defrayinge. 

" Item that whereas the said Captayne George Waymouth 
hath hertofore ingaged himselfe by band and covenante, 

made betweene him and William Parker, Thomas Love, 

Came, and William Morgan of Plymouth, marchaunts to 
carry them with their shippinge and provision (accordinge 
to the Tenor of such Covenante of Agreemente as are made 
betweene him and them) to the said lande of Virginia, there 
to fishe, traffick and to doe what els shalbe fittinge for a 
Marchante voyage. He, the said Sr John Zouche, shall 
suffer and by all meanes permitt the said Marchaunts to 
make their trade for what commodities soever without anie 
hindrance or disturbance of his parte or any his followers 
under his Commaund for the space of one wholle yeere 
nowe next comminge, and not after. 

" Item, it is covenanted and agreed that he, the said Sir 
John Zouche beinge Cheife Commaunder shall allowe and 
give unto the saide Captaine George Waymouth the nexte 
place of commaunde under himselfe as well at sea as at land. 

" Item, if it soe please God to prosper and blisse the said 
intended voiage and the Actions of the same, that thereby 
the lande aforesaid shalbe inhabited with our English Na- 
tion, and accordinge to Polliticque estate of Government 
proportion of lande be allotted to such as shalbe trans- 
ported thither to inhabitt. That then after the said Sr 
John Zouche shall have made his choise and assumed into 
his possession in manner of Inheritaunce such quantitie of 
Land as he the said Sr John shall thinck good. Then he 
the saide Captayne George Waymouth and his Assignes shall 
and maie make his or their next choise of lande for his or 
their possession and plantation. To holde the same in ten- 
ure of him the saide Sr John as Lorde Paramount. Which 
said lande soe by the said Captaine George Waynmouth to 


be chosen shall discend to his heires or Assignes, or shalbe 
uppon reasonable consideracons to his or their uses im- 
ployed or disposed. 

" And in like manner on the behalfe of the said Cap- 
tayne George Waymouth it is agreed that he shall with his 
best indeavoure councell and advise, be helpinge, aydinge 
and assistinge to the said Sr John for the furnishinge and 
settinge forth of the said voyage. 

" Item that hee the said Captaine George Waymouth shal- 
be readye to goe with him the said Sr John in the said voi- 
age at such tyme as is lymitted or before, if conveniency 
shall require and all things necessary fitted in readines, un- 
lesse he shalbe by sickness or other such visitation hindred. 

" And that when they shalbe arrived uppon the land 
aforesaid, he shall with his best arte furtheraunce and in- 
deavour, be assistinge to the said Sir John for his plantation 
and fortification, and what els shalbe thought fittinge and 
necessary by the said Sir John. 

" And that the said Captayne George "Waymouth shall 
not be aydinge and assistinge by person or direction to any 
other in or for the said pretended lande or voiage without 
the Consent or allowance of the said Sir John. 

" In Witness whereof the parties above named to theis 
present Articles Indented interchangeably have sett their 
hands and seales the daye and yeere first above wrytten. 

"John Zouche. 

" Memorandum. Theise words (by the said Sir John) 
were interlyned before the sealynge. 

" Sealed and delivered in the presence of — 

W. RlGGS. 

Jam : Rosier. 
Timo : Sanger. 
Eob t Has ."* 

1 The latter part of the name is illegible. 

36 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 


The following paper is catalogued in the British Museum 
catalogue as : — 

" Lansdowne MS. 160. Reasons for raising a fund for 
the support of a Colony at Virginia." 

The title of the paper is : — 

"Caesar Papers. Admiralty. Bibl. Lansdowne. 160. 
fol. 356." 

The indorsement on the back of the document : — 

" Reasons to move the High Court of Parlam* to raise a 
stocke for the maintaining of a Collonie in Virginia and 
many other good uses in such manner that the payer shall 
gaine 2s. for every xii d disbursed, with the good of the 
whole Kingdom and ten thousande poundes yearly brought 
to his Mat : receipts." 

" The article itself and the endorsement are written 
throughout in the same hand; but about half an inch 
below the endorsement, and in quite a different handwrit- 
ing, is the date, ' 5 January 1607.' This is the only date 
on the paper, and there is no means of ascertaining when or 
by whom that date was written, nor whether it is Old Style 
or New Style." E. Salmon. Brit. Mus., June 13, 1884. 
The paper was preserved by Sir Julius Caesar, who some- 
times indorsed the date on his undated papers. And Mr. 
Neill, who has published it in his " Virginia Vetusta " 
(1885), pp. 27-34, has accepted the date "5 January 
1607 " as Old Style, and as the correct date of the paper 
itself (i. e. 5 January, 1608) ; but to me the paper bears 
internal evidence of having been written before the charter 
of April, 1606, was granted, probably in the fall of 1605, 
or winter of 1605-1606. I am supported in this belief not 
only by the internal evidence of the paper itself, but also 
by the fact that there was no meeting of Parliament, on 
account of the plague in London, from 4th July, 1607, to 
10th February, 16? 9 . 


Having some reasons to think the paper was drawn up 
by Hakluyt, I queried the museum on the point and re- 
ceived the following in reply : " With the assistance of the 
officer in charge of the manuscripts at the museum I have 
compared the facsimile of the Rev. Richard Hakluyt' s writ- 
ing with that of Lansdowne MS. No. 160, folio 356 (Caesar 
Papers), and can confidently say that the two are not iden- 
tical, and the officer declares the latter to be written by a 
clerk." William Cabell. September 2, 1884. 

" Reasons or motives for the raising of a publique stocke 
to be imploied for the peopling and discovering of such 
Countries as maye be fownde most convenient for the sup- 
plie of those defects which this Realme of Englande most 

" 1. All Kingdomes are maintained by Rents or Tra- 
ficque, but especially by the latter, which in maritaine 
places most florisheth by meanes of Navigation. 

" 2. The Realme of Englande is an Islande impossible 
to be otherwise fortified then by stronge shippes and able 
mariners and is secluded from all corners with those of the 
maine continent, therefore fit abundance of vessells be pre- 
pared to exporte and importe merchandize. 

" 3. The furniture of shipping consist in Masts, Cordage, 
Pich, Tar, Rossen, that of which Englande is by nature 
unprovided and at this presente injoyeth them only by the 
favor of forraigne potency. 

" 4. The life of shipping resteth in number of able Mari- 
ners and worthy Chieftaines, which cannot be maintained 
without assurance of rewarde of honorable meanes to be 
imployed and sufficient seconde of their adventurs. 

" 5. Private purees are cowld compfortes to adventurers 
and have ever ben fownde fatall to all interprices hitherto 
undertaken by the English by reason of delaies, jeloces 
and unwillingnes to backe that project which succeeded not 
at the first attempt. 

" 6. The Example of Hollinders is verie pregnante by a 

38 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

maine backe or stocke have effected marvelous matters in 
traficque and navigacon in fewe * years. 

"7. It is honorable for a state rather to backe an exploite 
by a publique consent then by a private monopoly. 

"8. Where Collonies are fownded for a publique-well 2 
maye continewe in better obedience, and become more 
industrious, then where private men are absolute signors of 
a vioage, for-as-much as better men of haviour and qualitie 
will ingage themselves in a publique service, which carrieth 
more reputacon with it, then a private, which is for the 
most parte ignominious in the end, as being presumed to 
ayme at a lucre and is subject to emulacon, fraude and 
envie, and when it is at the greatest hight of fortune can 
hardly be tollerated by reason of the jelosie of state. 

" 9. The manifest decaye of shipping and mariners and 
of manie borrowe and porte townes and Havens cannot be 
releaved by private increase nor amended otherwise than by 
a voluntary consent of manie purees of the Well-publique. 

" 10. It is publicly knowne that trafique with our neigh- 
bor Countries begin to be of small request, the game seldom 
answering the merchantes adventure, and forraigne states 
either are already or at this presente are preparing to inrich 
themselves with woole and cloth of their owne which heer- 
tofore they borowed of us, which purpose of theirs being 
achieved in Fraunce and it hath been already in Spayne 
and Italy, therefore we must of necessity forgoe our greate 
showing if we doe not wish [to] prepare a place fit for the 
vent of our wares and so set our marriners on worke, who 
dayly run to serve forraigne nacons for wante of imploy- 
ment and cannot be restrained by anie Lawe when necessa- 
tie inforseth them to serve and hire of a stranger rather 
than to serve at home. 

1 I obtained a copy of this paper in was "fewe," and is "written very 

1883 or 1884. In my copy this word plainly in the MSS." The Hollanders' 

was written "some." Mr. Neill's joint stock East India Company was 

copy has the word " five." I queried formed March 2, 1602. See VI., 

the British Museum as to this differ- note 3. 

ence, and the reply was that neither 2 Publique-well or Well-publique= 

word was correct — the correct word public-weal. 


" 11. That Realme is most compleet and wealthie which 
either hath sufficient to serve itself e or can finde the meanes 
to exporte of the naturall comodities then [if] it hath occa- 
son necessarily to importe, consequently it muste insue 
that by a publique consent, a Collony transported into a 
good and plentiful climate able to furnish our wantes, our 
monies and wares that nowe run into the handes of our 
adversaries or cowld frendes shall passe unto our frendes 
and naturall kinsmen and from them likewise we shall 
receive such things as shalbe most available to our necessa- 
ties, which intercourse of trade maye rather be called a 
home bread trafique than a forraigne exchange. 

"12. Forraigne nacons yearly attempt discoveries in 
strange coaste moved thereunto by the polosy of state which 
affecteth that gaine most which is gotten either without anie 
[trick] of their neighbors, or at best by smalest advantage 
that maye turne unto them by their trafique. 

" 13. Experience teacheth us that it is dangerous to our 
state to interprice a discovery and not to procead therein 
even to the verie sifting it to the uttermost for not only 
disreputacon groweth thereby, disability and power weake 
to proceed or bewraiing our owne Idelnes and want of 
Counsell to mannage our enterprices, as if the glorious state 
of ours rather broched by the vertue of our Ancestery, 
then of our owne worthines. 

" 14. The want of our fresh and presente supplie of our 
discoveries * hath in manner taken awaye the title which the 
Lawe of naCons giveth us unto the Coast first fownde out 
by our industrie, forasmuch as whatsoever a man relinquis- 
eth mayebe claymed by the next finder as his own prop- 
erty neither is it sufficient to set foot in a countrie but to 
possesse and howld it, in defence of an invading force (for 
wante whereof) the King of denmarke 2 intendeth into the 

1 It seems evident that the English 2 There was a voyage from Den- 
colonies had not settled in America mark to the northwest in May - 
when this paper was written ; after August, 1605 ; another in May - 
April, 1607, Virginia was never re- October, 1606 ; and a third at about 
linquished. the same time in 1607. This paper 

40 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

northwest passage (as it is reported), and it is also reported 
that the French 1 intendeth to inhabit Virginia, which they 
may safely achieve if their second prove stronge and there 2 
languishe [not] for want of sufficient and tymly supplie, 
which cannot be had but by the meanes of multitude con- 

" The circumstances necessarily to backe a Collony sent 
owt are these : — 

" 1. Reputacon and opinion of the interprice. 

"2. A competent some of monie raised aforehande to 
supplie all accidentes, that distrust heerby maye be wrought 
in forraigne States to attempt anie thing in prejudice of 
our Collonies, because they maye be well asured that where 
there is not a publique purse, and a comon consent to prose- 
cute an accion it is but botlesse to hope of advantage to be 
gotten without revenge. 

" 3. As are most apt to make a conquest so are pub- 

lique weales fitter to howld what is gotten and skilfuller by 
industrie to inrich it. 

u 4. It is probable that if the whole State be ingaged in 
theise adventures it will be no harde matter when aparant 
grownde of profit is laied to persuade every County accord- 
ing to the proportion of bignes and abilitie to builde barkes 
and shippes of a compotent size and to maintaine them, 
when gentlemen's yongest sons and other men of quality 
may be imployed. 

" 5. Also it importeth much that no man be suffered to 
venture more then he maye be deamed able to spare owt of 
his owne supfluity, or if he go in person, he would Idely 
spende at home, lest such men entring into a rage of 

may have been written before the latitude, and he was attempting to 

first voyage, as it speaks of an in- form a settlement in 1604 and in 1605, 

tended voyage and not one already first at St. Croix and then at Port 

made. Royal. 

1 November 8, 1603, Henry IY. 2 In some copies this word appears 

of France granted to "Monsieur de as "they," in others as "ours," but I 

Monts" a patent to "Inhabit Vir- am assured that " there " is the correct 

ginia ; " that is, to settle a colony in word. 
America between 40° and 46° north 



repentance, and thereby discorage others and scandilize 
the interprice. 

" The monie to be raised to the use and purposes afore- 
said : — 

" 1. Ought not to be levied of those things which maye 
hinder the Comonwealth to injoye the necessaries of vict- 
ualle and aparroll, but shall rather advance them to the 

"2. It shall not be raised without moderacon and ease 
to the payer, neither shall anie thinge be demanded from 
anie man without presente assurance of gaine and hope of 
future profit. 

" 3. It shall not be raised upon the sweat of the poore, 
or industrie of the husbandman, Artificer, or tradisman. 

" 4. It is not to be levied to a private intent. 

" But it is to be raised : — 

" 1. Upon the emoderate gaines of those that contrary 
to lawe abuse the poore ; but in such sorte that the payer 
shall for every ij d paied gaine iiij d . 

" 2. That they upon whom the maine chardge of payment 
shall lye maye be greater gainers than the merchant adven- 

" 3. That the whole state shalbe interested in the benefit 
of it. 

" 4. That the superflous waste maye be avoyded of which 
the poore most want. 

" 5. The merchandize increasing thereby, the Realme 
shalbe inriched yearly manie thousandes powndes, and the 
Kings imposte and Customes increased. 

" 6. That at the least CC thousande powndes yearly 
maye be saved in the Realme which nowe is consumed to 
the displeasure of God and hurte of the people. 

"Also it is reason that the King's Majesty have as well 
parte of the monie so raised, either to adventure or other- 
wise dispose at his Highnes good pleasure : — 

"1. In respect of his roiall assent to be given to an Act 
of Parliament enabling commissioners togather the monies 

42 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

"2. Privileges and lysence to transporte a Collonie or 
Collonies are to be obtained at the Kings handes : * neither 
is it reason that his Highnes's prerogative showld be valued 
at no thinge. 

" 3. That the Kings Majestie will be engaged in honor 
the rather to asist and protect the project. 

" 4. It would savior too much of affectacon of a populor 
State to levie monies without imparting some convenient 
portion to his Majestie. 

" 5. That portion ought not to be so smale, that it showld 
seame to undervalue the King's greatnes and favour." 

[Mem. — " The gunpowder plot " was revealed to Lord 
Monteagle by letter of October 26 ; but it was not made 
known to James I. until November the first. The plot was 
to have taken effect on the assembling of Parliament, 
November 5, 1605. The plans for colonization in America 
must have been greatly hindered or delayed by the excite- 
ment incident to the arrests, trials, and executions of the 
conspirators, most of whom were executed on the 30th and 
31st of January, 1606 ; but one of them, a Jesuit, not 
until the 3d of May. Many thought that Spain was " be- 
hind the scene," and after the excitement had somewhat 
abated this plot probably gave additional impulse to the 
schemes for planting English colonies in the country 
claimed by Spain.] 

1 It is not safe to be too sure where leges." It was written in the interest 

no dates are given, but I believe the of a public company or companies, 

document to be a draft of some peti- and against private enterprises. It 

tion for obtaining "privileges and may have been written by Sir John 

lysence to transporte a collonie or col- Popham in favor of the proposed Vir- 

lonies " to America, written before the ginia companies and in opposition to 

granting of the charter of April 10, the private enterprise of Zouche and 

1606, which gave the said "privi- Weymouth. 



VOLUME 2585, FOLIO 21. 

The Simancas papers were procured for me in Spain by 
the Hon. J. L. M. Curry, LL. D., our late representative 
there. Many of them were originally written in cipher, in 
the strictest secrecy, nearly three hundred years ago, and 
relate to the foundation of our country. They are now 
made public for the first time ; their historical value to us 
cannot be overestimated, and I hope the public will receive 
them with an appreciation commensurate with their value. 

Charles Campbell, one of the best historians of Virginia, 
asserts that Spain made no claim to Virginia. " Had she 
set forth any title to Virginia," says Campbell, " Gondomar 
would not have failed to urge it, and James the First would 
have been probably ready to recognize it." Laboring 
under this impression, he built up his history ; but as his 
basis was wrong, his structure is defective. 

Spain has not been regarded as an important actor or 
factor in our foundation. Yet Spain was really the chief 
obstacle which had to be met and overcome. And our 
founders managed the affair with such diplomacy, they 
accomplished their object so quietly, that " the generality " 
in England and Virginia were probably never fully aware 
of the great and real danger which at first threatened the 

I am entirely indebted to Professor M. Scheie De Vere 
of the University of Virginia for a translation of the old 
Spanish manuscript. The difficulties which he had to over- 
come are best described in his own words : — 

" It is with considerable reluctance that I send you the 
translation of your Spanish MSS., for hardly ever have I 
done a work that has called for equally exceptional brain- 
work and at the same time given me less satisfaction. The 
Spanish is more than 270 years old, and none but a Span- 

44 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

ish scholar can appreciate the changes which that language 
has undergone in those centuries. Then, there is no punc- 
tuation : no stop, no mark of interrogation, no sign to 
judge where a sentence begins or ends. Then, there are 
no accents in the whole MS., and accents are fully as im- 
portant as letters in Spanish. Finally, the copyist was 
evidently not as careful as he might have been ; some 
words are repeated, some manifestly omitted, and some are 
probably given wrong. I have to confess, moreover, that 
quite a number of words, perhaps a dozen, have escaped 
me entirely ; and yet I have good works to consult. The 
Dictionary of the Academy, as well as recent ones, were con- 
sulted. ... I am very much interested both in the MSS. 
and in your energy and enterprise. . . . With most cordial 
good wishes for the success of your most valuable under- 
taking I remain very truly yours, 

" M. Schele De Vere." 

In copying nearly 50,000 words of the old script of 280 
years ago it would scarcely be possible for a copyist to pre- 
vent some errors from creeping in, yet, notwithstanding 
every trouble, I am sure that Professor Scheie De Vere has 
given a translation which will enable us to understand the 
ideas the writers wished to convey. 

These papers were written in the interest of Spain ; they 
are unfriendly to the English ; they must be read and 
weighed with these facts before us. Yet, notwithstanding 
their one-sided and unfriendly character, they must prove 
invaluable as a factor in enabling us to understand cor- 
rectly the struggle for the possession of this country. They 
reveal to us for the first time in our history the real position 
occupied by Spain towards our early history. They show 
the system of Spanish espionage which obtained even in his 
majesty's council for Virginia, in the Virginia companies, 
and in the very colonies themselves. Spanish spies were 
everywhere. The great secrecy which evidently veiled the 
acts of the managers of these American enterprises for 


years has always been, and is yet, a serious obstacle to the 
historian of our early period who wishes to obtain the real 
facts. These papers enable us to see how carefully — with 
what diplomacy — the managers were obliged to proceed, 
and how necessary it was for them to have honorable, reli- 
able officers and agents, and to guard every act and all 
information with an oath-bound secrecy. No accurate ac- 
count of the location of the colonies, or number of the col- 
onists ; no description of the country, its position, its rivers, 
ports, harbors, etc. ; no map of the country could have 
been given to the public in print by any officer of the Vir- 
ginia companies without his falsifying his solemn oath. 
All such data were closely kept by the managers of the 
companies, and no part of them could be honorably pub- 
lished " without the consent of his Majesties Privy Counsel 
or the Counsel of Virginia or the more part of them." 
Thus the wording and the information given in the few 
publications sanctioned by these councils are evidently very 
closely guarded ; and, as the early records of the companies 
have never been used by an historian, these papers, written 
in the greatest secrecy, closely preserved for nearly three 
hundred years, now given to the public for the first time, 
will read like a revelation to many of us. It is peculiarly in- 
teresting that they should first reach the public through the 
press of a country whose beginning they placed in jeopardy. 

Copy of an extract from a deciphered letter from Don 
Pedro de Zuniga * to the King of Spain, dated London, 
March 16, 2 1606, on the preparations then being made 
in England to go and send people to Virginia. 


. 3 

" They also propose to do another thing, which is to send 

1 The Spanish ambassador in Eng- lish date, ten days must be subtracted, 
land. i. e., the English date for this paper is 

2 It must be remembered that these March 6. 

Spanish dates are New Style. To ob- 8 The first part of this letter re- 
tain the corresponding Old Style Eng- lates to England's favoritism for 

46 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

500 or 600 men, private individuals of this kingdom to 
people Virginia in the Indies, close to Florida. They sent 
to that country some small number of men in years gone 
by, and having afterwards sent again, they found a part of 
them alive. 

" They brought 14 or 15 months ago x about ten natives, 
that they might learn English, and they have kept some of 
them here [in London] and others in the country, teaching 
and training them to say how good that country is for peo- 
ple to go there and inhabit it. The chief leader in this 
business is the Justiciario [Chief Justice, Sir John Pop- 
ham], who is a very great Puritan and exceedingly desirous, 
whatever sedition 2 may be spoken of, to say that he does it 
in order to drive out from here thieves and traitors to be 
drowned in the sea. I have not yet spoken to the king 
about this ; I shall do so when I see in what way they will 
try to satisfy me in the council." 



Under the management, it seems, of Sir John Popham, 
as I have said, " Sir Thomas Gates and Sir George Somers, 
Knights, Richard Hackluit, clerk, Prebendary of Westmin- 

"The Rebels " of " The United States of course, endeavored to send his mas- 

of the Netherlands," then at war with ter, the King of Spain, only correct in- 

Spain. formation ; but as he had to obtain 

1 This should be divided by two, i. e., this underhand, it was of course not 

" 7 or 8 months ago five natives." Of always accurate. 

course, in reading these Spanish pa- 2 It must be remembered that the 

pers certain allowances must be made, translation of these papers is literal, 

among other reasons, on account of the In plain English, this passage evi- 

evident ill-will towards the enterprise, dently means that whenever Popham 

as well as on account of the incorrect was told (by Zuniga, I suppose) that 

and misleading information on which the enterprise was seditious (in viola- 

they were sometimes based. " Greek tion of the treaties), he was quick to 

met Greek " in the diplomatic field, — reply that he undertook it only in or- 

the favorite field of James I. And in der to drive out of England thieves, 

this controversy he not only held his etc., to be drowned in the sea. But 

own, but secured to England a great this was diplomacy. (See November 

country, claimed by Spain, without fir- 6, 1577.) The first charter reveals 

ing a gun. The Spanish ambassador, Popham's real purpose. 


ster, Edward-Maria Wingfield, Thomas Hanham, and 
Raleigh Gilbert, Esquires, William Parker and George 
Popham, gentlemen, and divers others of his loving sub- 
jects were humble suitors to James I. to grant them his 
license to make habitation, plantation, and to deduce a 
colony of sundry of his people into that part of America 
commonly called Virginia." 

I do not know when this petition was first presented to 
King James ; but as it took some time for the patent, in 
answer to the petition (or petitions), to pass through the 
hands of the various officials, — the attorney-general, the 
solicitor-general, privy council, etc., — until, having com- 
plied with all the forms of the law, it finally came from 
under the grand seal a legal patent, it was probably before 
the proposed meeting of Parliament (November 5, 1605), 
before the Gunpowder Plot was known, and its course may, 
very possibly, have been interrupted by the events incidental 
to that affair. 

But however doubtful the exact date of this petition 
may be, it is certain that as a result, " Yt well pleased his 
Maiestie to cause his Letters to be made Patents the tenth 
of Aprill 1606." 

In 1623, among the charges against Sir Thomas Smythe 
was "that the Treasurer and Governor of the Company 
being in themselves distinct offices : Were made one by the 
King's letters Patents, which is supposed to be by Sir T. 
Smithes meanes." To this Smythe answered, " This is the 
Article of the letters Patents : 2 whereof were drawn by 
Sir Ed: Sandys himselfe." The two drawn by Sir Edwin, 
I am quite sure were the 2d and 3d. I am inclined to 
think that the first charter was drawn up by Sir John Pop- 
ham. (See Preface vi, vii.) 

The following are some of the contemporary references to 
this charter and to the motives which caused King James 
to grant it : — 

1. By William Strachey, gent., in " The First decade of 
The Histoirie of Travaile into Virginia Britannia," written 
in 1612. 

48 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

" Upon his [Weymouth's] returne, his goodly report 
joyning with Captain Gosnoll's, cawsed the business with 
so prosperous and faire starres to be accompanied, as it not 
only encouraged the said Earle [Southampton] (the foresaid 
Lord Arundell being by this time chaunged in his intend- 
ments this waye, and engaged so far to the Archduke, be- 
fore returne of this ship, that he no more thought upon the 
accion), but likewise called forth many firme and harty 
lovers, and some likewise long affected thereunto, who by 
corny ng, therefore, humble peticioners to his Majestie for 
the advancement of the same (as for the only enterprize 
reserved unto his daies that was yet left unaccomplisht ; 
whereas God might be aboundantly made knowen ; His name 
enlarged and honoured ; a notable nation made fortunate ; 
and ourselves famous), it well pleased his Majestie (whoe in 
all his practizes and consultations, hath ever sought God 
more than himself, and the advauncement of His glory, pro- 
fessing deadly enmity — noe prince soe much — with igno- 
raunce and errour), adding to her Christian prsenomen, 
Virginia, the surname of Britannia, to cause his letters to 
be made patents, the tenth of Aprill, 1606." 

2. By Captain John Smith, in " The Proceedings of the 
English Colony in Virginia." Published at Oxford in 

" Captaine Bartholomew Gosnold the first mover of this 
plantation, having many yeares solicited many of his friends, 
but found small assistants ; at last prevaled with some gen- 
tlemen, as Mr. Edward-Maria Wingfield, Captaine John 
Smith and diverse others who depended a yeare upon his 
projects, but nothing could be effected, 'till by their great 
charge and industrie it came to be apprehended by certaine 
of the Nobilitie, Gentrie, and Marchants, so that his Maies- 
tie by his letters patents, gave commission for establishing 
Councels, to direct here, and to governe and to execute 
there. To effect this, was spent another yeare ; " etc. 

3. Captain John Smith, in his General Historie of 1624, 
makes two alterations in the above (see lines in italics). In 


place of "the first mover" he puts "one of the first movers," 
and then, placing his own name first, he inserts the name 
of " Mr. Robert Hunt ; " thus, " Captaine John Smith, Mr. 
Edward-Maria Wingfield, Mr. Robert Hunt and diverse 

4. " By his Maiesties Counseil for Virginia," in " A 
briefe declaration," etc., written in 1616. 

" When first it pleased God to move his Maiesties minde, 
at the humble suit of Sundry his loving subjects, to yeild 
unto them his gracious Priviledge for the Virginia Planta- 
tion, it was a thing seeming strange and doubtfull in the 
eye of the World, that such and so few Under-takers should 
enterprise a charge of that waight, as rather beseemed a 
whole State and Commonwealth to take in hand." 

5. By Edward Waterhouse, in " A Declaration of the 
state of the Colony in Virginia, &c, 1622." 

" Since his Maiesties most happy coming to the Crowne, 
being an absolute King of three of the most populous 
Kingdomes (which Charles the Fift was wont to tearme 
officina gentium, the shop or forge of men), finding his 
subjects to multiply by the blessed peace they enjoy under 
his happy government, did out of his high wisedome and 
Princely care of the good of his subjects, grant a most gra- 
tious Patent to divers Honourable persons, and others of his 
loving subjects authorizing them thereby to goe on in the 
Plantation of this lawfull and rightfull King-dome of Vir- 

6. "By the Ancient Planters nowe remaining alive in 
Virginia," in " A Breife Declaration of the Plantation of 
Virginia duringe the first Twelve Yeares." 1624. 

" Wheras in the beginninge of Sir Thomas Smith's twelve 
yeares government, it was published in printe throughout 
the Kingdome of England that a Plantation should be set- 
tled in Virginia for the glorie of God in the propagation of 
the Gospell of Christ, the conversion of the Savages, to the 
honour of his Majesty, by the enlargeinge of his territories 
and future enrichinge of his Kingdome, for which respects 

50 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

many noble and well minded persons were induced to ad- 
venture great sums of money to the advancement of soe 
pious and noble a worke." 

7. By Sir Ferdinando Gorges, in " A Brief e Narration of 
the Originall undertakings of the Advancement of Planta- 
tions into the parts of America." 

" This great monarch [James I.] gloriously ascending 
his throne [1603], being born to greatness above his ances- 
tors, to whom all submitted as to another Soloman for wis- 
dom and justice, as well as for that he brought with him 
another Crown. . . . With this Union there was also a 
general peace concluded between the State and the King 
of Spain, the then only enemy of our nation and religion, 
whereby our men of War by sea and land were left desti- 
tute of all hope of employment under their own Prince: 
and therefore there was liberty given to them (for prevent- 
ing other evils) to be entertained as mercenaries under what 
prince or state they pleased [See III.]. . . . Some there were 
not liking to be servants to foreign states, thought it bet- 
ter became them to put in practice the reviving resolution 
of those free spirits, that rather chose to spend themselves 
in seeking a new world, than servilely to be hired but as 
slaughterers in the quarrels of strangers. This resolution 
being stronger than their meanes to put it into execution, 
they were forced to let it rest as a dream, 'till God should 
give the means to stir up the inclination of such a power 
able to bring it to life. And so it pleased our great God, 
that there happened to come into the harbor of Plymouth 
[July, 1605], where I then commanded, one Captain Wey- 
mouth, that had been employed by the Lord Arundell of 
Wardour for the discovery of the North-West passage ; but 
falling short of his course, happened into a river on the 
coast of America, called Pemmaquid, from whence he 
brought five of the natives, three of whose names were 
Manida, Skettwarroes, and Tasquantum, whom I seized 
upon. They were all of one nation ; but of several parts 
and several families. This accident must be acknowledged 


First Baron Aston 


the means under God of putting on foot and giving life to 
all our Plantations. ... 

" His Lordship [Sir John Popham, Lord Chief Justice] 
failed not to interest many of the lords and others to be peti- 
tioners to his Majesty for his royal authority, for setting 
two Plantations upon the coasts of America, by the names 
of the First and Second Colony ; the first to be undertaken 
by certain noblemen, Knights, gentlemen, and merchants in 
and about the city of London; the second by certain 
knights, gentlemen, and merchants in the Western parts." 

8. By Arthur Wodenoth in " A Short Collection of the 
most Remarkable Passages from the originall to the Disso- 
lution of the Virginia Company." London, 1651. 

" The Continent of Virginia discovered in the time of 
Q. Elizabeth (who gave it that name) was in the beginning 
of K. James his reign much advanced in reputation, and 
the advantages promised thereby seemed then worthy the 
best consideration how to make it a Plantation for the Eng- 
lish. Whereupon many worthy Patriots, Lords, Knights, 
Gentlemen, merchants and others held consultation, which 
produced a large subscription of Adventurers of all quali- 
ties in severall proportions, to the value of £200,000, or 
thereabouts. By which time a Patent was procured with 
great priviledges and immunities for the Adventurers, as 
establishing and impowring a Councell of State, as well as 
a generall Company, Whereby the whole affairs of that 
Plantation should in perpetuity bee governed." 

Wodenoth apparently refers to the first patent ; but " for 
a fact " the above really refers chiefly to the second patent 
of May 23, 1609. 

9. From " Virginia and Maryland." London, 1655. 

" Divers preceding discoveries having confirmed an opin- 
ion that the country of Virginia was fit for Plantations ; It 
pleased God to affect the mindes of very many worthily 
disposed Noblemen, gentlemen and others to conceive it as 
a matter of Great Religion and Honour to undertake the 
work of perfecting a Christian Plantation in those parts. 

52 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

Whereupon King James was pleased to become the First 
Founder of this noble work." 

Extracts from V. were published by Purchas in 1625. 
The whole was first published by Stith in 1747. I give the 
charters, articles, etc., although some of them have been 
previously printed several times, because they are very im- 
portant papers. All of them have never been previously 
collected together, and several of them are only to be found 
in books now really out of print. 

" Letters Patent to Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers 
and others, for two several Colonies and Plantations, to 
be made in Virginia, and other parts and Territories of 
America. Dated April 10, 1606. 1 

" I. James, by the grace of God, King of England, Scot- 
land, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, 

Preamble. . . 

&c. Whereas our loving and well-disposed sub- 
jects, Sir Thomas Gates, and Sir George Somers, Knights, 
Richard Hakluit, clerk, Prebendary of Westminster, and 
Edward-Maria Wingfield, Thomas Hanham, and Ralegh 
Gilbert, Esqrs., William Parker, and George Popham, gen- 
tlemen, and divers others of our loving subjects, have been 
humble suitors unto us, that we would vouch safe unto 
them our licence, to make habitation, plantation, and to 
deduce a colony of sundry of our people into that part of 

1 The two companies for planting tion between 38° and 45° north lati- 

colonies in South and North Virginia tude, and were granted in like manner 

were both incorporated by this one fifty miles north and fifty miles south 

charter. of said location, etc. Provided, how- 

The first colony was authorized to ever, that they should not plant within 

locate their plantation " in some fit one hundred miles of each other. This 

and convenient place," between 31° clause has frequently been the subject 

and 41° north latitude, and when so of remark ; but as one colony was to 

located the charter granted them fifty extend fifty miles north of their first 

miles north and fifty miles south of plantation, and the other fifty miles 

said location, as well as one hundred south of theirs, the clause was neces- 

miles to sea and one hundred miles sary to prevent a possible conflict of 

within land. And the second colony bounds between the two companies, 
was authorized to locate their plauta- 


America, commonly called Virginia, and other parts and 
territories in America, either appertaining unto us, or which 
are not now actually possessed by any christian prince or 
people, situate, lying, and being all along the sea coasts, 
between four and thirty degrees of Northerly latitude from 
the Equinoctial line, and five and forty degrees of the same 
latitude, and in the main land between the same four and 
thirty and five and forty degrees, and the islands thereunto 
adjacent, or within one hundred miles of the coasts thereof. 
" II. And to that end, and for the more speedy accom- 
plishment of their said intended plantation and _ 

t , . , ,. ,.., , Preamble. 

habitation there, are desirous to divide them- 
selves into two several colonies and companies ; the one 
consisting of certain Knights, gentlemen, merchants, and 
other adventurers, of our city of London and elsewhere, 
which are and from time to time shall be, joined unto them, 
which do desire to begin their plantation and habitation in 
some fit and convenient place, between four and thirty and 
one and forty degrees of the said latitude, alongst the 
coasts of Virginia and coast of America aforesaid ; and the 
other consisting of sundry Knights, gentlemen, merchants, 
and other adventurers of our cities of Bristol and Exeter, 
and of our town of Plimouth, and of other places, which do 
join themselves unto that Colony, which do desire to begin 
their Plantation and habitation in some fit and convenient 
place, between eight and thirty degrees and five and forty 
degrees of the said latitude, all alongst the said coast of 
Virginia and America, as that coast lyeth. 

" III. We greatly commending, and graciously accepting 
of, their desires for the furtherance of so noble a 
work, which may, by the providence of Almighty 
God, hereafter tend to the glory of his divine Majesty, in 
propagating of Christian religion to such people, as yet live 
in darkness and miserable ignorance of the true knowledge 
and worship of God, and may in time bring the infidels 
and savages, living in those parts, to human civility, and to 
a settled and quiet government ; Do by these our letters pat- 

54 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605^JANUARY, 1609. 

tents, graciously accept of, and agree to, their humble and 
well intended desires ; 

" IV. And do therefore, for us, our heirs, and successors, 
grant and agree, that the said Sir Thomas Gates, 
Sir George Somers, Richard Hackluit, and Ed- 
ward-Maria Wingfield, adventurers of and for our city of 
London, and all such others, as are, or shall be joined unto 
them of that Colony, shall be called the first Colony ; and 
they shall and may begin their said first plantation and 
habitation at any place upon the said coast of Virginia or 
America, where they shall think fit and convenient, between 
the said four and thirty and one and forty degrees of the 
said latitude ; and that they shall have all the lands, woods, 
soil, grounds, havens, ports, rivers, mines, minerals, marshes, 
waters, fishings, commodities, and hereditaments, whatso- 
ever, from the said first seat of their plantation and habita- 
tion by the space of fifty miles of English statute measure, 
all along the said coast of Virginia and America, towards 
the west and south-west, as the coast lyeth, with all the 
islands within one hundred miles directly over against the 
same sea coast ; and also all the lands, soil, grounds, havens, 
ports, rivers, mines, minerals, woods, waters, marshes, fish- 
ings, commodities, and hereditaments, whatsoever, from the 
said place of their first plantation and habitation for the 
space of fifty like English miles, all alongst the said coast 
of Virginia and America, towards the east and north-east, 
or towards the north, as the coast lyeth, together with all 
the islands within one hundred miles, directly over against 
the said sea coast, and also all the lands, woods, soil, 
grounds, havens, ports, rivers, mines, minerals, marshes, 
waters, fishings, commodities, and hereditaments, whatso- 
ever, from the same fifty miles every way on the sea coast, 
directly into the main land by the space of one hundred 
like English miles ; and shall and may inhabit and fortify 
within any the same, for their better safeguard and defence, 
according to their best discretion and the discretion of the 
council of that colony ; and that no other of our subjects 


shall be permitted, or suffered to plant or inhabit behind, 
or on the backside of them, towards the main land, without 
the express licence or consent of the council of that colony, 
thereunto in writing first had and obtained. 

" V. And we do likewise, for us, our heirs, and successors, 
by these presents, grant and agree, that the said Second col- 
Thomas Hanham, and Ralegh Gilbert, William ony " 
Parker, and George Popham, and all others of the town, of 
Plimouth in the county of Devon, or elsewhere, which are, 
or shall be, joined unto them of that colony, shall be called 
the second colony ; and that they shall and may begin 
their said Plantation and seat of their first abode and habi- 
tation, at any place upon the said coast of Virginia and 
America, where they shall think fit and convenient, be- 
tween eight and thirty degrees of the said latitude, and five 
and forty degrees of the same latitude ; and that they shall 
have all the lands, &c. [as granted to the first colony. 
Sec. IV.]. 

" VI. Provided always, and our will and pleasure herein 
is, that the plantation and habitation of such of 
the said colonies, as shall last plant themselves, 
as aforesaid shall not be made within one hundred like 
English miles of the other of them, that first began to make 
their plantation as aforesaid. 

" VII. And we do also ordain, establish, and agree, for 
us, our heirs, and successors, that each of the 
said colonies shall have a Council, which shall to have a 
govern and order all matters and causes, which counc ' 
shall arise, grow or happen, to or within the same several 
colonies, according to such laws, ordinances, and instruc- 
tions as shall be in that behalf, given and signed with our 
hand or sign manuel, and pass under the privy seal of our 
realm of England ; each of which Councils shall consist of 
thirteen persons, to be ordained, made, and removed, from 
time to time, according as shall be directed and comprised 
in the same instructions ; and shall have a several seal, for 
all matters that shall pass or concern the same several coun- 

56 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

cils ; each of which seals shall have the King's arms en- 
graven on the one side thereof, and his portraiture on the 
other; and that the seal for the council of the said first 
colony shall have engraven round about, on the one side, 
these words ; Sigillum Regis Magnce JBritannice, Francice, 
et Hibernian; on the other side this inscription round 
about ; Pro Concilio primce Colonice Virginia. And the 
seal for the council of the said second colony shall also 
have engraven, round about the one side thereof, the afore- 
said words ; Sigillum Regis Magnce Britannia, Francice, 
et Hibernice ; and on the other side ; Pro Concilio se- 
cunclce Colonice Virginice. 

" VIII. And that also there shall be a council estab- 
Su erior lished here in England, which shall, in like man- 
council in ner consist of thirteen persons to be, for that pur- 

England; 7 . L . ' x 

its number pose, appointed by us, our heirs, and successors, 
which shall be called our Council of Virginia; 
and shall, from time to time, have the superior managing 
and direction, only of and for all matters that shall or may 
concern the government, as well of the said several colo- 
nies, 1 as of and for any other part or place, within the 
aforesaid precincts of four and thirty and five and forty 
degrees, above-mentioned ; which council shall, in like man- 

1 It must here be especially noted government of his Royal Council of 
that under this charter the whole of Virginia. And while it virtually as- 
North America between 34° and 45° serts that this part was then unpos- 
north latitude, commonly called Vir- sessed by, or that England had more 
ginia, was claimed by the king of right to it than, any other Christian 
England, and that the whole of this nation, it apparently concedes to Spain 
Virginia, including the said very lim- all the mainland south of 34°, and to 
ited grants to the two companies, was France all north of 45° north latitude, 
placed under the management of one See also LXXXIV. and CIV. In 
and the same Royal Council of Vir- many respects it is a very important 
ginia. About 2,000,000 square miles document ; but as a charter for colo- 
were claimed by the crown, of which nization it was mainly experimental, 
only 20,000 square miles were granted and as experience revealed its imper- 
to both companies. fections they were corrected by subse- 

This charter virtually attaches this quent charters. It remained, however, 

portion of North America to the crown the basis of England's claim to Amer- 

of Great Britain, placing it at once ica between 34° and 45° north lati- 

"next under the King," under the tude. 



ner, have a seal, 1 for matters concerning the council or col- 
onies, with the like arms and portraiture, as aforesaid, with 
this inscription engraven round about on the one side ; 
Sigillum Regis Magniw Britannice, Francice, et Hibemice ; 
and round about the other side, Pro Concilio suo Vir- 

" IX. And moreover, we do grant and agree, for us, our 
heirs and successors, that the said several coun- „ 

., . ii* in ? search 

cils, of and for the said several colonies, shall for "and dig 

and lawfully may, by virtue hereof, from time to 

time, without any interruption of us, our heirs or succes- 

1 The above cut represents both 
sides of the seal of " His Majesties 
Council of Virginia." The seals of 
the councils of the two colonies were 
exactly like the above, save that in 
the place of " Pro consilio suo Vir- 
ginim" the first colony had " Pro Con- 
silio Primoz Colonics Virgince," and the 
second colony, " Pro Consilio secundce 
Colonics Virginice." Prior to Novem- 
ber, 1619, the Virginia Company of 
London had adopted no special seal. 
In the dissensions of 1623, the fifth 
charge made against Sir Thomas 

Smythe was, " That there was no pub- 
lique seale made for the company in 
Sir T. S. tyme : nor no divisions of 

To which Sir Thomas Smythe an- 
swered : — 

" There were many divisions of land 
made : but true it is the Colony was 
not so scattered as since. 

"As for the seale that which was 
then used was the seale made for the 
Counsell of Virginia by his Majesties 
own appointment." 

58 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

sors, give and take order, to dig, mine, and search for all 
manner of mines of gold, silver, and copper, as well within 
any part of their said several colonies, as of the said main 
lands on the backside of the same colonies ; and to have 
and enjoy the gold, silver, and copper, to be gotten thereof, 
to the use and behoof of the same colonies, and the planta- 
tions thereof ; yielding therefore, to us, our heirs and suc- 
cessors, the fifth part only of all the same gold and silver, 
and the fifteenth part of all the same copper, so to be 
gotten Or had, as is aforesaid, without any other manner of 
profit or account, to be given or yielded to us, our heirs, or 
successors, for or in respect of the same. 

" X. And they shall, or lawfully may, establish and 
May coin cause to be made a coin, to pass current there 
money. between the people of those several colonies, for 

the more ease of traffick and bargaining between and 
amongst them and the natives there, of such metal, and in 
such manner and form, as the said several councils there 
shall limit and appoint. 

" XI. And we do likewise, for us, our heirs, and succes- 
May invite sors, by these presents, give full power and 
over°adven- authority to the said Sir Thomas Gates, Sir 
turers. George Somers, Richard Hackluit, Edward-Maria 

Wingfield, Thomas Hanham, Ralegh Gilbert, William 
Parker, and George Popham, and to every of them, and to 
the said several companies, plantations, and colonies, that 
they, and every of them, shall and may at all and every 
time and times hereafter, have, take, and lead in the said 
voyage, and for and towards the said several plantations 
and colonies, and to travel thitherward, and to abide and 
inhabit there, in every the said colonies and plantations, 
such and so many of our subjects, as shall willingly accom- 
pany them or any of them in the said voyages and planta- 
tions; with sufficient shipping, and furniture of armour, 
weapons, ordnance, powder, victual, and all other things, 
necessary for the said plantations, and for their use and 
defence there. 


" Provided always, That none of the said persons be such 
as shall hereafter be specially restrained by us, . 
our heirs, or successors. 

" XII. Moreover, we do, by these presents, for us, our 
heirs, and successors, give and grant licence unto May repel 
the said Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers, intrudere - 
Richard Hackluit, Edward-Maria Wingfield, Thomas Han- 
ham, Ralegh Gilbert, William Parker, and George Popham, 
and to every of the said colonies, that they, and every of 
them, shall and may, from time to time, and at all times for 
ever hereafter, for their several defences, encounter, expulse, 
repel and resist, as well by sea as by land, by all ways and 
means whatsoever, all and every such person and persons, as 
without the especial licence of the said several colonies and 
plantations, shall attempt to inhabit within the said several 
precincts and limits of the said several colonies and planta- 
tions, or any of them, or that shall enterprise or attempt, at 
any time hereafter, the hurt, detriment, or annoyance of 
the said several colonies or plantations : 

" XIII. Giving and granting by these presents, unto the 
said Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers, Rich- Duties pay- 
ard Hackluit, Edward-Maria Wingfield, and their certamper- 
associates of the said first colony, and unto the sonsfortrad - 

J ^ _ ing to the 

said Thomas Hanham, Ralegh Gilbert, William colonies. 
Parker, and George Popham, and their associates of the 
said second colony, and to every of them, from time to 
time, and at all times forever hereafter power and author- 
ity to take and surprise by all ways and means whatsoever, 
all and every person and persons, with their ships, vessels, 
goods, and other furniture, which shall be found trafficking, 
into any harbour or harbours, creek or creeks, or place, 
within the limits or precincts of the said several colonies 
and plantations, not being of the same colony, until such 
time, as they, being of any realms or dominions under our 
obedience, shall pay, or agree to pay, to the hands of the 
Treasurer of that colony, within whose limits and precincts 
they shall so traffick, two and a half upon every hundred, 

60 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

of anything, so by them trafficked, bought, or sold ; and 
being strangers, and not subjects under our obeyance, until 
they shall pay five upon every hundred, of such wares and 
merchandises, as they shall traffick, buy, or sell, within the 
precincts of the said several colonies, wherein they shall so 
_ , traffick, buy, or sell as aforesaid ; which sums of 

To the use of 1 • 

the colonies money, or benefit, as aforesaid, for and during 
then to J the" ' the space of one and twenty years, next ensuing 
ng " the date hereof, shall be wholly emploied to 

the use, benefit, and behoof of the said several plantations, 
where such traffick shall be made ; and after the said one 
and twenty years ended, the same shall be taken to the use 
of us, our heirs, and successors, by such officers and minis- 
ters, as by us, our heirs, and successors, shall be thereunto 
assigned or appointed. 

" XIV. And we do further, by these presents, for us, 
Certain ar- our heirs, and successors, give and grant unto 
dS S f f oT of the said Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers, 
seven years. Richard Hackluit, and Edward-Maria Wingfield, 
and to their associates of the said first colony and planta- 
tion, and to the said Thomas Hanham, Ralegh Gilbert, 
William Parker, and George Popham, and their associates 
of the said second colony and plantation, that they, and 
every of them, by their deputies, ministers, and factors, 
may transport the goods, chattels, armour, munition, and 
furniture, needful to be used by them, for their said ap- 
parel, food, defence, or otherwise in respect of the said 
plantations, out of our realms of England and Ireland, and 
all other our dominions, from time to time, for and during 
the time of seven years, next ensuing the date hereof, for 
the better relief of the said several colonies and plantations, 
without any custom, subsidy, or other duty, unto us, our 
heirs, or successors, to be yielded or paid for the same. 

" XV. Also we do, for us, our heirs, and successors, 
inhabitants declare, by these presents, that all and every the 
Xento have 1 " P ersons > being our subjects, which shall dwell 
theprivi- an( j inhabit within every or any of the said 

First Viscount St. Albans 


several colonies and plantations, and every of J? g r if 
their children, which shall happen to be born jects. 
within any of the limits and precincts of the said several 
colonies and plantations, shall have and enjoy all liberties, 
franchises, and immunities, within any of our other domin- 
ions, to all intents and purposes, as if they had been abid- 
ing and born, within this our realm of England, or any 
other of our said dominions. 

" XVI. Moreover, our gracious will and pleasure is, and 
we do, by these presents, for us, our heirs, and p enaltY fo 
successors, declare, and set forth, that if any per- carrying 
son or persons, which shall be of any of the said destined for 

i i i j. j • ji i • i * ne colonies 

colonies and plantations, or any other, which to any other 
shall traffick to the said colonies and plantations, P laees - 
or any of them, shall, at any time or times hereafter, trans- 
port any wares, merchandises, or commodities, out of any 
our dominions, with a pretence to land, sell, or otherwise 
dispose of the same, within any the limits and precincts of 
any the said colonies and plantations, and yet nevertheless, 
being at sea, or after he hath landed the same within any of 
the said colonies and plantations, shall carry the same into 
any other foreign country, with a purpose there to sell or 
dispose of the same, without the licence of us, our heirs, and 
successors, in that behalf first had and obtained ; that then, 
all the goods and chattels of such person or persons, so 
offending and transporting, together with the said ship or 
vessel, wherein such transportation was made, shall be for- 
feited to us, our heirs, and successors. 

" XVII. Provided always, and our will and pleasure is, 
and we do hereby declare to all Christian kino's, 

i , , ., , .„ ° Robberies, 

princes, and states, that it any person or per- &c , to be 
sons, which shall hereafter be of any of the said punished- 
several colonies, and plantations, or any other, by his, their 
or any of their licence and appointment, shall, at any time 
or times hereafter, rob or spoil, by sea or by land, or do 
any act of unjust and unlawful hostility, to any the sub- 
jects of us, our heirs, or successors, or any the subjects of 

62 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

any King, Prince, ruler, governor, or state, being then in 
league or amity with us, our heirs, or successors, and that 
upon such injury, or upon just complaint of such prince, 
ruler, governor, or state, or their subjects, we, our heirs, 
or successors, shall make open proclamation, within any of 
the ports of our realm of England, commodious for that 
purpose, that the person or persons, having committed any 
such robbery or spoil, shall, within the term to be limitted 
by such proclamations, make full restitution or satisfaction 
of all such injuries done, so as the said princes, or others, 
so complaining, may hold themselves fully satisfied and con- 
tented ; and that, if the said person or persons, having 
committed such Robbery or spoil, shall not make, or cause 
to be made, satisfaction accordingly, within such time so to 
be limited, that then it shall be lawful to us, our heirs, and 
successors, to put the said person or persons, having com- 
mitted such robbery or spoil, and their procurers, abetters, 
or comforters, out of our allegiance and protection ; and 
that it shall be lawful and free for all princes and others, 
to pursue with hostility the said offenders, and every of 
them, and their and every of their procurers, aiders, abet- 
ters, and comforters, in that behalf. 

" XVIII. And finally, we do, for us, our heirs, and suc- 
Landstobe cessors, grant and agree, to and with the said 
freTanVcom- Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers, Richard 
mon soeeage Hackluit, and Edward-Maria Wingfield, and all 

in the first .-in i ., ■, . 

colony. others oi the said first colony, that we, our neirs, 

and successors, upon petition in that behalf to be made, 
shall, by letters patent under the great seal of England, 
give and grant unto such persons, their heirs, and assigns, 
as the council of that colony, or the most part of them, 
shall, for that purpose nominate and assign, all the lands, 
tenements, and herditaments, which shall be within the 
precincts limited for that colony, as is aforesaid, to be 
holden of us, our heirs, and successors, as of our manor of 
East-Greenwich in the county of Kent, in free and common 
soccage only, and not in capite : 


" XIX. And do, &c. [Same grant as XVIII. to 2d colony.] 

" All which lands, tenements and hereditaments so to be 

passed by the said several letters patent, shall be _ , , 

* . J „ 1 • i Lands passed 

sufficient assurance from the said patentees, so by these 
distributed and divided amongst the undertakers sured by the 
for the plantation of the said several colonies, P atentees - 
and such as shall make their plantations in either of the 
said several colonies, in such manner and form, and for 
such estates, as shall be ordered and set down by the council 
of the said colony, or the most part of them, respectively, 
within which the same lands, tenements and hereditaments 
shall lye or be ; although express mention of the true 
yearly value or certainty of the premises or any of them, or 
of any other gifts or grants, by us, or any of our progeni- 
tors or predecessors, to the aforesaid Sir Thomas Gates, 
Knight, Sir George Somers, Knight, Richard Hackluit, 
Edward-Maria Wingfield, Thomas Hanham, Ralegh Gilbert, 
William Parker, and George Popham, or any of them, here- 
tofore made in these presents, is not made ; or any statute, 
act, ordinance, or provision, proclamation, or restraint, to 
the contrary hereof had, made, ordained, or any other thing, 
cause, or matter whatsoever, in any wise notwithstanding. 

" In witness whereof, we have caused these our letters to 
be made patents ; Witness ourself at Westminster, the tenth 
day of April, in the fourth year of our reign of England, 
France, and Ireland, and of Scotland the nine and thirtieth. 

" Lukin. 

" Per breve de privato Sigillo" 

[Mem. — Read in the light of subsequent events, the 
following remarks, made by Hume in 1754, are very inter- 
esting : " Speculative reasoners," says Hume, " during that 
age raised many objections to the planting of those remote 
colonies, and foretold that, after draining their mother 
country of inhabitants, they would soon shake off her 
yoke, and erect an independent government in America: 
but time has shown that the views entertained by those 

64 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

who encouraged such generous undertakings were more 
just and solid." In less than a generation after this was 
written, the " speculative reasoners " became prophets. 

April 18, 1606, Master John Knight, sent out by the 
Muscovy and East India Companies, sailed from Gravesend, 
with two vessels, for the discovery of the Northwest Pas- 
sage. Returned September 20, 1606. 

Late in July, Captain John Legat sailed from Plymouth, 
England, for the Amazon River, South America. 

August 12, Capt. Henry Challons sailed [see XXXIV.]. 

In October [?], " It pleased the Noble Lord Chiefe Jus- 
tice, Sir John Popham, Knight, to send out another shippe, 
wherein Captayne Thomas Hanham went commander, and 
Martine Prinne [Pring] of Bristow, Master, with all neces- 
sary supplyes, for the seconding of Captayne Challons and 
his people." 

November 5. "The Gunpowder Plot Day" was ap- 
pointed by Parliament to be observed forever as a day of 
solemn thanksgiving.] 




In 1623, among the charges brought against Sir Thomas 
Smythe was this : — 

" That his Majesties Instructions first given for Govern- 
ment were not observed, nor so much as published. That 
they were clean suppressed and extinguished, and the Orig- 
inals no longer extant." 

To this Smythe replied : — 

" That he did follow the instructions, and gave coppies 
thereof to the President and Counsell first established. 
And they were engrossed fairely in a Book as a Record." 

Purchas does not publish them, but in vol. iv., on p. 
1667, he speaks of " the articles and instructions," as being 


dated two days after April 10 ; but Purchas must have 
made a mistake as to the date, unless there was another 
document of the kind now lost, as this is dated November 
20, 1606. This document was published in Hening's " Vir- 
ginia Statutes at Large," vol. i. pp. 67-75, in 1809. It was 
taken from a MS. record book in the register's office of 
Virginia, but I am not prepared to claim that it was the 
same record book in which Sir Thomas Smythe had it 
" fairely engrossed." 

Burke, in his " History of Virginia," vol. i. pp. 85-92, 
gives an extended abstract of this paper, but the whole of it 
has only been printed, I believe, by Hening, as aforesaid, 
and I have copied from his imprint, which makes the whole 
document a single sentence, probably one of the longest on 

" Articles, Instructions and Orders made, sett down and 
established by us, the twentieth day of November, in the 
year of our raigne of England, France, and Ireland the 
fourth and of Scotland the fortieth, for the good Order 
and Government of the two several Colonies and Planta- 
tions to be made by our loving subjects, in the Country 
commonly called Virginia and America, between thirty- 
four and forty-five degrees from the aequinoctial line. 

Wheras Wee, by our letter pattents under our great 
seale of England, bearing date att Westminster, the tenth 
day of Aprill, in the year of our raigne of England, France 
and Ireland the fourth, and of Scotland the 39th, have 
given lycence to sundry pur loving subjects named in the 
said letters pattents and to their associates, to deduce and 
conduct two several Collonies or plantations of sundry our 
loving people willing to abide and inhabit in certain parts 
of Virginia and America, with divers preheminences, privi- 
ledges, authorities and other things, as in and by the same 
letters pattents more particularly it appeareth, Wee accord- 
ing to the effect and true meaning of the same letters pat- 
tents, doe by these presents, signed with our hand, signe 

66 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

manuel and sealed with our privy seale of our realme of 
England, establish and ordaine, 1 that our trusty and well 
beloved Sir William Wade, Knight, our Lieutenant of our 
Tower of London, Sir Thomas Smith, Knight, Sir Walter 
Cope, Knight, Sir George Moor, Knight, Sir Francis Pope- 
ham, Knight, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Knight, Sir John 
Trevor, Knight, Sir Henry Montague, Knight, recorder of 
the citty of London, Sir William Rumney, Knight, John 
Dodderidge, Esq. Sollicitor General, Thomas Warr, Esqr. 
John Eldred of the citty of London, merchant, Thomas 
James of the citty of Bristol, merchant, and James Bagge 
of Plymouth, in the county of Devonshire, merchant, shall 
be our councel for all matters which shall happen in Vir- 
ginia or any the territories of America, between thirty-four 
and forty-five degrees from the ^equinoctial line northward, 
and the Islands to the several collonies limitted and as- 
signed, and that they shall be called the King's Councel of 
Virginia, which councel or the most part of them shal have 
full power and authority, att our pleasure, in our name, and 
under us, our heires and successors, to give directions to the 
councels of the several collonies which shal be within any 
part of the said country of Virginia and America, within 
the degrees first above mentioned, with the Islands afore- 
said, for the good government of the people to be planted 
Councillors in those parts, and for the good ordering and 
nated. desposing of all causes happening within the; 

same, and the same to be done for the substance thereof? 
as neer to the common lawes of England, and the equity 
thereof, as may be, and to passe under our seale, appointed 
for that councel, which councel, and every or any of them 
shall, from time to time be increased, altered or changed, 
and others put in their places, att the nomination of us, our 
heires and successors, and att our and their will and pleas- 

1 The members of His Majesty's were members of the first colony, the 

council of Virginia were chosen from others being members of the second 

the members of the two companies. I colony. Most of them were then 

am quite sure that the names in italics members of Parliament. 


ure, and the same couneel of Virginia, or the more part of 
them, for the time being, shall nominate and appoint the 
first several councellours of those several councells, which 
are to be appointed for those two several colonies, which 
are to be made plantations in Virginia and America, be- 
tween the degrees before mentioned, according to our said 
letters pattents in that behalfe made ; and that 

i , « ■, -i J&Mjn council 

each of the same councels ot the same several to choose a 
colonies shal, by the major part of them, choose Eontmu- 
one of the same couneel, not being the minister ^ e m 
of God's word, to be president of the same coun- 
eel, and to continue in that office, by the space of one whole 
year, unless he shall in the mean time dye or be removed 
from that office ; and wee doe further hereby establish and 
ordaine, that it shal be lawful for the major part 1 of either 
of the said councells, upon any just cause, either absence 
or otherwise, to remove the president or any other of that 
couneel, from being either president, or any of that coun- 
eel ; and upon the deathes or removal of any of y acancieg 
the presidents or couneel, it shal be lawful for how sup- 
the major part of that couneel, to elect another 
in the place of the party soe dying or removed, so alwaies, 
as they shal not be above thirteen of either of the said 
councellours, and wee doe establish and ordaine, that the 
president shal not continue in his office of president ship 
above the space of one year ; and wee doe specially ordaine, 
charge, and require, the said president and coun- 
cells, and the ministers of the said several colo- u^™, tobt 
nies respectively, within their several limits and amon^the 

precincts, that thev, with all diligence, care, and colonists and 
* •nil in" * e sava & es - 

respect, doe provide, that the true word, and ser- 
vice of God and Christian faith be preached, planted, and 
used, not only within every of the said several colonies, and 
plantations, but alsoe as much as they may amongst the 

1 This clause destroyed the useful- the blame on when affairs were not go- 
ness of the president in troublesome ing smoothly, while the authority was 
times, and made him an object to lay really in the hands of the majority. 

68 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

salvage people which doe or shall adjoine unto them, or 
border upon them, according to the doctrine, rights, and 
religion now professed and established within our realme 
Penalty for of England ; and that they shall not suff er any 
Tn^of the" g person, or persons to withdrawe any of the sub- 
tf' ple ]£ J ects or P eo P^ e inhabiting, or which shall inhabit 
or allegiance, within any of the said several colonies and plan- 
tations from the same, or from their due allegiance, unto 
us, our heires and successors, as their immediate soveraigne 
under God ; and if they shall find within any of the said 
colonies and plantations, any person or persons soe seek- 
ing to withdrawe any of the subjects of us, our heires or 
successors, or any of the people of those lands or territo- 
ries, within the precincts aforesaid, they shall with all dili- 
gence, him or them soe offending cause to be apprehended, 
arrested, and imprisoned, until he shall fully and throughly 
reforme himself e, or otherwise, when the cause soe requireth, 
that he shall, with all convenient speed be sent into our 
realme of England, here to receive condigne punishment for 

his or their said offence or offences ; and more- 
to descend over wee doe hereby ordaine and establish for us, 
pass. Qur jjgjpgg an( j successors? that all the lands, ten- 
ements, and hereditaments to be had and enjoyed by any 
of our subjects within the precincts aforesaid, shal be had 
and inherited and enjoyed, according as in the like estates 
they be had and enjoyed by the lawes within this realme 
of England; and that the offences of tumults, rebellion, 

conspiracies, mutiny and seditions in those parts 
offences to which may be dangerous to the estates there, to- 
e pums e . gg^gj. with murther, manslaughter, incest, rapes, 
and adulteries committed in those parts within the precincts 
of any the degrees above mentioned (and noe other of- 
fences) shal be punished by death, and that without the 
benefit of the clergy, except in case of manslaughter, in 
which clergie is to be allowed, and that the said several 
presidents and councells, and the greater number of them, 
within every of the several limits and precincts, shall have 


full power and authority, to hear and determine all and 
every the offences aforesaid, within the precinct of their 
several colonies, in manner and forme following, Trial by 
that is to say, by twelve honest and indifferent J up y- 
persons sworne upon the Evangelists, to be returned by 
such ministers and officers as every of the said presidents 
and councells, or the most part of them respectively shall 
assigne, and the twelve persons soe returned and sworne 
shall, according to the evidence to be given unto them 
upon oath and according to the truth, in their consciences, 
either convict or acquit every of the said persons soe to be 
accused and tried by them ; and that all and every person 
or persons, which shall voluntarily confesse any of the said 
offences to be committed by him, shall, upon such his con- 
fession thereof, be convicted of the same, as if he had been 
found guilty of the same, by the verdict of any such twelve 
jurors, as is aforesaid ; and that every person and persons 
which shall be accused of any of the said offences, and 
which shall stand mute, or refusing to make di- judgment on 
rect answer thereunto, shall be, and he held con- 5Ste o?by 
victed of the said offence, as if he had been found confession. 
guilty by the verdict of twelve such jurors, as aforesaid ; 
and that every person and persons soe convicted, either by 
verdict, his own confession, or by standing mute, or by 
refusing directly to answer as aforesaid of any the offences 
before mentioned, the said Presidents, or Coun- president 
cells, or the greatest number of them within J^p^L 
their several precincts and limits, where such judgment. 
conviction shall be had and made as aforesaid, shall have 
full power and authority, by these presents, to give judg- 
ment of death upon every such offender, without the bene- 
fit of the clergy, except only in cause of manslaughter, and 
noe person soe adjudged, attainted, or condemned R ieve by 
shall be reprived from the execution of the said the president 

. , „ . an£ i council. 

judgment, without the consent of the said presi- Pardon by 

dent and council or the most part of them by 

whom such judgment shall be given ; and that noe person 

70 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

shal receive any pardon, or be absolutely discharged of any 
the said offences, for which he shall be condemned to death 
as aforesaid, but by pardon of us, our heires and succes- 
sors, under our great seale of England; and wee doe in 
like manner establish and ordaine, if any either of the said 
collonies shall offend in any of the offences before men- 
tioned, within any part between the degrees aforesaid, out 
of the precincts of his or their collony, that then every 
__ , such offender or offenders shall be tried and 

Offenders to • i i p • i • i • 1 ■ 1 • 

be tried in punished as atoresaid within his or their proper 
11 coony " collony; and that every the said presidents and 
councells, within their several limits and precincts, and the 
President more part of them shall have power and author- 
and council itv bv these presents to hear and determine all 

to have i i pc i 

power to and every other wrongs, trespasses, offences, and 
termine ail misdeameanors whatsoever, other than those be- 
crvii causes. £ ore men ti ned, upon accusation of any person, 
and proof thereof made, by sufficient witnesse upon oath ; 
and that in all those cases the said president and councel, 
and the greater number of them, shall have power and 
authority, by these presents respectively, as is aforesaid, to 
punish the offender or offenders, either by reasonable cor- 
poral punishment and imprisonment, or else by a convenient 
fine, awarding damages or other satisfaction, to the party 
grieved, as to the said president and councell, or to the 
more part of them, shall be thought fitt and convenient, 
having regard to the quality of the offence, or state of the 
cause ; and that alsoe the said president and councel, shall 
have power and authority, by virtue of these presents, to 
„, , , punish all manner of excesse, through drunken- 

To punish r . i n • ii i • i 

excesses and nesse or otherwise, and all idle loytermg and 

drunkenness. , l • l l n 1 f i -,i • 

vagrant persons, which shall be round within 
their several limits and precincts, according to their best dis- 
cretions, and with such convenient punishment, as they or 
How judicial the most part of them shall think fitt ; alsoe our 
^° b e e ee e ^_ ngs will and pleasure, concerninge the judicial pro- 
tend, ceedings aforesaid, that the same shall be made 



and done summarily, and verbally without writing, until it 
come to the judgment or sentence, and yet nevertheless 
our will and pleasure is, that every judgment and sentence 
hereafter to be given in any the causes aforesaid, or in any 
other of the said several presidents and councells, or the 
greater number of them, within their several limits and pre- 
cincts, shall be breifely and summarily registered into a 
book, to be kept for that purpose, together with the cause 
for which the said judgment and sentence was given ; and 
that the said judgment or sentence, so registered and writ- 
ten shall be subscribed with the hands or names of the said 
president and councel, or such of them as gave the judg- 
ment or sentence ; alsoe our will and pleasure is, and wee 
doe hereby establish and ordaine, that the said several col- 
lonies and plantations, and every person and per- How the col _ 
sons of the same, severally and respectively, shall onists are fc ° 

• -!• n i • i • /» i trade tor tne 

withm every oi their several precincts, for the first five 
space of five years, next after their first landing yea ^ 
upon the said coast of Virginia and America, trade to- 
gether all in one stocke * or devideably, but in two or three 
stocks at the most, and bring not only all the fruits of their 
labours there, but alsoe all such other goods and commodi- 
ties which shall be brought out of England, or any other 
place, into the same collonies, into severall magazines or 
store houses, for that purpose to be made, and erected 
there, and that in such order, manner and form, as the 
councel of that collony, or the more part of them shall sett 
downe and direct ; and our will and pleasure is, and wee doe 
in like manner ordaine, that in every of the said collonies 
and plantations there shall be chosen there, elected yearely, 
by the president and councell of every of the said several 
colonies and plantations or the more part of them, one per- 
son, of the same colony and plantation, to be treasurer or 
cape-merchant of the same collony and plantation Cape-mer- 
to take the charge and managing of all such chant# 
goods, wares, and commodities, which shall be brought into 

1 Joint stock, III. note 1. 

72 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

or taken out of the severall magazines or storehouses ; the 
same treasurer or cape-merchant to continue in his office by 
the space of one whole year, next after his said election, 
unless he shall happen to dye within the said year, or vol- 
untarily give over the same, or be removed for any just or 
reasonable cause ; and that thereupon the same president 
and councell, or the most part of them, shall have power 
and authority to elect him again or any other or others in 
his room or stead, to continue in the same office as aforesaid ; 
and that alsoe there shall be two or more persons of good 
discretion within every of the said colonies and plantations 
elected and chosen yearely during the said terme of five 
years, by the president and councell of the same collony, or 
the most part of them respectively, within their several lim- 
its and precincts, the one or more of them to 
keep a book in which shall be registred and en- 
tred all such goods, wares, and merchandizes, as shall be 
received into the several magazines or storehouses within 
that collony, being appointed for that purpose, and the 
other to keep a like book, wherein shall be regis- 
tred all goods, wares, and merchandizes which 
shall issue or be taken out of any of the several magazines 
or store-houses of that collony, which clarks shall continue 
in their said places but att the will of the president and 
councell of that colony, whereof he is, or of the major part 
of them ; and that every person of every the said several 
colonies, and plantations shall be furnished with all neces- 
saries out of those several magazines or store- 
houses which shall belong to the said colony and 
plantation, in which that person is, for and during the terme 
and time of five years, by the appointment, direction and 
order of the president and councell there, or of the said 
cape-merchant and two clerks or of the most part of them, 
within the said several limits and precincts of the said colo- 
nies and plantations : Alsoe our will and pleasure is, and 
wee doe hereby ordain, that the adventurers of the said first 
colony and plantation, shall and may during the said terme 


of five years, elect and choose out of themselves one or 
more companies, each company consisting of 
three persons att the least who shall be resident and compa- 
att or neer London, or such other place, and 
places, as the councell of the colony for the time being, or 
the most part of them, during the said five years shall 
think fitt, who shall there from time to time take charge of 
the trade an accompt of all such goods, wares and merchan- 
dizes, and other things which shall be sent from thence to 
the company of the same colony, or plantation in Virginia, 
and likewise of all such wares, goods and merchandizes, as 
shall be brought from the said colony or plantation unto 
that place within our realme of England, and of all things 
concerning the managing of the affaires and profits con- 
cerning the adventurors of that company which shall soe 
passe out of or come into that place or port ; [Then follows 
a like provision for the second colony, except that the com- 
pany or companies " shall be resident att, or near Plymouth 
in our county of Devon."]. Alsoe our will and pleasure is, 
that no person or persons shall be admitted into any of the 
said colonies and plantations there to abide and _ , . 

i iii-ii ii i Colonists to 

remame, but such as shall take not only the usual take certain 
oath of obedience to us, our heires, and succes- 
sors, but alsoe the oath which is limited in the last session 
of Parliament holden at Westminster in the fourth year of 
our raigne, for their due obedience unto us, our heires and 
successors, that the trade to, and from any the colonies 
aforesaid may be mannaged to, and from such ports and 
places, within our realme of England, as is before in these 
articles intended, anything set down heretofore to the con- 
trary notwithstanding; and that the said President and 
Councell of each of the said colonies, and the President 
more part of them respectively shall and may ^ dcouncil 
lawfully from time to time constitute, make and finances, &c. 
ordaine such constitutions, ordinances, and officers, for the 
better order, government and peace of the people of their 
several collonies, soe alwaies as the same ordinances, and 

74 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

constitutions doe not touch any party in life or member, 
which constitutions, and ordinances shall stand, and con- 
tinue in full force, untill the same shall be otherwise altered, 
or made void, by us, our heires, or successors, or our, or 
their councel of Virginia, soe always as the same altera- 
tions, be such as may stand with, and be in substance con- 
sonant unto the lawes of England, or the equity thereof; 
furthermore, our will, and pleasure is, and wee doe hereby 
determine and ordaine, that every person and persons being 
our subjects of every the said collonies and plantations shall 
from time to time well entreate those salvages in those parts, 
Must pro- and use all good meanes to draw the salvages 
SiWmong an( * heathen people of the said several places, 
the Indians. an( J f the territories and countries adjoining to 
the true service and knowledge of God, and that all just, 
kind and charitable courses, shall be holden with such of 
them as shall conf orme themselves to any good and sociable 
traffique and dealing with the subjects of us, our heires and 
successors, which shall be planted there, whereby they may 
be the sooner drawne to the true knowledge of God, and 
the obedience of us, our heires, and successors, under such 
severe paines and punishments, as shall be inflicted by the 
same several presidents and councells of the said several col- 
onies, or the most part of them within their several limits 
and precincts, on such as shall offend therein, or doe the 
contrary ; and that as the said territories and countries of 
Virginia and America within the degrees aforesaid shall from 
_ . . , time to time increase in plantation by our sub- 

Jrrovision for . , x \ . 

further ordi- jects, wee, our heires and successors will ordaine 
and give such order and further instructions, 
lawes, constitutions and ordinances for the better order, 
rule and government of such, as soe shall make plantations 
there, as to us, our heires and successors, shall from time to 
time be thought fitt and convenient, which alwaies shall be 
such, as may stand with, or be in substance, consonant unto 
the lawes of England, or the equity thereof ; and lastly wee 
doe ordaine, and establish for us, our heires and successors, 


that such oath shall be taken by each of our councellors 
here for Virginia concerning; their place and _ 

on p 11 • n Councillors 

office of councell, as by the privy councell 01 us, to take an 
our heires and successors of this our reahne of 
England, shall be in that behalf limited and appointed; 
and that each councellor of the said colonies shall take such 
oath, for the execution of their place and office of councel, 
as by the councel of us, our heires and successors here in 
England, for Virginia shall in that behalfe be limited and 
appointed, and as well those several articles and instruc- 
tions herein mentioned and contained, as alsoe all such as 
by virtue hereof shall hereafter be made and ordained, shall 
as need shall require, by the advice of our Councel here for 
Virginia shall be transcripted over unto the said several 
councells of the said several colonies, under the seale to be 
ordained for our said councell here for Virginia. 
"In Witnesse," etc. 


The document was written by His Majesties Council for 

" Certain orders and Directions conceived and set down 
the tenth day of December in the year of the reign of Our 
Soverain Lord King James of England, France and Ireland 
the fourth, and of Scotland the fortieth, by his Majesties' 
Counsel for Virginia, for the better government of his 
Majesties subjects, both captains, soldiers, marriners, and 
others that are now bound for that coast to settle his Majes- 
ties' first colony in Virginia, there to be by them observed 
as well in their passages thither by sea, as after their arrival 
and landing there. 

"Whereas our said Soverain Lord the King by certain 
articles signed by his Majestie, and sealed with his High- 
ness privy seal hath appointed us whose names * are under- 

1 Unfortunately, I am not able to still hope that they may be found pre- 
give the names of the signers ; but I served in some copy of the document. 

76 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

written with some others to be his Majesties Counsel for 
Virginia, giving unto us by his Majesties warrant under 
the said privy seal full power and authority in his Majesties 
name to nominate the first several counsellors of the several 
colonies which are to be planted in Virginia, and to give 
directions unto the several counsellors for their better gov- 
ernment there, we having such due respect as is requisite to 
a service of such importance being assembled to-gether for 
the better ordering and directing of the same do by this 
our writing sealed with his Majesties seal appointed for this 
Counsel, ordain, direct, and appoint in manner and form 

" First, Whereas the good ship l called the Sarah Con- 
stant and the ship called the Goodspeed, with a pinnace 
called the Discovery are now ready victualed, riged, and 
furnished for the said voyage; we think it fit and so do 
ordain and appoint that Capt. Christopher Newport shall 
have the sole charge to appoint such captains, soldiers, and 
marriners, as shall either command, or be shiped to pass in 
the said ships or pinnace, and shall also have the charge 
and oversight of all such munitions, victuals, and other pro- 
visions as are or shall be shiped at the publick charge of 
the adventurers in them or any of them. And further that 
the said Capt. Newport shall have the sole charge and com- 
mand of all the captains, soldiers, and marriners and other 
persons that shall go in any the said ships and pinnace in 
the said voyage from the day of the date hereof, until such 
time as they shall fortune to land upon the said coast of 
Virginia, and if the said Captain Newport shall happen to 

1 There is, also, some confusion as In 1602, in Weymouth's northwest 

to the names of the ships. This voyage, on the 5th of August, the 

document gives their names as the Godspeed "strooke a piece of Ice, 

Sarah Constant, the Goodspeed, and which they thought had foundred 

the Discovery ; while Purchas gives their shippe ; but thanks be to God 

their names as the Susan Constant, they received no great hurt, for our 

the Godspeed, and the Discovery. I shippes were very strong." It is pos- 

am quite sure that the two last named sible that the Discovery was the Dis- 

were the same vessels which returned coverer of Pring's voyage to our 

from Cherry Island, August 15, 1606. northern coast in 1603. 


dye at sea, then the masters of the said ships and pinnace 
shall carry them to the coast of Virginia aforesaid. 

" And whereas we have caused to be delivered unto the 
said Captain Newport, Captain Barthol. Gosnold and Cap- 
tain John Ratcliffe, several instruments * close sealed with 
the Counsels seal aforesaid containing the names of such 
persons as we have appointed to be of his Majesties 
Counsel in the said country of Virginia, we do ordain and 
direct that the said Captain Christopher Newport, Captain 
Bartholomew Gosnold, and Captain John Ratcliffe, or the 
survivor or survivors of them, shall within four and twenty 
hours next after the said ship shall arrive upon the said 
coast of Virginia and not before open and unseal the said 
Instruments and declare and publish unto all the company 
the names therein set down, and that the persons by us 
therein named are and shall be known, and taken to be 
his Majesties Counsel of his first Colony in Virginia afore- 
said. And further that the said Counsel so by us nomi- 
nated, shall upon the publishing of the said instrument pro- 
ceed to the election and nomination of a President of the 
said Counsel, and the said President in all matters of con- 
troversy and question that shall arise during the continu- 
ance of his authority where there shall fall out to be 
equality of voices, shall have two voices, and shall have 
full power and authority with the advice of the rest of the 
said Counsel, or the greatest part of them to govern, rule 
and command all the captains and soldiers, and all other 
his Majesties subjects of his Colony according to the true 
meaning of the orders and directions set down in the arti- 
cles signed by his Majestie and of these presents. 

1 I have been unable to find a copy America, these instruments were not 

of these "several Instruments;" but to be open until their legal efficacy 

the names of "his Majesties Counsel began, in order to prevent a possible 

in Virginia " were Christopher New- conflict of authority on the voyage be- 

port, Bartholomew Gosnold, John Rat- tween " The officers at Sea " and " the 

cliffe, Edward-Maria Wingfield, John land officers." This plan had been 

Martin, John Smith, and George Ken- found to be a necessary precaution, 

dall, with Gabriel Archer as secretary and had been adopted, under like cir- 

or recorder. As their authority did cumstances, by the East India and 

not begin until they had landed in Muscovy companies. 

78 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

"And that immediately upon the election and nomina- 
tion of the said President, the President himself shall in the 
presence of the said Counsel, and some twenty of the princi- 
pal persons, adventurers in the said voyage to be by the 
said President and Counsel called thereunto, take his cor- 
poral oath upon the holy Evangelists of alleageance to our 
Soverain Lord the King and for the performance of this 
duty in his place in manner and form following. 

" I elected President for his Majesties Counsel for 

the first Colony to Virginia do swear that I shall be a true 
and faithful servant unto the King's Majestie as a Coun- 
sellor and President of his Majesties Counsel for the first 
Colony planted or to be planted in any of the territories 
of America between the degrees of 34 and 41 from the 
equinoctial line northward and the trades thereof, and that 
I shall faithfully and truly declare my mind and opinion 
according to my heart and conscience in all things treated 
of in that Counsel, and shall keep secret all matter com- 
mitted and revealed unto me concerning the same, or that 
shall be treated of secretly in that Counsel until time as by 
the consent of his Majesties Privy Counsel or the Counsel 
of Virginia or the more part of them, publication shall be 
made thereof, and of all matters of great importance or 
difficulty I shall make his Majesties Counsel for Virginia 
acquainted therewith and follow their directions therein. 
I shall to the best of my skill and knowledge uprightly and 
duly execute all things committed to my care and charge 
according to such directions as are or shall be given unto 
me from his Majestie his heirs or successors, or his or their 
Privy Counsel, or his or their Counsel for Virginia accord- 
ing to the tenour, effect and true meaning of his Majesties 
Letters Patent, and of such articles and instructions as are 
set down by his Highness under his Majesty's Privy Seal 
for and concerning the government of the said Colony, and 
my uttermost bear faith and alleageance unto the King's 
Majesty his heirs, and lawful successors, as shall assist and 
defend all jurisdictions and authorities granted unto his 


Majesty and annexed unto the Crown as against forrain 
princes, persons and potentates whatsoever be it by act of 
Parliament or otherwise, and generally in all things I shall 
do as a true and faithful servant and subject ought to do 
to his Majesty. So help me God. — And after the oath so 
by him taken, the said President shall minister the like oath 
to every one particularly, of the said Counsel leaving out 
the name of President only. 

" And finally that after the arrival of the said ship upon 
the coast of Virginia [and] the Counsellor's names pub- 
lished, the said Captain Newport shall with such number of 
men as shall be assigned him by the President and Counsel 
of the said Colony spend and bestow two months in dis- 
covery of such ports and rivers as can be found in that 
country, and shall give order for the present laiding and 
furnishing of the two ships above named, and all such 
principal comodities and merchandize as can there be had 
and found, in such sort as he may return with the said 
ships full laden with good merchandizes, bringing with him 
full relation of all that hath passed in said voyage, by the 
end of May next, if God permit." 



The document was written by His Majesties Council for 

Stith, in his " History of Virginia," 1747, gives a few 
extracts from VII. and VIII. They were first published in 
full by the Rev. Edward D. Neill (as above), in 1869. 
The manuscript is now preserved in the Library of Con- 
gress. Burke, in his " History of Virginia," 1804, vol. i. 
p. 93, merely refers to them. 

"Instructions given by way of Advice by us whom it 
hath pleased the King's Majesty to appoint of the Counsel 
for the intended voyage to Virginia, to be observed by 


PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

those Captains and Company which are sent at this present 
to plant there. 

" As we doubt not but you will have especial care to 
observe the ordinances set down by the King's Majesty and 
delivered unto you under the privy seal ; so for your better 
directions upon your first landing we have thought good to 
recommend unto your care these instructions and articles 

" When it shall please God to send you on the coast of 
Virginia, you shall do your best endeavour to find out a safe 
port in the entrance of some navigable river making choice 
of such a one as runneth farthest into the land, and if you 
happen to discover divers portable rivers, and amongst them 
any one that hath two main branches, if the difference be 
not great make choice of that which bendeth most toward 
the North-West, for that way you shall soonest find the 
other sea. 1 

1. Groenlandia. 7. Baccalaos, by the English 12. Bermuda. 

2. Islandia. 1496. 13. Azores. 

3. Frislandia. 8. Hochelaga. 14. Florida. 

4. Meta Incognita, discovered by 9. Nova Albion, by the English, 15. Nueva Mexico. 

the English in 1576. 1580. 16. Nova Hispania. 

5. Demonum ins. 10. Nova Francia. 

6. S. Brandon. 11. Virginia, by the English, 1584. 

Of course there were differences of opinion, at that time, as to the forma- 

Eighth Lord Cobhar 


" When you have made choice of the river on which you 
mean to settle be not hasty in landing your victuals and 
munitions, but first let Captain Newport discover how far 
that river may be found navigable that you make election 
of the strongest, most wholesome and fertile place, for if 
you make many removes, besides the loss of time, you shall 
greatly spoil your victuals and your casks, and with great 
pain transport it in small boats. 

" But if you choose your place so far up as a bark of 
fifty tuns will float, then you may lay all your provisions 
ashore with ease, and the better receive the trade of all the 
countries about you in the land, and such a place you may 
perchance find a hundred miles from the river's mouth, and 
the further up the better, for if you sit down near the 
entrance, except it be in some island that is strong by 
nature, an enemy that may approach you on even ground 
may easily pidl you out, and if he be driven to seek you a 
hundred miles in the land in boats you shall from both 
sides of the river, where it is narrowest, so beate them with 
your muskets as they shall never be able to prevail against 

" And to the end that you be not surprised as the French 
were in Florida by Melindus, 1 and the Spaniard in the same 
place by the French, 2 you shall do well to make this double 
provision, first erect a little stoure 3 at the mouth of the 

tion of this continent. The above cut way lies India," he said, pointing to 

represents the Hakluyt-Martyr idea the west. The Panama canal, when 

of 1587. In 1606 the idea of our At- completed, will probably have cost 

lantic coast was more definite, while 8500,000,000. In 1606 it is evident 

the still indefinite knowledge of the that they had the latitudes nearly cor- 

Great Lakes caused many to hope for rect ; the trouble was with the longi- 

a ready way northwestward from tudes. They had not an accurate 

Chesapeake Bay via these lakes to method for determining distances from 

the South Sea (the Pacific Ocean), east to west. 

The great desire to find some ready 1 Menendez in 1565. 

way to that sea was most natural and 2 Gourgues in 1568. 

most commendable. The idea has 8 This " little stoure " may have 

continued to obtain among us. On been first stationed on the present 

Benton's statue in St. Louis is chiseled Newport News point. 

a memorable sentence of his. " That 

82 PEKIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANTJARY, 1609. 

river that may lodge some ten men, with whom you shall 
leave a light boat, that when any fleet shall be in sight 
they may come with speed to give yon warning. Secondly 
you must in no case suffer any of the native people of the 
country to inhabit between you and the sea coast, for you 
cannot carry yourselves so towards them but they will grow 
discontented with your habitation, and be ready to guide 
and assist any nation that shall come to invade you, and if 
you neglect this you neglect your safety. 

" When you have discovered as far up the river as you 
mean to plant yourselves and landed your victuals and muni- 
tions to the end that every man may know his charge, you 
shall do well to divide your six score men * into three parts, 
whereof one party of them you may appoint to fortifie and 
build of which your first work must be your storehouse 
for victual ; the other you may imploy in preparing your 
ground and sowing your corn and roots ; the other ten of 
these forty you must leave as centinel at the haven's mouth. 
The other forty you may imploy for two months in dis- 
covery of the river above you, and on the country about 
you, which charge Captain Newport and Captain Gosnold 
may undertake of these forty discoverers ; when they do 
espie any high lands or hills Capt. Gosnold may take 
twenty of the company to cross over the lands, and carrying 
a half dozen pickaxes to try if they can find any minerals. 2 
The other twenty may go on by river, and pitch up boughs 
upon the banks' side by which the other boats shall follow 
them by the same turnings. You may also take with them 
a wherry such as is used here in the Thames, by which you 
may send back to the President for supply of munition or 
any other want, that you may not be driven to return for 
every small defect. 

" You must observe, if you can, whether the river on 
which you plant doth spring out of mountains or out of 

1 One hundred and twenty men. 2 Their desire to find minerals has 

There were also 40 sailors, or 160 all been turned to ridicule, but the same 

told. Of these 104 remained in Vir- desire remains, 


lakes ; if it be out of any lake, the passage to the other 
sea will be the more easy, and is like enough that out of 
the same lake you shall find some spring which runs the 
contrary way toward the East India Sea ; for the great and 
famous rivers of Volga, Tanis and Dwina have three heads 
near joynd, and yet the one falleth into the Caspian Sea, 
the other into the Euxine Sea, and the third into the Polo- 
nian Sea. 

" In all your passages you must have great care not to 
offend the naturals, if you can eschew it, and imploy some 
few of your company to trade with them for corn and all 
other lasting victuals, if they have any, and this you must 
do before that they perceive you mean to plant among 
them, for not being sure how your own seed corn will pros- 
per the first year, to avoid the danger of famine, use and 
endeavour to store yourselves of the country corn. 

" Your discoverers that passes overland with hired guides, 
must look well to them that they slip not from them, and 
for more assurance, let them take a compass with them, and 
write down how far they go upon every point of the com- 
pass, for that country having no way nor path, if that your 
guides run from you in the great woods or desert, you shall 
hardly ever find a passage back. 

"And how weary soever your soldiers be, let them 
never trust the country people with the carriage of their 
weapons, for if they run from you with your shott which 
they only fear, they will easily kill them all with their arrows. 
And whensoever any of yours shoots before them, be sure 
that they be chosen out of your best markesmen, for if they 
see your learners miss what they aim at, they will think the 
weapon not so terrible and thereby will be bould to assault 


"Above all things do not advertize the killing of any 
of your men, that the country people may know it ; if they 
perceive that they are but common men, and that with the 
loss of many of theirs, they may deminish any part of yours, 
they will make many adventures upon you. If the country 

84 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

be populous, you shall do well also not to let them see or 
know of your sick men, if you have any, which may also 
encourage them to many enterprises. You must take espe- 
cial care that you choose a seat for habitation that shall not 
be over burthened with woods near your town for all the 
men you have shall not be able to cleanse twenty acres a 
year, besides that it may serve for a covert for your enemies 
round about. 

" Neither must you plant in a low or moist place because 
it will prove unhealthfull. You shall judge of the good air 
by the people, for some part of that coast where the lands 
are low have their people blear eyed, and with swollen 
bellies and legs, but if the naturals be strong and clean 
made, it is a true sign of a wholesome soil. 

" You must take order to draw up the pinnace, that is 
left with you, under the fort, and take her sails and anchors 
ashore, all but a small Kedge to ride by, least some ill dis- 
posed persons slip away in her. 

"You must take care that your marriners that go for 
wages, do not marr your trade, for those that mind not to 
inhabite, for a little gain will debase the estimation of ex- 
change, and hinder the trade forever after, and therefore 
you shall not admit or suffer any person whatsoever, other 
than such as shall be appointed by the President and Coun- 
sel there, to buy any merchandizes or other things whatso- 

" It were necessary that all your carpenters and other 
such like workmen about building do first build your store- 
house and those other rooms of publick and necessary use 
before any house be set up for any private persons, yet let 
them all work together first for the company and then for 
private men. 

" And seeing order is at the same price with confusion it 
shall be adviseably done to set your houses even and by a 
line, that your streets may have a good breadth, and be car- 
ried square about your market place, and every street's end 
opening into it, that from thence with a few field pieces you 


may command every street throughout, which market place 
you may also fortify if you think it need full. 

" You shall do well to send a perfect relation by Capt. 
Newport of all that is done, what height you are seated, 
how far into the land, what comodities you find, what soil, 
woods and their several kinds, and so of all other things 
else, to advertise particularly ; and to suffer no man to re- 
turn but by pasport from the President and Counsel, nor to 
write any letter of any thing that may discourage others. 

" Lastly and chiefly the way to prosper and achieve good 
success is to make yourselves all of one mind for the good 
of your country and your own, and to serve and fear God 
the Giver of all Goodness, for every plantation which our 
Heavenly Father hath not planted shall be rooted out." 

[Mem. — "December 17 [1606]. Commission granted 
to Thomas Lord Ellesmere, Lord Chancellor of England, to 
award Commissions to divers men for examination of all 
such persons as go out of the Kingdom at any of the Ports 
of London, Harwick, Weymouth and Kingston-upon-Hull."] 

"On Saturday the twentieth of December in the yeere 
1606," the first expedition sent out for " the First Colony 
in Virginia " sailed from London in three vessels, viz., 
the Sarah (or Susan) Constant, Captain Christopher New- 
port, the commander of the voyage, the Godspeed (or the 
Goodspeed), Captain Bartholomew Gosnold, vice-admiral, 
and the Discovery (or the Discoverer), Captain John Rat- 

They took with them copies ("engrossed fairely in a 
Book as a Record") of V., VI., VII., and VIII.; also 
" The several instruments " mentioned in VII., the commis- 
sions for " the First Council in Virginia," and other docu- 
ments, now, probably, lost forever. 

The following poem was possibly written as an incentive 
to this voyage : — 

86 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 



Printed in the collected edition of Drayton's Poems, 1619-20, and in the Hak- 
luyt Society volume for 1851, pp. ii., iii., and partly (8 verses) in Mr. Neill's 
Virginia Company of London, 1869, pp. 14, 15. 

You brave heroique minds, 
Worthy your countries name, 

That honour still pursue, 

Goe, and subdue, 
"Whilst loyt'ring hinds 
Lurk here at home with shame. 

Britans, you stay too long, 
Quickly aboord bestow you, 

And with a merry gale, 

Swell your stretch'd sayle, 
With vowes as strong 
As the winds that blow you. 

Your course securely steere, 
West and by South forth keepe ; 

Rocks, lee-shores, nor sholes, 

When Eolus scowles, 
You need not feare, 
So absolute the deepe. 

And cheerefully at sea, 
Successe you still intice, 

To get the pearle and gold, 

And ours to hold, 


Earth's only Paradise, 

Where nature hath in store 
Fowle, venison, and Fish ; 

And the fruitfull'st soyle, 

Without your toyle, 
Three harvests more, 
All greater then you wish. 

And the ambitious vine, 
Crownes with his purple masse 


The cedar reaching hie 

To kisse the sky, 
The cypresse, pine, 
And useful! sassafras, 

To whose, the Golden Age 
Still natures lawes doth give ; 

No other cares that tend, 

But them to defend 
From winter's age, 
That long there doth not live. 

"When as the lushious smell 
Of that delicious land, 

Above the seas that flowes 

The cleere wind throwes 
Your hearts to swell, 
Approching the deare strand. 

In kenning of the shore 
(Thanks to God first given) 

O you, the happy'st men, 

Be frolike then ; 
Let cannons roare, 
Frighting the wide Heaven, 

And in regions farre, 

Such heroes bring yee foorth 

As those from whom we came ; 

And plant our name 
Under that starre 
Not knowne unto our north. 

And as there plenty growes 
Of Lawrell every where, 

Apollo's sacred tree, 

You it may see, 
A poets browes 
To crowne, that may sing there. 

Thy Voyages attend, 
Industrious Hacklutt, 

Whose reading shall inflame 

Men to seeke fame, 
And much commend 
To after-times thy wit. 

88 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 



The exact date of the following letter is uncertain. The 
envelope containing it is indorsed " Copy of a deciphered 
letter of Don Pedro de Zuniga to the King of Spain, dated 
London December 24, 1606. On the arming of English 
people for Virginia, and the orders which they took with 
them." But at the head of the letter itself is written, 
" London, Don Pedro de Cuniga. January 24, 1607. De- 

The letter is as follows : — 

" Since I have reported to your Majesty that the Eng- 
lish were arming some vessels to send them to Virginia, 
this has been much in suspense, and now they have in 
great secrecy made an agreement that two vessels shall 
go to that place every month, 'till they have 2000 men 
in that country, and they will do the same from Plymouth, 
so that there also two vessels are ready to sail. They 
have agreed with the Rebels that they shall send all the 
people they can. The pretext which they assert is, that 
the King over here has given them permission and his 
Patents to establish their religion in that Country, provided 
that they rob no one, under the penalty, if they do not obey 
he will not take them under his protection. He grants 
them leave to occupy any island within a hundred miles 
from the sea-coast ; he orders that the second colony (as he 
calls them in his patents) shall not come within one hun- 
dred miles of where the other may be established, without 
speaking of the distance at which they are bound to be 
from your Majesties subjects. He yields to one of these 
Colonies all the firm land which lies between [illegible] * 

1 Zuniga has this wrong. It should privileged to make a plantation be- 
be 34 to 45 degrees, claimed by Eng- tween 34 and 41 degrees, and the 
land, and one of these colonies was other between 38 and 45 degrees. 


to 45 degrees and to the other from 45° to 55°. He com- 
mands that each Colony shall have its Council, and here, 
an election is held of another supreme Council, to which 
are appointed, and will have to take the oath to very great 
secrecy, William Wade, Lieutenant of the Tower, Anthony 
Cope, 1 Francis 6 Profane' [Popham], eldest son of the 
Chief Justice, ' Dodrig,' Procurator of the Court of Wales 
and " Huane Cahallero," 2 Counsellors, than whom more 
insolent ones cannot be found in this world. They claim 
to be able to obtain from the country higher up than the 
Island of St Helena, the same commodities as from Spain, 
because it is under the same latitude, so as not to be in need 
of it [that is, so as not to need the products of Spain]. He 
commands that if they come to some river, they must try to 
find the source of it, so that they might in this way come 
to open intercourse with the Kingdom of China, which they 
desire much, and that the Colony which should be nearest 
to the Island of St. Helena should take its way along the 
coast and the other below [above ?] in a straight line. 3 
Your Majesty will see what is useful for His Royal service, 
since all this is seeking a way to encourage the rebels 
against Your Majesty, for whom (the Rebels) they feel the 
very greatest compassion, as everywhere, on land as well as 
at sea, they (the Rebels) are losing so much. ' Caron ' 4 
said to this King here that it was necessary to assist them 
because otherwise they would be totally ruined. The King 
did not receive this well, whereupon he [' Caron '] with- 
drew. They say there are going to France, and there are 
persons coming here, to make an offer of the Revolted 
States. I do not believe they will meet with great success 

1 This should be Sir Walter Cope, 8 There is some confusion in the 
the brother of Anthony Cope. foregoiug sentence. Some words may 

2 " Huane Cahallero " evidently have been omitted in the transcript, 
means " Sir John," and must apply to or incorrectly copied. 

Sir John Trevor, as he was the only 4 Sir Noel de Caron, ambassador to 

" Sir John " among the members of England from Holland, 
his Majesty's Council for Virginia at 
that time. 

90 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

here, because I believe this King is really fond of Peace, as 
I have told Your Majesty on other occasions, and the King- 
dom is so poor, that it will not permit them to indulge in 
carrying out evil thoughts. The Duke of Lennox and the 
Count of Salisbury, speaking in the presence of three Coun- 
sellors (whose names I have not been able to ascertain) to 
the King, said to him : i Sire, let Your Majesty take the 
Dutch under your protection and assist them ! ' and he re- 
plied : ' Very good, I think some who propose that to me, 
receive good presents from the Dutch, and I do not wish 
to have anything to do with it.' Lenox replied : ' Believe 
that no one of those who are here would take anything.' 
And the King said to him : l Tell me you — with an oath 
— if you have not taken anything from them, and leave 
the others alone.' He replied: 'Sire, when I was in 
Flanders, they treated me well (made me presents) but from 
that time till now they have given me nothing.' Another 
day Count Pembroke asked him to do him a certain favor 
and he replied : ( It is a fine thing that you are not satisfied 
with what I have given you ; I shall make you my Counsel- 
lor and then everybody will give you presents and you will 
be a rich man.' " [The rest of the letter relates to the 

[Mem. — January 9, 1607. King James granted to 
Richard Penkevell of Rosserowe in county Cornwall license 
to discover the passage into China, Cathay, the Moluccas, 
and other regions of the East Indies, by the north, north- 
east, or northwest, for seven years. See " Foedera," vol. xvi. 
pp. 660-663.] 




VOLUME 2571, FOLIO 196. 

Copy of an extract from a letter of H. M. [His Majesty 
the King of Spain] to Don Pedro de Zuniga, dated 
Madrid, March 8, 1607. 1 

u . . . You will report to me what the English are doing 
in the matter of Virginia — and if the plan progresses 
which they contemplated, of sending men there and ships 
— and thereupon, it will be taken into consideration here, 
what steps had best be taken to prevent it." 

[The rest of the letter relates to the East Indies and to 
the rebels.] 

[Mem. — Six days after the date of the above letter, on 
March -fa, the King of Spain held a consultation with his 
council as to what steps should be taken to prevent the 
English from settling colonies in North America ; but the 
report of this meeting, as yet, has not been found.] 



March 9, 1607. " An Ordinance 2 and Constitution 
enlarging the number of Our Councel for the two several 
Colonies and Plantations in Virginia and America, between 
thirty-four and forty-five degrees of northerly latitude, and 
augmenting their authority, for the better directing and 
ordering of such things as shall concerne the said Colonies. 

" James, by the grace of God, &c. 

1 The English date would be Febru- Hening in his Statutes at Large (Vir- 
ary 26. The letter was probably re- ginia), vol. i. pp. 76-79. It is the 
ceived in England about March 8 second state paper — after 1605 — 
(O. S.). mentioned by Jefferson in his Notes 

2 This document was printed by on Virginia. 

92 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

" Whereas, Wee, by our letters patents, under our Great 
Seale of England, bearing" date the tenth day of 

Recital. a -i i j. j. i • i , i 

April last past, nave given lycence to sundry our 
loving subjects, named in the said letters patents, and to 
their associates, to deduce and conduct two several Colonies 
or plantations of sundry our loving people, willing to abide 
and inhabit in certaine parts of Virginia and America, 
with divers preheminences, priviledges, authorities and other 
things as in and by the said letters patents more particu- 
larly it appeareth ; and whereas wee, according to the effect 
and true meaning of the said letters patents, have, by a 
former instrument signed with our hand and signe manuel, 
and sealed with our privy seal of our realme of England, 
established and ordained, that our trusty and wel-beloved 
Former Sir William Wade, Knight, our Lieutenant of 

Councillors. our Tower of London, Sir Thomas Smith, Knight, 
Sir Walter Cope, Knight, Sir George Moor, Knight, Sir 
Francis Popeham, Knight, Sir Ferdinando Gorges Knight, 
Sir John Trevor, Knight, Sir Henry Montague Knight, re- 
corder of our citty of London, Sir William Rumney Knight, 
John Dodderidge Esq our solicitor General, Thomas Warr 
Esq, John Eldred of our city of London, merchant, Thomas 
James of our citty of Bristol merchant, and James Bagge of 
Plymouth in our county of Devon, merchant, should be 
our Councell for all matters which should happen in Vir- 
ginia or any the territories of America aforesaid, or any 
actions, businesse or causes, for and concerning the same, 
which Councel is from time to time to be increased, altered 
or changed att the nomination of us, our heires and succes- 
sors, and att our and their will and pleasure ; and whereas 
Their mim- our sa ^ Councel have found by experience, their 
ber - number being but fourteen in all, and most of 

them dispersed by reason of their severall habitations far 
and remote the one from the other, and many of them in 
like manner, far remote from our citty of London, where, 
if need require, they may receive directions from us and 
our privy Councel, and from whence instructions and direc- 


tions may be by them left, and more readily given, for the 
said Colonies, that when very needful occasion requireth, 
there cannot be any competent number of them by any 
meanes, be drawn together for consultation ; for remedy 
whereof our said loving subjects of the several Colonies 
aforesaid, have been humble suitors unto us, and have to 
that purpose offered unto our royal consideration, the 
names of certain sage and discreet persons, and having 
with the like humility entreated us, that the said persons or 
soe many of them, as to us should seem good, might be 
added unto them, and might (during our pleasure) be of 
our Councel for the foresaid Colonies of Virginia, Wee 
therefore, for the better establishing, disposing, ordering 
and directing of the said several Colonies, within the 
degrees aforesaid, and of all such affaires, matters, and 
things, as shall touch and concerne the same, doe by these 
presents, signed with our hand and signe manuel, and 
sealed with our Privy Seale of our realme of England, 
establish and ordaine, that our trusty and well beloved 
Sir Thomas Challoner, Knight, Sir Henrv Nevil, 


Knight, Sir Fulke Grevil, Knight, Sir John Councillors 
Scott, Knight, Sir Robert Mansfield, Knight, b^hTfirst 
Sir Oliver Cromwell, Knight, Sir Morrice Berke- Colony - 
ley Knight, Sir Edward Michelbourne Knight, Sir Thomas 
Holcroft, Knight, Sir Thomas Smith, Knight, Clerk of our 
Privy Councel, Sir Robert Kelligrew, Knight, Sir Herbert 
Croft, Knight, Sir George Coppin, Knight, Sir Edwyn 
Sandys, Knight, Sir Thomas Roe Knight, and Sir Anthony 
Palmer, Knight, nominated unto us by and on the behalfe 
of the said first Colony ; * — 

1 From this it seems that sixteen of clerk of our Privy Councel and Sir 

these councilors were representatives Anthony Palmer, for neither of them 

of the first colony ; while the second were members of the first colony, 

colony had only ten. This is manir Greville joined that colony in 1617 ; 

festly unjust, and I am certain there but the other two never did. 

has been a misplacement, in copying That there were mistakes made in 

this document, of three names, viz. : copying these names is certain. In 

Sir Fulke Grevil, Sir Thomas Smith, the copy of this list preserved among 

94 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

Sir Edward Hungerford Knight, Sir John Mallet, 
Bythe2d Knight, Sir John Gilbert Knight, Sir Thomas 
Colony. Freake Knight, Sir Richard Hawkins, Knight, 

Sir Bartholomew Mitchell Knight, Edward Seamour Esq, 
Bernard Greenville Esq, Edward Rogers Esq, and Mat- 
thew Sutcliffe, Doctor of Divinity, nominated to us by and 
on the behalfe of the said second Colony, shall, together 
with the persons formerly named, be our Gouncel for all 
matters, which shall or may conduce to the aforesaid 
plantations, or which shall happen in Virginia or any the 
territories of America, between thirty-four and forty-five 
degrees of northerly latitude from the aequinoctial line, and 
the Islands of the several Colonies limited and assigned. 
That is to say, the' first Colony, from thirty-four to forty- 
one degrees of the said latitude, and the second Colony, 
between thirty-eight and forty-five degrees of the said lati- 
tude; and our further will and pleasure is, and by these 
presents for us, our heires and successors, wee doe grant 
Any 12 may un *° our sa ^ Councel of Virginia, that they or 
^k any twelve of them att the least for the time 

being, whereof six att the least to be members of one of the 
Colonies, and six more att the least to be members of the 
other Colony, shall have full power and authority, to 
ordaine, nominate, elect, and choose any other person, or 
persons at their discretion to be and to serve as officer 
or officers, to all offices and places, that shall by them be 
thought fitt and requisite for the businesse and affaires of 
our said Councel, and concerning the Plantation or Planta- 
tions aforesaid, and for the summoning, calling, and assem- 
bling of the said Councel, together when need shall require, 
or for summoning and calling before the said Councel any 
of the adventurors or others which shall passe on unto the 
_ . said severall Colonies to inhabit or to traffick there 

I heir power. 

or any other such like officer, or officers, which 

the Duke of Manchester Records, the sentatives of the first colony, while it 
name of "Sir Ferdinando Gorges, is a well-known fact that he was a lead- 
Knight," is inserted among the repre- ing member of the second colony. 


in time shall or may be found of use, behoofe, or impor- 
tance unto the Councel aforesaid. And the said Council 
or any twelve of them as is aforesaid shall have _, 

j» 11 i i • p • • May change 

tull power and authority trom time to time to their Offi- 
continue or to alter or change the said officers 
and to elect and appoint others in their roomes and places*, 
to make and ordain acts and ordinances for the better 
ordering, disposing and marshalling of the said several 
Colonies and the several adventurers or persons going to 
inhabit in the same several Colonies, or of any provision or 
provisions for the same, or for the direction of the officers 
aforesaid, or for the making of them to be subordinate, or 
under jurisdiction, one of another, and to do and execute 
all and every of their acts and things, which by any our 
grants, or letters patents heretofore made they are war- 
ranted or authorised to do or execute so as always none of 
the said acts and ordinances, or other things be contrary or 
repugnant to the true intent and meaning of our said let- 
ters patents granted for the plantation of the said several 
Colonies in Virginia and territories of America as afore- 
said, or contrary to the laws and statutes in this our realme 
of England or in derogation of our prerogative royal. 

" Witness Ourself at Westminster, the ninth day of March, 
in the year of our reign of England, France and Ireland, 
the fourth, and of Scotland, the fortieth," etc. 


About March 13, 1607, Master Nicholas Himes, who had 
escaped from prison in Spain (late in February or early 
in March) arrived in England bringing letters from Mr. 
Chalens to Sir Ferdinando Gorges. He may, also, have 
brought some account of the meeting of the Spanish coun- 
cil regarding Virginia on March 4 ; but it is more proba- 
ble that his escape was one of the motives for the said meet- 
ing of that council. I have not found the copies of the 
letters brought ; but the following is the reply thereto. 

96 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

" The Copie of Sir Ferdinando Gorges his letter to Mr. 
Chalens. 1 

" Mr. Chalinge — I received your letters sent me by 
the Master Nicholas Himes, by whom I rest satisfied for 
your parte of the proceedinge of the voyadge and I doubte 
not but you wilbe able to aunswere the expectation of 
all your friends. I hoope you shall receive verie shortlie 
if alreadie you have not an Attestation out of the highe 
Courte of Admiraltie to give satisfaction of the truth of 
our intent y* sett you out. Let me advise you to take 
heede that you be not overshott in acceptinge recompence 
for our wronges received, for you knowe that the jorney 
hath bene noe smale chardge unto us y fc first sent to the 
Coast and had for our returne but the five Salvadges 
whereof two of the principall you had with you, and since 
within two monthes after your departure we sent out 
another shippe 2 to come to your supplie. And now againe 
we have made a new preparation 3 of divers others all which 
throughe your misfortune is likelie to be frustrate and our 
time and chardge lost. — Therefore, your demands must be 
answer-able hereunto and accordinglie seeke for satisfaction 
which cannot be lesse then five thousand poundes, and 
therefore before you conclude for lesse attende to receive 
for resolution from hence if they aunswere you not here- 
after for if their conditions be not such as shalbe reason- 
able we doe knowe howe to right ourselves for rather then 
we wilbe loosers a penny by them we will attende a fitter 
time to gett us our content, and in the meane time leave 
all in their handes therefore be you carefull herein and re- 
member y l it is not the bussines of merchants or rovers, 
but as you knowe of men of another ranke and such as will 
not preferre manie complayntes nor exhibite divers peti- 

1 This letter was printed in " A ence to a manuscript copy made espe- 

Vindication of the Claims of Sir Fer- cially for myself. 

dinando Gorges as the Father of Eng- 2 The Voyage of Hauham and 

lish Colonization in America. By Pring, October, 1606. 

John A. Poor. New York, 1862," 8 This " new preparation " sailed 

p. 34, note. I have also had refer- May 31, 1607. 


tions, for that they understande a shorter way to the 
woode. — Soe comendinge you to God and continuinge 

" Your most assured and lovinge Freinde 

" Ferdinando Gorges. 

" Plimothe 13. of Marche 1606. 

"Postcript: I pray you use the meanes that the salvadges 
and the Companie be sent over with as much speede as is 
possible and that you hasten yourself away, if you see not 
likelihoode of a present ende to be had, for we will not be 
tired with their delaies and end lesse sutes, such as com- 
monlie they use, but leave all to time and God the just 
revenger of Wronges. 

" Ferdinando Gorges." 

[Mem. — " In the Spring of 1607 the translation of the 
Bible began."] 


VOLUME 2586, FOLIO 20. 

The Spanish diplomatic correspondence relates chiefly to 
the Low Countries, Ireland, the East and West Indies, and 
to Virginia. As a rule only the Virginia matter is ex- 
tracted for these pages ; but in this letter and a few others 
I have thought it best to leave some of the other matter 
in order to give a fuller and therefore better idea of the 
general tone and character of the correspondence. 

Copy of an extract from a deciphered letter of Don Pedro 
de Zuiiiga to the King of Spain, dated London, April 
30,1607 [April 20, 1607, English style], "concerning 
Virginian affairs." 

" Sire : — 
" The Council which as I wrote your Majesty, had 

98 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

brought about these . . . [illegible] . . . concerning 
Virginia, is somewhat put out, because, as I have heard 
that of the three ships * [voyages ?] they had sent one has 
been taken. 

" They were about to commit another villany beyond 
going to Virginia, because they have not told me a word 
of having heard that your Majesty had been pleased to 
command, that that nest of rogues, Terranate 2 and ' Am- 
bueno ' must be abandoned. The Secretary, Andres de 
Prade, wrote me so in letters of the 8th of last month, 
and I sent it to this King here, rejoicing at the good suc- 
cess. He sent me word what great delight it had given 
him, that it had been done so much to your Majesty's satis- 
faction ; but I think he has been grieved in the same pro- 
portion as I have been rejoicing. A thousand thanks to 
God for this ! — They applied to the Earl of Pembroke, 
that he should give .£500, to assist in sending these ships, 
and on the day on which this was made known, he said 
publicly in the King's palace : The King of Spain has 
made an end to the villany of the Dutch ; better, he should 
make an end to ours, and I would very cheerfully now 
take half of my pounds. . . . [illegible] and having urged 
much that counsel that two vessels should sail, which were 
in a condition to be able to do so, the money is wanting to 
send them off, and the people who may wish to go, from 
what I hear, have to give up this chimerical notion and this 
marvellous advice likewise. 

" Here they have built a few vessels for France, and after 
they were ready, I had (as I wrote to your Majesty) an 

1 The Virginia Companies had sent Spain, wrote to Salisbury from Ma- 
three voyages to Virginia. The first drid March 7, 1607 : " The Spaniards 
under Challons (August, 1606) ; the have lately (as they say here) had a 
next, Hanham and Pring (October, great victory against the Hollanders 
1606), and the third, under Newport and English that had begun to fortify 
(December, 1606). Challons had themselves in an island in the East 
" been taken " by the Spaniards. Indies called Terra Nata, and have 

2 Ternate and Amboyna Islands in not left of these nations one man 
the East Indies. Sir Charles Corn- alive there," etc. 

wallis, the English ambassador in 


embargo laid upon them for two reasons : for a Royal 
Proclamation which exists in this Kingdom, that no for- 
eigner may build or purchase ships in it, and because the 
crew and the soldiers were Englishmen. The ' Mayre ' * 
favored those from here who is himself the greatest Pirate 
that has ever been in this Kingdom, and to these three ves- 
sels he added three others of his own. The embargo was 
raised by their giving security to the amount of the value 
of the ships, and the plan was (as I now hear,) to go to the 
* Malucas,' and to privateer in going out and in returning. 
The day on which it became known how your Majesty had 
secured them, there remained not a man on board the ships 
and thus they are here at anchor, without any one on 
board. Thus I have told your Majesty all that there is of 
news of the sea. May God preserve Y. M." etc. 

[Mem. — Hanham and Pring, who sailed for North Vir- 
ginia in October, 1606, returned to England early in 1607, 
possibly in April. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, writing many 
years after, says Pring " brought with him the most exact 
discovery of that coast that ever came to my hands since ; 
and indeed he was the best able to perform it of any I have 
met withal to this present ; which, with his relation of the 
country, wrought such an impression in the Lord Chief Jus- 
tice and us all that were his associates, that (notwithstand- 
ing our first disaster [dialling's] we set up our resolu- 
tion to follow it with effect." Captaine Thomas Hanham 
also wrote an account of this voyage unto Sagadahoc. 
"The brief Relation" of "The President and Councell for 
New England," published in 1622, also refers favorably to 
the Relation of Hanham and Pring. Rev. Samuel Pur- 
chas had a copy of Hanham' s Relation about 1624 ; but I 
fear that both accounts are now lost.] 

1 Sir John Watts, then Lord Mayor of London. 

100 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 


VOLUME 3571, FOLIO 202. 

Copy of an original letter of M. Juan de Ciriza to M. 

Andres de Pedrastra, dated Madrid, May 7, 1607. 

" By order of His Majesty and a paper for the Lord 
Count de Lemos you sent to the Board of War for the 
Indies a part of a letter of Don Pedro de Zuiiiga Em- 
bassador in England which treats of certain plans which 
the English have formed to go to Virginia with two ves- 
sels every month, until they have landed there two 
thousand men, and of the Charter and Patents which 
the King has granted them to establish their religion in 
those parts, and all this having been examined and con- 
sulted about in the Board, what was found out was, that 
this country, which they call Virginia lies in 35 degrees 
above La Florida on the Coast, in the direction of New- 
foundland, and is contained within the limits of the Crown 
of Castille, although it has not been discovered until now, 
nor is it known, what its nature may be — and that from 
England it lies 74 degrees of longitude, which make 1200 
leagues, and from Spain there are a thousand, and accord- 
ing to this and to other considerations which were of special 
importance, it was thought proper that with all necessary 
forces this plan of the English should be prevented, and 
that it should not be permitted in any way that foreign 
nations should occupy this country, because it is, as has 
been said, a discovery and a part of the territory of the 
Crown of Castille, and because its contiguity increases the 
vigilance which it is necessary to bestow upon all the Indies 
and their commerce — and this all the more so if they 
should establish there the religion and the liberty of con- 
science which they profess, which of itself already is what 
most obliges us to defend it even beyond the reputation 
which is so grievously jeopardised, — and that His Majesty 
should command a letter to be written to Don Pedro de 



Zuniga, ordering him to ascertain with great dexterity and 
skill how far these plans of which he writes, may be founded 
in fact, and whether they make any progress, and who 
assists them, and by what means — and that when he is 
quite certain, he should try to give the King of England to 
understand that we complain of his permitting subjects of 
his to disturb the seas, coasts and lands of His Majesty — 
and of the rebels being favored by his agency, in their 
plans, the rebels of the Islands and of other nations — and 
that he should continue to report always whatever he may 
hear, charging him to be very careful in this matter, be- 
cause of the importance of providing the necessary reme- 
dies, in case he should not have any by those means. 

" And His Majesty having been consulted on this matter 
in the Council held March 14th of this year, it was decided 
to reply that there should be taken down and prepared 
everything that seemed advisable, of which I informed His 
Majesty, so that orders should be given to write to the 
Ambassador in conformity with what His Majesty has 
decided. Then your correspondence is with the Council of 
State, through which the writing must go to you, and the 
orders be given to you, that may be proper. 

" May God preserve you, as I desire. From home, May 
7th, 1607. 

"Juan de Cirica." 


[Mem. — The following memoranda, in the handwriting 
of George Chalmers, will be found in the Calendar of the 
Sparks Manuscripts, in Harvard College Library, V. vol. i. 
p. 6, under the head " Spanish Maxims about America : " — 

" May, 1607. The Conde de Lemos, President of the 
Council of the Indies, told Sir Charles Cornwallis, when he 
solicited the enlargement of the English sailors imprisoned 
at Lisbon for trading to the West Indies, that the Spaniards 
looked to their Indies with no less watchful eyes than to 
the government of their own wives." 

This, I suppose, has reference to Challons, Legate, and 

102 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

May 1, Master Henry Hudson sailed from Gravesend to 
discover a passage by the North Pole to Japan and China. 
Set forth at the charges of "certaine Worshipfull Mer- 
chants of London." 

May 31, "a fly boat called The Gift of God, George 
Popham commander, and a good ship, called The Mary and 
John of London wherein Raleigh Gilbert commanded, 
brake ground from Plymouth," and sailed for North Vir- 
ginia. His Majesty's Council for Virginia certainly fur- 
nished this expedition with Orders, 1 etc., for the voyage, 
and Advice, etc., on landing ; also, other Instruments sim- 
ilar to those given to the undertakers for South Virginia. 
They also appointed seven councilors for the colony, viz., 
Captains George Popham, Ralegh Gilbert, Edward Harlie, 
Robert Davis, Ellis Best, James Davis, and Master Gome 
Carew, with the Reverend Richard Seymour, as Secretary 
or Recorder. 

June 10, Sir John Popham, the Chief Justice, died sud- 

June 11, " An Act of Parliament to reform the abuses 
of mariners and sailors."] 


VOLUME 2571, FOLIO 201. 

The letter written from the following " first draft " was 
probably received in England late in June, 1607. 

" Copy of a first draft of a letter of His Majesty to Don 
Pedro de Zuniga, dated Ventosilla, June 12, 1607 (N. S.). 
"You recently wrote me that the English contemplated 
very eagerly going to the island, which they call Virginia 
— sending every month two ships, until they shall have 
put 2000 men on shore there — carrying Patents and 
Ordinances of that King as to the form of Government 

i See VI., VII., VIII., and XII. 


and the way of establishing their kind of religion there 
— and I commanded you to report what was being done 
in this matter, so that we could prepare whatever might 
be proper to prevent it. And in the meantime to keep 
me informed to the best of your ability as to whatever 
you are able to find out about this matter — and this to 
be done with the special care which the case calls for — 
and considering that this land is a discovery and a part 
of the Indies, of Castille, so close to them — and consider- 
ing the inconvenience to us, which would follow the occu- 
pation of these regions by the English ; for many reasons 
which have to be contemplated — especially if they estab- 
lish their errors and their sects there (as it must be ex- 
pected that they would do if the opportunity was given to 
them). It has appeared right to prevent these plans and 
purposes of the English by all available means — and there- 
fore I charge and command you, with great skill and vigi- 
lance, to ascertain the root of this matter ; what is certain 
about this determination ; whether it progresses ; who aids 
them and by what means. — and if it be so, that it ought 
to be decided at the very beginning, you are to speak to 
that King, expressing regret on my part, that he should 
permit any of his subjects to try and disturb the seas, coasts, 
and lands of the Indies, and that by his agency they should 
be protected in their designs who have it in their hands. 
And you will report to me what he may reply to you, and 
whether it may appear to be likely that that King will re- 
ciprocate the kindly feeling which is here shown in all that 
concerns him. — but if he should not do so, and if what is 
begun should continue to be carried on, you will promptly 
report it to me, so that in some other way the necessary 
measures may be taken, as demanded by the importance of 
this affair. While I will consider myself well served by 
you, with all the vigilance which you are able to give to 
this matter." 

[Mem. — Early in July, while Zuiiiga was most vigilantly 

104 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

spying out the affairs of the Virginia Company, the ambas- 
sadors of the United Provinces arrived in England, and 
were well received on all sides. On Thursday, the 16th of 
July, a famous entertainment was given them by the Mer- 
chant Tailors of London, at which King James, Prince 
Henry, and many other notables were guests. The cele- 
brated Doctor John Bull (the reputed author of the national 
anthem of Great Britain, " God Save the King ") played 
on the organs, and a boy delivered a speech of eighteen 
verses, which was written by Ben Jonson. The cost of 
the entertainment probably equaled $20,000 present value. 
Chamberlaine wrote to Carleton, " In all things they (the 
Dutch ambassadors) speed well enough, insomuch that the 
Spanish ambassador is ready to burst to see them so 


VOLUME 2586, FOLIO 58. 

" Copy of an extract from a deciphered letter of Don Pedro 

de Zuniga to the King of Spain, dated London, July 30, 


"Sire: — 

" In my previous letter of April 30. I told Y. M. what 
I knew of the design they had formed here to go to Vir- 
ginia, and now I do not see that I have anything to add, 
except that the Chief Justice [Sir John Popham] has died, 
who was the man, who most desired it, and was best able 
to aid it. I am anxious now, and I shall watch to see if 
this begin again to go underway, making all the diligence 
which Y. M. in your letter of June 16. 1 has been pleased to 
command me to use." 

[The rest of the letter relates to " Don Antonio Shirley," 

1 This refers to XVI., " the first 16. I have not as yet found a copy of 
draft " of June 12 ; the letter was the complete letter, 
probably completed and dated June 


and to " Don Thomas Shirley his father," " who are related 
to the Queen of England." He says : " Don Antonio Shir- 
ley has from Lisbon, made some presents to the Earl of 
Salisbury, by the hands of Jeremiah Clemens, 1 who is the 
Earl's servant and spy," etc.] 


This document is copied from " Virginia and Virgin- 
iola," by Rev. Edward D. Neill, A. B. (1878), p. 12. It 
is also mentioned, and extracts are given from it, in the 
Third Report of the Royal Commission on Historical Man- 
uscripts. London, 1872, p. 54. 

" Copie of a Letter to ye Lord of Salisbyrie from Captaine 
Newport ye 29 th of Julie 1607, from Plimouth." Pre- 
served among the manuscripts of His Grace the Duke of 
Northumberland at Alnwick Castle. 

" Right Ho BlB 

" My verie good Lo. my duty in most humble wise re- 
membred. it maie please your good Lordship, I arrived 
here in the Sound of Plimouth this daie from the discov- 
erie of that parte of Virginia imposed uppon me and the 
rest of the Colonie for the South parte, in which wee have 
performed our duties to the uttermost of our powers. And 
have discovered into the country near two hundred miles, 
and a River navigable for greate shippes one hundred and 
fifty miles. The contrie is excellent and very rich in gold 
and Copper, of the gould we have brought a say and hope 
to be with your Lordship shortlie to show it his Majesty 
and the rest of the Lords. 

" I will not deliver the expectaunce and assurance we 
have of great wealth, but will leave it to your Lordship's 
censure when you see the probabilities. I wish I might 
have come in person to have brought theis glad tidings but 

1 An agent of Salisbury in Spain. 

106 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

my inability of body and the not having any man to putt in 
trust with the shippe, and that in her maketh me to defferre 
my coming 'till winde and weather be favourable. 

" And so I most humbly take my leave. 

" From Plimouth this 29. of Julie. 1607. 

" Your Lordships most humbly bounden. 

" Christopher Newporte." 

[Mem. — Captain Newport arrived at Plymouth on July 
29, 1607, on his way from Virginia, and reached London, it 
seems, between the 12th and 18th of August. He brought 
with him the first documents ever written by Englishmen 
on the banks of the James River in America, viz., the fol- 
lowing: XIX., XX., XXL, XXIL, and XXIIL, copies of 
which have been preserved, and others now probably lost 
forever. Among these were : — 

Tindall's " dearnall of Our Voyage," see XX. ; Tindall's 
" draughte of our River," see XX. ; Percy's letter to Mr. 
Warner, see XXV., and a Dutchman's letter to Pory, see 



The following, taken from " Virginia and Virginiola," 
pp. 10, 11, is also mentioned in the Third Historical Re- 
port, p. 53. 

"Coppie of a Letter from Virginia, Dated 22d of June, 
1607. The Councell there to the Councell of Virginia 
here in England." 1 

" We acknowledge ourselves accomptable for our time 
here spent were it but to give you satisfaction of our indus- 
tries and affections to this most Honorable action, and the 
better to quicken those good spirits which have alreadie 
bestowed themselves here, and to put life into such dead 

1 This was possibly the "perfect relation " suggested in VIII. 


understandings or beleefs that must first see and feel the 
womb of our labour and this land before they will enter- 
tain any good hope of us or of the land : — 

"Within less than seven weeks, we are fortified well 
against the Indians. We have sown good store of wheat 
— we have sent you a taste of Clapboard — we have built 
some houses — we have spared some hands to a discovery, 
and still as God shall enhable us with strength we will bet- 
ter and better our proceedings. 

" Our easiest and richest comodity being Sasaf rix * roots 
were gathered up by the Sailors with loss and spoil of many 
of our tools and with drawing of our men from our labour 
to their uses against our knowledge to our prejudice, we 
earnestly entreat you (and do trust) that you take such 
order as we be not in this thus defrauded, since they be all 
our waged men, yet do we wish that they be reasonably 
dealt withall so as all the loss, neither fall on us nor them. 
I beleeve they have thereof two tonnes at the least which if 
they scatter abroad at their pleasure will pull down our 
price for a long time, this we leave to your wisedomes. 
The land would flow with milk and honey if so seconded 
by your carefull wisedomes and bountifull hands, wee doe 
not perswade to shoot one Arrow to seek another but to 
find them both. And we doubt not but to send them home 
with goulden heads, at least our desires, labours and lives 
shall to that engage themselves. 

" We are set down 80 miles within a River, for breadth, 
sweetness of water, length navigable up into the country, 
deep and bold channell so stored with sturgion and other 
sweet fish as no man's fortune hath ever possessed the like. 
And as we think if more may be wished in a River it will 
be found. The soil is most fruitfull, laden with good Oake, 
Ashe, Walnut tree, Poplar, Pine, sweet woods, Cedar, and 
others yet without names that yeald gums pleasant as 

1 The East India Company and a beverage, which was thought to be 
others making long voyages used sas- " very wholesome for the preservation 
safras root and anise-seed for making of men's health " on board the ships. 

108 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

Frankincense, and experienced amongest us for great vertue 
in healing green wounds and aches. We entreat your suc- 
cours for our seconds with all expedition least that all de- 
vouring Spaniard lay his ravenous hands upon these gold 
showing mountains, which if we be so enhabled he shall 
never dare to think on. — This note doth make known 
where our necessities do most strike us, we beseech your 
present releif accordingly, otherwise to our greatest and last 
griefes, we shall against our wills not will that which we 
most willingly would. 

" Captaine Newport hath seen all and knoweth all, he can 
fully satisfy your further expectations, and ease you of 
our tedious letters. We most humbly pray the heavenly 
King's hand to bless our labours with such counsailes and 
helps as we may further and stronger proceed in this our 
King's and countries service. 

" Jamestowne in Virginia this 22th of June An 1607. 
" Your Poore Friends. — 
"Edward-Maria Wingfield. Bartholomew Gosnold, 

John Smith. John Rattcliffe. 

John Martine. George Kendall." 



The following document is taken from a manuscript 
copy made for me in the British Museum, several years 
ago. It has since been printed in the Preface to Mr. 
Arber's edition of Captain J. Smith's Works. Birmingham, 
England, 1884. Some extracts were printed from it, also, 
in " The Life of Henry Prince of Wales," by Thomas 
Birch. London, 1760, page 91. So far as I know, it 
has never been printed in this country before. 

[Robert Tindall, gunner to Prince Henry; his letter 
to the Prince.] 


" Mightie Prince. — I thought it no lesse than my 
duty beinge imployed in this voyage of Verginia, In all 
humble mannor to make your Princelye selfe acquainted 
with those accidentes which hathe happenned to us in this 
Our Voyage. May it therefore please your grace to accepte 
at the handes of your most humble and dutifull servante 
a dear nail of our voyage and draughte of our River, hear 
inclosed, 1 by us discovered where never Christian before 
hathe beene, and also to let your grace understande wee 
are safely arryved and planted in this contreye by the 
providence and mercye of God, which wee finde to be in it 
selfe most fruitefull, of the which wee have taken a Reall 
and publike possession in the name and to the use of your 
Royall father and our gratious King and soveraigne : 
Thus ceasing for being too tedious and troublesome unto 
your grace, I in all humble mannour committ your princelye 
selfe to the protection of Almightie God whome on my 
Knees I daylye praye (as I am bound) to blesse and pros- 
per your Godlye and vertuous proceedings : — 

" From James Towne in Virginia this : 22. of June 1607. 

" By your Graces most humble dutifull and f aithf ull ser- 
vaunte and Gunner : Roberte Tindall." 

Addressed: "To the highe and mightie Prince, Henry 
Fredericke. Prince and heyre apparente of Greate Brit- 
aine, Fraunce, Ireland and Virginia." 

Indorsed : " Tindall his H. Gunner — from Virginia." 

XXI. " A Relatyon of the Discovery of Our river, from 
James Forte into the maine : made by Capt. Christopher 
Newport, and sincerely written and observed by a gentle- 
man of the Colony." A journal from 21st May to 21st 
June, 1607. 

1 The inclosures, " the dearnall " from Jamestowne in Virginia," and 

[Journal] of our voyage and draughte indorsed as sent " from Virginia." 

[drawing] of our River," are missing. It seems quite evident, as Tindall sent 

The letter was written June 22, his letter from Virginia, that he must 

1607, — the day Newport sailed, — have remained in Virginia himself. 

110 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605^JANUARY, 1609. 

XXII. " The Description of the now-discovered river 
and country of Virginia; with the liklyhood of ensuing 
ritehes, by England's ayd and industry." 

XXIII. . " A Brief Description of the People." 

The above three documents were first published in 1860 
by " The American Antiquarian Society," in " Archa3ologia 
Americana," vol. iv. pp. 40-65. Edited by Rev. Edward 
E. Hale, A. M. Capt. Gabriel Archer was the regularly 
appointed Recorder of the Colony, and I think these 
documents were written by him. They are all valuable 
and interesting. I am much tempted to give them ; but 
they are companion pieces, and the three together exceed 
my limit on documents heretofore published in America. 
For full information, in the premises, the reader is referred 
to these American imprints. 


VOLUME 2586, FOLIO 66. 

Copy of a deciphered letter from Don Pedro de Zuniga to 
the King of Spain, dated London, August 22, 1607. 

" Of the vessels that have been to Virginia one has ar- 
rived in Plymouth, but as yet it has not come up the river 
[to London?]. I understand they do not come over well 
pleased ; because in that country there is nothing else but 
good timber for masts, pitch and rosin, and some soil from 
which it seems to them they may obtain 'bronse' [brass?]. 
They say it looks as if they might plant vineyards there 
and that they will be very good because there are many 
wild grapes there. They have not been able to meet with 
the 20 men they left there now 3 years ago, 1 and say they 
fell in with a King who had in all 150 men, whom they 

1 " The 20 men they left there now refer to Capt. Bartholomew Gilbert 
3 years ago." In 1604? Does this (1603), or to whom ? 

First Lord Baltimore 


made very grateful by giving him a few presents. I am 
still anxious, in order to comply with your Majesties orders, 
to hear if they will continue sending people to that country. 
As the chief Justice has died, I think this business will 
stop. 1 Having heard that of the ships which went over 
there it has taken one a year. 2 — They thought the voyage 
an easy one, taking only a month." — 

[The rest of this letter relates to Holland, etc.] 


I give the whole of the following letter because I have 
never seen all of it in print, and because it is, I believe, the 
first one of the remarkable series of letters between Carle- 
ton and Chamberlain, which contains any reference to the 
infant Colony in America. These Gazette Letters are very 
interesting ; the forerunners of the modern newspaper, the 
printed gazette, they are filled with the news and gossip of 
their day. 

" Mr. Chamberlain — you may whilst you live confess 
your obligation to Sr. Wa. Cope for not diluding you with 
a jornie as he hath done others with whom he might make 
more bolde. Here have we bin ever since I parted from 
you readie to sett sayle for the voyage — but yesterday the 
wind blew contrarie, or rather the storme of my Lord of 
Salisburies commandements which blows our Knight-ad- 
venturer in all hast to Salisburie. 3 He endured a small 
gust from the Ladie Suffolke which came the day before, 
and did in a manner f orewarne the tempest that followed : 
It sownded after this sort. — My dancing Knight, if I have 
any power in thee, let me stay thee from this jornie. To 
which was made this compendious answeare. 

Your dancing Knight, takes no delight to lett you dance alone. 
Yet with John Porie, not with John Dorie to Paris is he gone. 

1 " Chief Justice " Popham. His 2 What ship was this ? 
death did " cause a stay " in the 8 The court was then at Salisbury. 
Northern Colony of Virginia. 

112 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

" But now he stays and by consequent the whole troope 
of the Voluntaries. The prest men began theyr march on 
Saturday last towards Margett where they are mett with 
one of the Kings ships. Sir Rafe Win wood 1 left many 
commendations in store for you. He makes account to re- 
turne abowt the beginning of the new yeare, and to begin a 
new world 2 by setting himself and his wife here at home, for 
which purpose he hath taken a house uppon Parcells greene 
neere his wifes mother and meanes to play the goode hus- 
bande. You would have laughed at me, if a matter I told 
you of had bin done in opinion of this jornie, and then 
have bin stayed, and though I now stay it is not like to be 
long deferred for there is no other way or meanes of sup- 
port but by her and her frends, which I must be faine to 
trust upon 'till the world mend with me. Yet shall I see 
you and speake with you againe before anie thing be done. 
Yf one of my horses were not lame I would speedely be 
with you, and as soon as I can I intend to limp towards 
you. Meane time I pray you lett me heare where Sir 
Michell is, at Ascott or Hampton poile, and how long you 
stay in those parts. My Lady Cope comes not downe as 
she intended I tolde her you had a purpose to have 
seene her, and she sayde she meant to have sent expreslie 
to you to have desired your company and goode counsell 
how to rule herself in her husband's absence. Our frends 
here at Criplegate are all well. Poore Harry is much 
lamented of all your frends here. Ned Wimarke 3 had the 
newes before I saw him and so had John How and the 
hoste of the Star. And now you have all our domestike 
newes for publike, you shall understand, that Capt. New- 
port is come from our late adventurers to Virginia having 
left them in an Island in the midst of a great river 120 
mile into the land. They write much commendations of 

1 Sir Ralph Winwood and Sir Rich- 2 The New World was an absorbing 

ard Spencer had recently been sent as topic in England at this time, 

joint Ambassadors to the Low Coun- 8 Edward Wymarke, a noted wit. 


the aire and the soile and the commodities of it ; but silver 
and gold have they none, and they cannot yet be at peace 
with the inhabitants of the countrie. They have fortified 
themselfs and built a small towne which they call James- 
towne, and so they date theyr letters, but the towne me 
thincks hath no gracefull name and besides the Spaniards 
who thinck it no small matter of moment how they stile 
theyr populations will tell us I doubt, it comes too neere 
Villiaco. 1 One Capt. Waiman 2 a special favorite of Sir 
Walter Copes was taken the last weeke in a port in Kent 
shipping himself for Spaine, with intent as is thought to 
have betraied his frends and shewed the Spaniards a 
meanes how to defeat this Virginian attempt. The great 
Counsell 3 of that state hath resolved of a dubble supplie to 
be sent thether with all diligence. 

"The opinion is now generally that the Peace will be 
made in the low countreys. Sir Richard Spencer saw not 
the King since he was appointed for the jornie, and went 
without taking leave but by letter, for feare belike lest his 
knees should faile him as they did when he should have 
gone into Spaine. but legatus sine mandatis is not held 
so honorable a title. Mr. Warner and Mr. Porie are well 
mett at this present at my lodging, and you have both 
theyr commendations. So with my due remembrance to Sir 
Michell and my Ladie, I wish you health and all goode con- 

" From London this 18th of August 1607. 
" Yours most assuredly. 

"Dudley Carleton. 

" I pray you aquaint my brother with the stay of my jor- 
nie, and lett me not be forgotten to Mr. Gent. Mr. Porie 
tells me of a name given by a Duchman who wrote to him 

1 Villa Jacobo is Spanish for James- so, he was probably offended because 
town. his own plan with Sir John Zouche 

2 I think this was Capt. George had been prevented by the Virginia 
Weymouth, whose name was then Charter. 

sometimes written Waiman, etc. If 8 His Majesty's Council of Virginia. 

114 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

in latin from the new towne in Virginia, Jacobopolis, and 
Mr. Warner 1 hath a letter from Mr. George Percie who 
names theyr towne, James-Forte, which we like best of all 
the rest, because it comes neere to Chemes-ford." 

[Mem. — On the 27th of August, 1607, Carleton again 
wrote, giving more particulars of the stay made by Salisbury 
to the journey of Sir Walter Cope, Carleton, John Pory, 
and others to France and the Low Countries.] 



28, NO. 32. 

Indorsed : " Capten Barlee. 2 

" names of prisoners at Sevill. 

" To the wor" M r Levinus Monke esquire Secretary to 
my lo : of Salisbury att his howse or els wher. 
" Worthy S b 

" I have in this inclosed 3 presented unto yow the names 
of all those that are prisoners in Spaine, the thinge that I 
wold most especially have entreated att your hands (more 
then this paper will informe you) is this that yow will com- 
mend to your care the recovering the two Salvages Manedo 
and Sasacomett, for that the adventures do hold them of 
great prize, & to be used to ther great availe for many pur- 
poses. So beseeching yow to be as willing to furder yt as 
yow were ready of your owne accorde to looke into the 
buysines (whereof I have no dowbte) & God will reward 

1 Walter Warner the mathemati- 8 This inclosure is most unfortu- 
cian, etc., I suppose. nately missing. 

2 This may have been John Barley, I sent a copy of this letter to Mr. 
whose daughter Dulcibella married Charles Deane, LL. D., of Cambridge, 
Alexander Popham, a brother to Cap- Mass., and it was published with in- 
tain George Popham ; but he was troductory remarks by him, in the 
more probably of a later generation, proceedings of the Massachusetts His- 
possibly a son of the aforesaid John torical society for March, 1885. 


your Charitable devise & the prisoners shalbe perpetually 
bound to yow who shall procure them this favour from my 
ho : good lo : of Salisbury : & for myselfe I rest ready to 
do yow all office & thinke myselfe in my owne harte obliged 
unto yow as well for my particular friends as for so noble 
& publique a service : & so I commend my respecte to yow 
& yow to God's fovour & remaine 

" Your friend as you wilbe pleased to use. 

"John Barlee. 1 

" this present Wednesday in hast the xviijth of August 


[Mem. — September 4. Court minute East India Com- 
pany. " Beads and cloth very much moth eaten, sold to 
the Governor Sir Thomas Smythe for £3. 5\ for the Vir- 
ginia Voyage."] 


VOLUME 5571, FOLIO 214. 

This is evidently a draft for a reply to Zuniga's letter of 
July a?, 1607 (XVII.). The reply was probably received in 
England about September 21, 1607, English or Old Style. 

Copy of an extract from a first draft of a letter of H. M. 
(His Majesty the King of Spain) to Don Pedro de Qu- 
niga, dated Madrid, September 21, 1607. 

" It is likewise understood, what you say of the suspen- 

1 For certain reasons not necessary though the r is peculiarly formed, 

to discuss here, I thought the above Could not find an original signature of 

must be the signature of Captain John the Capt Baily (or Baylee) whose 

Baylee, aud on writing to the Public project is several times alluded to. 

Record Office received this reply : — Mr. Hall of the P. R. Office thought 

" re Barlee or Baylee. the 3rd letter of the name might be 

" The name signed to letter dated meant for y. . , . K. Corner." 
Augt 18th 1607 appears to be Barlee 

116 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

sion of the plans of going to Virginia. — What that King 
had done with the father of Don Antonio Shirley, and the 
Justice he did in Scotland to the Earl of ' Dumbirra ' [Dun- 
bar]. — And of whatever else, of importance, which may 
present itself, you must continue to keep me informed." 


VOLUME 2586, FOLIO 36. 

Copy of a deciphered letter from Don Pedro de Zuniga 
to the King of Spain, dated London, September 1 22, 

"Sire: — 
"I have reported to your Majesty [XXIV.] how there 
had come to Plymouth one of the vessels that went to 
Virginia, and afterwards there came in another, which 
vessels are still here. Captain Newport makes haste to 
return with some people — and there have combined mer- 
chants and other persons who desire to establish them- 
selves there ; because it appears to them the most suitable 
place that they have discovered for privateering and mak- 
ing attacks upon the merchant fleets of Your Majesty. 
Your Majesty will command to see whether they will be 
allowed to remain there. On account of this report I sent 
to ask an audience of the King at Salisbury, 2 and God was 
so pleased that from that day I have not been able to rise 
from my bed. Whereupon I have repeated 3 my request 
stating the reason why I did not go on the day which had 

1 The copy of this letter was dated (during which period Newport proba- 

" a 22. de Diciembre ; " but the month bly reached London), and it was dur- 

was certainly " Setiembre," as the in- ing that time that Zuniga first " asked 

ternal evidence and its position " in an audience " of King James. 

file," proves. The day " 22 " is prob- 8 The king was at Windsor Septem- 

ably correct (that is, 12 O. S.). ber 8 (O. S.), and it was probably at 

a The kiDg was at Salisbury (on his that time that Zuniga " repeated his 

western progress) from about the 14th request " for an audience, 
to about the 29th of August (O. S.), 


been designated to me. He has sent me to be visited * very 
graciously and in the same way, the Queen ; and I desire 
nothing more than to have health to fulfil what Y. M. has 
commanded me to see in what manner they take up that 
business, which I fear, he will say is not his businesse ; — 
and that he will order it to be set right — and in the mean- 
time they will make every effort they can. It is very desir- 
able Y. M. should command that such a bad project should 
be uprooted now while it can be done so easily. I hope to 
God I shall be able to speake to the King within eight days ; 
because at that time 2 he will come nearer to this place. 

"I have found a confidential person, through whom I 
shall find out what shall be done in the Council 3 (which they 
call Council of Virginia). They are in a great state of 
excitement about that place and very much afraid lest Your 
Majesty should drive them out of it. They go about with 
a plan that if this be not done, they will make this King 
take the business in his own hands. 4 And there are so 
many who here, and in other parts of the Kingdom, speak 
already of sending people to that country, that it is advis- 
able not to be too slow ; because they will soon be found 

1 That is, he tells Philip III., when 8 As the meetings of His Majestys 
he wrote to the king at Salisbury, ask- Council of Virginia were private, and 
ing audience, the king and the queen the members thereof sworn to secrecy, 
had both very graciously appointed a this " confidential person" was prob- 
day for his visit or audience. The ably a member of that council. Who 
translation is literal. was he ? 

2 Zuniga was evidently looking for 4 They were, in fact, royally char- 
the king's coming to Hampton Court tered colonies, and not private planta- 
eight miles nearer than Windsor. He tions, from the beginning. The indi- 
passed there, probably unexpectedly vidual feature was for diplomacy, to 
to Zuniga, on the 12th (O. S.) of Sep- enable the king, when called upon by 
tember (the day this letter was writ- other governments, to gain time by 
ten, it seems), but did not return to shifting the responsibility on irrespon- 
hold his court there for a week or sible shoulders — the old idea of No- 
more (see XXX.). As soon as Zuniga vember 6, 1577. The whole of Amer- 
heard that the king had come to ica from 34° to 45° was claimed by 
Hampton (Jf), he made a third appli- the king, who had placed it under the 
cation, it seems, for an audience (see management of his royal council, es- 
XXIX.). This may have been only tablished for that purpose. 

the second application (see note 2, p. 
116), but I think it was the third. 

118 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

there with large numbers o£ people, whereupon it will be 
much more difficult to drive them out than now. &c. 

" May Our Lord preserve and guard the Catholic Person 
of Y. M. as all Christendom needeth." 

[Mem. — Captain Henry Hudson returned from his voy- 
age September 15, 1607.] 


VOLUME 2586, FOLIO 64. 

Copy of a deciphered letter of Don Pedro de Zuniga to the 
King of Spain, dated London, October 5, 1607. 

" When the King came to Hampton Court, which was 
on the 22d of last month [12th September, 0. S.], I sent 
to ask an audience, and he sent me word, that it pleased 
him to wait 'till he should return there ; because he was 
leaving the next day to hunt, on the other side of Lon- 
don, in certain woods and forests which he has towards 
'Fibols' [Theobald's?]. Day before yesterday he re- 
turned, and I sent again begging an audience. He was 
sick with fever that day and he replied that this, and 
his waiting for the Members of his Council, 1 prevented 
his doing what I wished and that he would let me know 
when he was so disposed. In this way I have not been 
able to say anything to the King about Virginia ; but I 
understand that a ship 2 is sailing there and a tender with 
about 120 men and from all who go they require an oath 
of allegiance. A man has told me to-day, a man who 
usually tells me the truth, that these men are complaining 

1 The king was putting off, gaining with two vessels, emigrants, and sup- 
time, and the managers of the Virginia plies, as rapidly as possible, 
enterprise were preparing Newport, 2 The John and Francis and the 




of what the King does for the Scotch who may go there, 
and that he favors them more than themselves. They are 
in the greatest fear, that Y. M. will give orders to have 
them stopped ; because all see that their sending there can 
no longer be approved, as Y. M. takes it. It appears 
clearly to me now that it is not their intention to plant 
colonies, but to send out pirates from there, since they do 
not take women, but only men. I have not wished to 
detain this courier, because the King might be one of these 
days in bad health. 1 I understood that he writes to Y. M. 
desiring much to strengthen the bonds of Friendship. I 
believe that there are some things that have to be done for 
the service of God and of Y. M. &c. — as for myself, a 
cloud has disappeared from my heart, because now I see a 
door is opening for free speech in religion. May God open 
it in such a manner that His sacred service may be entirely 
fulfilled, and may He protect," etc. 

1 Was Zuniga expecting the king 
to die, or did he fear his assassina- 

[Note. — The following abstract 
from Bacon's report to the House of 
Commons (June 17) of Salisbury's 
speech at the conference of the Lords 
on June 15, 1607 (see note 1, pp. 121, 
122) throws much light on XXX., 
XXXI., XXXIII., and on the diffi- 
culties in the way of obtaining the re- 
lease of Challons and his men : — 

" His Lordship said, it was the pol- 
icy of Spain to keep that treasury of 
theirs [the West Indies] under such 
lock and key as a vigilant dragon 
keepeth his golden fleece. Yet his 
Majesty [James I.] in the conclusion 
of the last treaty would not agree to 
any article excluding his subjects from 
that trade, nor acknowledge any right 
to Spain either by the donative of the 
Pope, whose authority he disclaimeth, 
or by the title of a dispersed occupa- 
tion of certain territories in the name 
of the rest; but stood firm to reserve 

that point in full question to further 
times. So as it is left by the treaty in 
suspense, neither debarred nor per- 
mitted. The tenderness and point of 
honour whereof was such, as they that 
went thither must run their own peril. 
But if his Majesty would descend to a 
course of intreaty for the release of the 
arrests in those parts, and so confess an 
exclusion, and quit the point of honour, 
his Majesty mought have them forth- 
with released : And yet his Lord- 
ship added, that the offences and scan- 
dals of some had made this point 
worse than it was ; in regard that this 
very last voyage to Virginia, intended 
for trade and plantation where the 
Spaniard hath no people nor posses- 
sion, is already become infamed for 
piracy : Witness Bingley, who first in- 
sinuating his purpose to be an actor in 
that worthy action of enlarging trades 
and plantation, is become a pirate, and 
his ship is taken in Ireland, though 
his person is not yet in hold." (See 
Spedding's Letters and Life of Lord 
Bacon, vol. iii. pp. 352, 353.)] 

120 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 


VOLUME 2586, FOLIO 68. 

Copy of a deciphered letter from Zuniga to the King of 
Spain, dated London, October 8, 1607. 

"Sire: — 

" Saturday night [^Kfe 26 ] I had a message from the 
Chamberlain in which he told me that the King would 
give me an audience, yesterday, Sunday, at 2. 

"He received me as usual very courteously, and after 
we had seated ourselves, I told him how your Majesties 
had grieved over the death of his daughter. 1 

" He replied to this with much gratefulness. Then I 
told him that Y. M. had ordered me to represent to him 
how contrary to good friendship and brotherly feeling it 
was, that his subjects should dare wish to colonize Vir- 
ginia, when that was a part of the Spanish Indies, and that 
he must look upon this boldness as very obnoxious. 

" He answered that he had not particularly known what 
was going on ; that as to the navigation to Virginia he had 
never understood that Y. M. had any right to it ; but that 
it was a very distant country where Spaniards lived, and 
that in the Treaties of Peace with him and with France it 
was not stipulated that his subjects should not go there, 
except to the Indies, and that as Y. M.'s people had dis- 
covered new regions, so it seemed to him, that his own 
people might do likewise. I replied to him that it was a 
condition of the Treaty of Peace, that in no way should 
they go to the Indies. The King said to me that those 
who went, did it at their own risk and that if they came 
upon them in those parts there would be no complaint 
should they be punished. I told him that to punish them 

1 The queen was brought to bed at at Stanwell, the Lord Knevet's house. 

Greenwich on the 9th or 10th of April, She was the first royal infant to re- 

1605, of a daughter, afterwards named ceive Protestant baptism in England. 
Mary, who died September 16, 1607, 

First Earl of Totness 


was all right, but that it would be better for the closer 
union between Y. M.'s subjects and his own, and that this 
invention of going to Virginia for colonising purposes was 
seen in the wretched zeal with which it was done, since the 
soil is very sterile, and that hence there can be no other 
purpose connected with that place than that it appears to 
them good for pirates, and that this could not be allowed. 
He told me in reply that he had never known Y. M. was 
interested in this, but since I assured him it was so, and 
that they might send pirates out from there, he would seek 
information about it all, and would give orders that satis- 
faction should be given to me by the Council, and that he 
was inclined to think as I did, having heard it said that the 
soil was very sterile and that those have been sadly deceived 
who had hoped to find there great riches — that no advan- 
tage from it all came to him, and that if his subjects went 
where they ought not to go, and were punished for it, 
neither he nor they could complain. I said in reply that 
the difficulties were such as must be considered and the best 
remedy was to prevent and cut it short from here, since it 
was publicly known, that two vessels 1 had sailed from a 
port of this kingdom for the Indies, and that two others 2 
were being laden here to go. The King told me they were 
terrible people and that he desired to correct the matter. I 
represented to him how well his subjects would always be 
treated in all parts of Y. M. dominions to which they can 
go, and with how much good will Y. M. commands it so. 
He teld me, he saw now perfectly well how certain every- 
thing was that I told him, because in the last Parliament 
there had been so much excitement about the two ships 
seized in the Indies. 3 

" I told him that here the common people always liked 
to raise difficulties with us and that I would not complain 

1 The Gift of God and the Mary 8 There is "a hit of irony" in the 
and John. (See May 31, 1607.) king's remarks. " The last Parlia- 

2 The John and Francis and the ment " was in session from February 
Phcenix. (See October 8, 1607.) 10 to July 4, 1607. In the English 

122 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

of such people, but that I did complain of some Members of 
the Council who had talked of Y. M.'s having called the 
Count of Tyrone," etc. 

[Relates to Irish affairs, etc. In this part of the inter- 
view, Kino; James refers to the kind treatment which " An- 
tonio Perez " had received in England.] 

" I told him [King James] once more how important it 
was that a remedy should be found for that matter in Vir- 
ginia, because it was necessary to take measures about it 
before it assumed a worse condition." 

[End of the interview with King James.] 

" These explanations of the Council [promised by the 
king] are apt to be very long and protracted here, and in 
the meantime they may send more people there, and fortify 
themselves there, for I hear that from Plymouth, they have 
settled another district near the other. — I shall be careful 
to find out about what is going on, and I shall report to 
Y. M. ; but I should consider it very desirable that an end 
should be now made of the few who are there, for that 
would be digging up the Root, so that it could put out no 

[Zuniga again refers to Tyrone l and to Irish affairs.] 

State Papers, vol. xxvii., No. 19, May Challons' and Captain Legat's ship. 

13, 1607, are notes of Sir Edwin (See XXXIV.) It may be safely in- 

Sandys' speech in the Lower House, ferred that Virginia was mentioned in 

concerning the complaints of the mer- this debate, in May and June, 1607, 

chants, of injuries inflicted on them by both in the House of Lords and in the 

the Spaniards. Same volume, No. 53 House of Commons. 

[June 17], 1607, The Report by Sir Zuuiga's account of his firsl inter- 

Erancis Bacon to the House of Com- view with King James, on Sunday, 

mons of speeches by two Earls [Elles- September 27, 1607, regarding Vir- 

mere and Salisbury], in a conference ginia, is very interesting. He had been 

between the Houses of Lords and trying to meet the king since he heard of 

Commons, relative to the petition of Newport's return, probably since about 

the merchants for redress of wrongs August 12, and it is interesting to note 

suffered in Spain. And in the same the various hindrances which delayed 

volume, No. 54, is an Analysis of the interview for a month and a half, 

some points of the Earl of Salisbury's until Newport was ready to sail again. 

Speech at the conference about the 1 Tyrone was expected in England 

Spanish business. September 16. Sir Oliver Lambert 

" The two ships seized in the [West] brought the news to the Court that he 

Indies " were evidently Captain Henry had fled into Spain. On September 


" A servant of a merchant who is going to Spain on busi- 
ness, takes this letter in another letter for Dona Maria, so 
that Y. M. may know what is going on here. 

" May Our Lord " etc. 


VOLUME 2586, FOLIO 69. 

Copy of a deciphered letter from Zuniga to the King of 
Spain, dated London, October 16, 1607. 

"Sire: — 
"I have written to Y. M. and reported the audience 
which I had concerning the Virginia affair [XXX.]. I sent 
to Hampton Court to remind the Council of the answer due 
me, as the King had told me, and Count Salisbury tells me 
that having discussed it with the King, he replied to him 
nearly what he told me : If the English go where they may 
not go, let them be punished — and having looked carefully 
into the matter, it seems to him that they may not go to 
Virginia — and that thus, if evil befalls them, it will not be 
on his account, since to him this will not appear as being 
contrary to friendship and peaceful disposition. He says, 
he does not wish to do what he has been asked to do, in 

18, 1607, the Earl of Salisbury wrote treaty with the Low Countries, which 

to the Earl of Shrewsbury from Theo- had been under way for some time ; a 

balds, ..." I send you this abstract, truce, for twelve years, was signed in 

by which you shall see that Ireland con- June, 1609. Spanish procrastination 

ceals not their adherence to Spain. . . . was evidently understood, and taken 

But, my Lord, that these men [Tyrone advantage of, in England, 

and O'Donnel] shall procure the King The student of the struggle for our 

of Spain suddenly to declare himself Atlantic coast must also bear in mind 

in any open invasion I am not of the troubles, at that time, between 

opinion ; because he hath now a piece England and Ireland, and Spain's and 

of work to treat of, &c. . . . The time Rome's relation thereto, as well as the 

of the year is far spent, and Spain is troubles between Spain and the Low 

not so sudden in such attempts." " The Countries, and the relation of England 

piece of work to treat of," was the thereto. 

124 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

preventing their going and commanding those who are 
out there to return, and the reason of this is, because that 
would be acknowledging that Your Majesty is Lord of all 
the Indies. 

" Those who are urging the colonization of Virginia, 
become every day more eager to send people, because it 
looked to them as if this business was falling to sleep after 
all that has been done for it, and before Nativity there will 
sail from here and from Plymouth five or six ships. It 
will he serving God and Y. M. to drive these villains out 
from there, hanging them in time which is short enough 
for the purpose. They have been told that the Earl of 
Tyrone has reached Coruna and that he has been very well 
received there. They are now anxious to see what will be 
done to him, and they are afraid Y. M. may perhaps in the 
name of His Holiness send him with some Italian forces to 
Ireland, so as to stir up there some rebellion, and they say, 
that if this should be so, they would openly declare war, 
but that, if not, they will faithfully keep the peace with Y. 
M. This is, therefore, finally to tell me that they are not 
in favor of war, and I have replied to them, that Y. M. has 
always faithfully observed the Treaties . of Peace, and that 
he will do so now. 

" May the Lord " etc. 

[Mem. — The John and Francis, Captain Newport, and 
the Phoenix, Captain Francis Nelson, " sailed from Graves- 
end on Thursday, October 8. 1607 — reached Plymouth the 
following Thursday (15th) — where they remained untill 
Monday (19th), and as the wind was not favorable it was 
necessary on the next day (20th) to make port at Falmouth, 
where until Friday (23d) morning they suffered much from 
a great storm." On Friday, October 23, 1607, they sailed 
from Falmouth for Virginia. Carrying, of course, many 
letters, documents, etc., all of which are now probably lost 
forever. The John and Francis took Sir Thomas Smythe 
round the North Cape of Europe into the White Sea, on 


his embassy to Russia in 1604. The Phcenix had been 
employed in the expeditions of the Lees to Guiana in 1604— 
1605. His Majesties council in England send over at this 
time an additional member for the council in Virginia in 
the person of Matthew Scrivener.] 


VOLUME 2571, FOLIO 215. 

Copy of an extract from a letter of H. M. to Don Pedro de 
Zuniga, dated Madrid, October 28, 1607. 

" I am very well pleased with the result of your transac- 
tions with that King in the Virginia Question — and this 
matter will have to be looked into continually so as to pro- 
vide what is to be done — and in the meantime try to 
ascertain what ships and what men go from there to Vir- 
ginia, and report to me what you may find out." 




VOLUME 2518. 

" Copy of a report of the Spanish Council of State, dated 
10th Nov 1- . 1607 — on a communication from Don Pedro 
de Zuniga on the subject of Virginia. 

" Sire : — 

" The Embassador Don Pedro de Quiiiga writes in a let- 
ter of October 16. [6, O. S.] [XXXI.] that requesting the 
Council [in England] to give him an answer concerning 
Virginia, he has been told that they cannot prevent Eng- 
lishmen from going there at their own peril, nor will that 
King give any orders concerning this matter, because it 
would be acknowledging that Y. M. is Lord of all the In- 

126 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

dies. And Don Pedro reports that before Nativity there 
will sail from London and from Plymouth five or six ships, 
and that it would be important to drive these people out 
from there, at once, hanging them in time, which is short 
enough for all that has to be done. 

" And it having been seen in this Council that the * Con- 
destable ' of Castile [Juan Ferdinand de Velasco] has re- 
ported that when he was negociating the Treaty of Peace 
in England [August 19, 1604], he considered that if partic- 
ularly anxious to treat of excluding the English from the 
Indies and more especially from Virginia, he would have to 
encounter the difficulty that it is more than 30 years since 
they have had peaceful possession of it, and that, if it were 
declared that Virginia was not a part of the Indies, a very 
dangerous door would be opened. Thus it was resolved 
that an effort should be made to agree to it, as was done, 
that the navigation of the English should only be allowed 
in Y. M.'s dominion, where of old and before the war it was 
usual to navigate — by which agreement the English were 
tacitly excluded from navigating in the Indies — and that 
always since it has appeared difficult to him to insist upon 
it as a right that all that is contiguous to the Indies is a 
part of them, and for this reason it is prudent to proceed 
cautiously. The actual taking possession will be to drive 
out of Virginia all who are there now, before they are rein- 
forced ; and for this and other reasons it will be well to 
issue orders that the small fleet stationed to the Windward, 
which for so many years has been in state of preparation, 
should be instantly made ready and forthwith proceed to 
drive out all who now are in Virginia, since their small 
number will make this an easy task, and this will suffice to 
prevent them from again coming to that place. 

" And to this the whole Council agreed. Your Majesty 
will order it to be seen to that everything be provided 
which may be necessary. 

" Madrid November 10. 1607." 


[The King of Spain indorsed on this report of his Coun- 
cil the following : — 

" Royal Decree : Let such measures be taken in this 
business as may now and hereafter appear proper. 

" At the (parralar) of the report it appeared that the 
driving out of the English from Virginia by the Fleet sta- 
tioned to the windward will be postponed for a long time, 
because delay will be caused by getting it ready and that 
thus this idea is not to be relied upon." Signed with three 
rubrics or signatures.] 


The following interesting narrative is one of the docu- 
ments collected by Hakluyt, which were afterwards printed 
by Purchas. See his "Pilgrimes," volume iv. pp. 1832- 
1837. I have never seen a reprint, and therefore I give 
the whole of it, though it is rather long. 

"The Voyage of M. Henry Challons intended for the 

North Plantation of Virginia, 1606. taken by the way, 

and ill used by Spaniards. 

" Written by John Stoneman, pilot. 

" On Thursday the twelfth of August, 1606, M. Henry 
Challons gentleman set forth from Plimouth, in our small 
ship of the burthen of fiftie-five Tunnes or thereabout, 
called The Richard of Plimouth. Wherein went twentie 
nine Englishmen and two of the five savages (whose names 
were Mannido and Assacomoit) which were brought into 
England the yeere before out of the North parts of Vir- 
ginia from our goodly River by him thrice discovered, 

called in the Latitude of 43. degrees, 20. minutes 

were imployed for a farther discovery of these coasts : And 
if any good occasion were offered, to leave as many men as 
wee could spare in the Country. Being victualled for 
eleven or twelve moneths, at the charges of the Honourable 
Sir John Popham Knight, Lord Chief Justice of England, 

128 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

Sir Fardinando Georges, Knight, Captaine of the Fort of 
Plimouth, together with divers other worshipfull Knights, 
Gentlemen and Merchants of the West Countrye : John 
Stoneman of Plimouth being Pilot, who had beene in the 
foresaid parts of Virginia the yeere before with George 
Waymouth : The Masters name was Nicholas Hine of Cock- 
ington neere Dartmouth. 

" The last of August wee fell with the He of Madera, 
„ , where we watered and refreshed ourselves, and 

stayed three dayes, being very kindly used by the 
Inhabitants. The third day of September wee departed 
from thence, passing betweene Gomora and Palma, two of 
the Canary lies, and from thence were driven by contrary 
winds, to take a more Southerly course then we intended, 
and so spent more then sixe weekes before wee could re- 
cover any of the Ant-Iles. The first that we could recover, 

was the He of Saint Lucia, in the Latitude of 14. 

degrees, 20 minutes, where we refreshed our- 
selves with wood and water. And saw certaine of the Sav- 
ages there, about fortie or fiftie, came unto us at our Ship 
in one of their Canoas, bringing unto us Tobacco, Potatos, 
^ . ^ Plantins, and Cassavi Bread, the which Savages 

Fortie Eng- / o • n at ■ l 

lish siaine by had slaine more then fortie of our Nation the 
i605 ge See yeere before, 1605, as after wee understood by 

the Storie.* pj^ Glasco? and Miles p ett) being twQ Q f Cap . 

taine Nicholas Saint John's Company, which was there 
treacherously slaine among the rest. Having stayed heare 
three dayes, about the two and twentieth of October we 
departed thence to the Northward. And in passing by the 
_ . . He of Dominica, wee chanced to see a White 

Dominica. . 1 

Flag put forth on the shoare, whereat marvel- 

1 The Storie given by Purchas, iv. "about the end of September, 1606," 

pp. 1255, etc., is from An Howre and writes : " We shot the ehannell 

Glasse of Indian Newes, etc., written of Florida in eight dayes against the 

by John Nicholl (February 2, 1607), winde, and came along by the Isle of 

dedicated to Sir Thomas Smythe, and Bermuda," etc. He arrived in Eng- 

printed for Nathaniel Butter in 1607. land February 2, 1607. 
Nicholl sailed from Havana, Cuba, 


ling, wee supposed that some Christians had sustained ship- 
wreck there. And forthwith a Cannoa came off from the 
shoare towards us, which when they came neere, being very 
little wind, wee layed our ship by the lee and stayed for 
them a little, and when they were come within a little dis- 
tance of the ship, wee perceived in the Cannoa a Friar, 
who cried aloud in the Latine tongue, saying, I beseech, 
as you are Christians, for Christ his sake to shew some 
mercy and compassion on mee, I am a Preacher of the 
Word of God, a Friar of the order of Franciscus in Sivill, 
by name Friar Blasius. And that hee had Friar Biacus 
beene there sixteene moneths a Slave unto those hls re i uest - 
Savages ; and that other two Friars which were of his Com- 
pany they had murthered and throwne into the sea. We 
demanded of him then, how he got so much favour to pre- 
serve his life, his Brethren being murthered : Hee an- 
swered, because hee did shew the savages how to fit them 
sayles for their Cannoas, and so to ease them of much 
labour often in rowing, which greatly pleased the Savages 
as appeared, for wee saw them to use Sayles in their Can- 
noas, which hath not beene seene before. Then we de- 
manded of him where they had this Linnen Cloth to make 
those Sayles : hee answered, that about two yeeres before 
that, three Gallions comming to the West Indies 
were cast away on the He of Gwadalopa, where lions lost at 
abundance of Linnen Cloth and other Merchan- ' ua a upa ' 
dise was cast on shoare. Then we demanded farther what 
was the cause of his being in this place, and how he came 
thither : he answered, That the King of Spain did every 
yeere, send out of every great monastery certaine c auges of 
Friars into the remote parts of the Indies, both yeerely send- 
to seeke to convert the feavages, as also to seeke out of 
out what benefits or commodities might be had pAme ' 
in those parts, and also of what force the Savages were of, 
and what number of them were in the seven Ant-Iles, viz, 
Saint Vincent, Granado, Saint Lucia, Mattalina Dominica, 
Gwadalopa, Aisey. The which the said Friar Blaseus said 

130 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

he had diligently noted and observed, and did hope to 
make perfect relation of such great benefits and riches as 
was to be drawne from thence, as he doubted not but 
would bee greatly accepted of his King, if hee might live 
to return to declare it : For, said hee, I have seene in one 
River discending from the Mountains in the He of Domi- 
Goia in nica, the Sand to glitter like Gold or find Copper, 

Domimca. whereupon I tooke some of it, and chewed it be- 
tweene my teeth, and found it perfect Mettall, the Savages 
noting me, began to have some jealousie of me, so as I 
durst not take any farther notice of it, neither would they 
suffer him forward to come neere to that place. And far- 
ther hee said, That if the great plentie of divers Fruits and 
Roots fit for man's sustenance were perfectly knowne, to- 
gether with the Sugar-canes that they have in those lies, 
and the fertilitie of the soyle he thought it would be very 
shortly inhabited ; and as for the number of savages there, 
as neere as we could understand, was scarce one thousand 
of all sorts of men, women and children in all the said 
seven lies. 

" Now, being moved with pittie at the lamentable com- 
plaint, and humble suit of this distressed Friar, wee tooke 
him into our Ship, and sent away the Savages much discon- 
tented. And from thence wee sayled to the Isle of Saint 
John De Port-rico, where on the nine and twentieth of 
„,, , , October, wee arrived on the South Side, and 

They land , . ' . - i l v j 

the Friar on forthwith sent the I riar on shoare, and delivered 
him to two Heardsmen, which most thankfully 
received him, and of their courtesie brought us a fat Cow, 
and proferred us more with Hogs, calves, or anything else 
that they could procure us in recompence of the good deed 
done to the Friar. Wee departed from thence and sayled 
out betweene the lies of Saint John Deportrico and His- 
paniola standing away to the Northward. And leaving the 
great shoalds called Abrioio, on our Larboord side, being in 
the Latitude of 21. and 22. degrees, from thence West- 
ward, our course North North-West, and North-west and 

First Viscount Falkland 


by North, untill wee were in the Latitude of 27. degrees or 
better, and about one hundred and eightie leagues from 
Saint John de Port Rico. In this place having had a very- 
great storme of Wind and Raine continuing fiftie sixe 
houres and more before on the tenth day of No- „, , 

* > Iney by un- 

vember, about ten of the clocke in the morning, happy hap 
suddenly we found ourselves in the middest of a Spanish 
fleet of eight Sayle of ships in a very thicke s ips ' 
fogge of mist and raine, so as we could not see them be- 
fore they were very neere, and within shot of them, where- 
in three of them were on the windward of us, on a third 
and fourth more to leeward : those at the windward came 
rome unto us, and shot at us, requiring us to speake with 
their Admirall. When we saw that by no meanes we could 
avoid them, but that they would speake with us, we put 
abroad our colours, and went toward the Admirall, before 
wee came unto him, he likewise strooke downe our Sayle, 
and came under his lee, demanding his pleasure : the other 
ship which first shot us, all our sayles being downe, and 
shot our mayne sayle in pieces lying on the Decke. And 
forthwith the Admirall came on boord of us, with two and 
twentie men in their ships Boate with Rapiers, They are 
Swords, and halfe-pikes. We being all in peace taken d and 
stood redie to entertayne them in peace. But abused, 
as soone as they were entred on boord of us, they did most 
cruelly beate us all, and wounded two of our Company in 
the heads with their Swords, not sparing our Captayne nor 
any. Also they wounded Assacomoit, one of the Savages 
aforesaid, most cruelly in severall places in the bodie, and 
thrust quite through the arme, the poore creature creeping 
under a Cabbin for feare of their rigour: and as they 
thrust at him, wounding him, he cried still. King James, 
King James, King James his ship, King James K; Jameg 
his ship. Thus having- beaten us all downe his name lit- 
under the Deckes, presently they beat us up by Rpan- 
againe, and thrust us over-boord into their Boate, 
and so sent us on boord of the Admirall ship. Neither 

132 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

would they suffer any of us to speake a word, to shew the 
cause of our passing the Seas in these parts. Neyther 
regarded they anything, our Commission which the Cap- 
tayne held forth unto them in his hand : untill that the 
Admirall with the Company of foure other of the ships, 
had rifled, spoyled, and delivered all the Merchandize and 
goods of the ship among them : which beeing done, they 
also divided us beeing thirtie persons in all into the said five 
ships, by [eight?] seven, six, five, and foure to a ship. 
" Three of the former eight Sayle made Sayle away, and 
never came neere us, neither were partakers of our Spoyle. 
Then they also repayred our Maine Sayle which was torne 
with the shot aforesaid, and put their men into her. And 
after because they could not make her to sayle well, they 
took two of our men, and put into her to helpe them, the 
other five ships and our ship kept company two or three 
dayes together. After this they separated themselves either 
from other, not through any tempest or storme, but through 
wilfull negligence or simple Ignorance, by shaping contrary 
courses the one from the other. So as not two of them 
kept company together. My selfe and six more of our 
company in the Vice-Admirall (of the burthen of one hun- 
dred and eightie tunnes; called the Peter of Sivill, the 
Captaynes name was Andreas Barbear) beeing alone, and 
having lost the company of the Fleet, continued our course 
untill the middle of December : at which time being about 
twentie leagues off from the He of Santa Maria one of the 
lies of the Azores, the Vice- Admiral and the whole com- 
pany disliking the great Ignorance of the Pilot, because he 
had told them ten dayes before that he was very neere the 
Hands, and had waited all this time, and could [not] find 
any of them, entreated me very earnestly to shew my skill. 
And the Pilot himselfe brought mee his instruments, and 
besought mee most earnestly to assist him, and to appease 
the Company. Whereunto by there much importunitee I 
yeelded. And by God's assistance on Christmasse Eve, 
after our English account, I brought them safe to the 


Barre of Saint Lucas, being the first ship of the whole 
Fleet that arrived there. 

" One of the ships of This Fleet, by the great Ignorance 
of the Spanish Masters, Pilots, and Mariners was driven 
beyond all the coast of Spaine, into Burdeaux in Gascoyne. 

" In which shippe the officers of the Admiraltie of France, 
finding f oure of our Englishmen prisoners under French Cour . 
the Deckes in hold; to wit, Master Daniel tesle - 
Tucker, who was our Cape Merchant, Pierce Gliddon and 
two others, did very friendly set them at libertie ; and the 
said Daniel Tucker, presently arrested the Spanish ship and 
goods beeing of great value, which of long time remayneth 
under arrest. 

" The good Duke of Medina hearing of the arrivall of 
certaine English prisoners taken here [neare ?] the Coast of 
the West Indies ; sent command to the Captaynes of the 
Spanish Ships, to bring foure of the chiefest to be brought 
before him. Whereupon myselfe, Master Thomas Saint 
John, John Waldrond our Steward, and William Stone our 
Carpenter were brought before him. The Ship wherein 
Master Challons was, was not yet come. Master David 
Nevill an Englishman dwelling in St. Lucas, was appointed 
our Interpretor. And then the Duke required me upon 
my oath to yeeld a true and faithfull answere, according 
to the whole state and manner of our Voyage and pro- 
ceedings, which I did, according to the former Relation 
afore-written, whereupon his Excellencie replyed unto the 
Spanish Captaynes which had brought us, saying, if this 
bee true which this Englishman affirmeth, you have greatly 
wronged these men. And so commanded them to provide 
meate, drinke, and fit lodging for us, and to bring us 
againe the next day before him. They sent us nevertheless 
to Sivill, where wee were brought to a Dutchman's house, 
called Signior Petro, where we were reasonably lodged, and 
entertayned that night. The next morning being New 
Yeeres day we were brought before the President of 
Sivill, at the Contractation, who hearing of our comming, 

134 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

and not vouchsafing to speake with us, sent foure officers 

Their impris- *° us > an ^ cas * ^^ m t° ^ rlson ' Where for the 
onment. space of five dayes wee had publike allowance, 
but such as poore men which were there Prisoners, also 
did of their mercie bestow on us. At length after many 
humble Sutes, and earnest Petitions exhibited to the Presi- 
dent, we had a Riall of Plate allowed to each man a day, 
which is sixe pence English, which by reason of the dearth 
of all sorts of victuall in those parts, will not goe so far as 
three pence in England. And so at severall times, within 
one moneth after eleven more of our Company were com- 
mitted to Prison, as they came home, whereof, our Captaine 
was one. Notwithstanding that the good Duke of Medina 
had discharged both him and all those of his Company, 
which came into Spaine with him, and willed him to goe 
home to the Court of England, or to the Court of Spaine 
where he thought to have best reliefe for his poore impris- 
oned Company. Whereupon Nicholas Hine our Master, 
and two more of our men wisely foreseeing what was like 
to bee the Issue, made haste away out of the citie, and so 
got passage and escaped to England. 

" Before the comming of our Captaine to Sivill, myself e 
and eleven more of my Company were examined before the 
President of the Contractation : who finding no just cause 
of offence in us, did often earnestly examine me of the 
manner and situation of the Countrie of Virginia, together 
with the commodities and benefit thereof. And after the 
comming of our Captaine, they likewise examined him to the 
same purpose. We answered both to one purpose, accord- 
ing to our Commission in writing, which the Spaniards 
at our taking at Sea, had preserved and delivered up 
unto the hands of the President. Within few dayes after, 
they gave our Captaine and Master Thomas Saint John, 
libertie of mayne Prison, upon the securitie of two English 
Merchants, which were Master William Rapier, and Master 
John Peckeford, whereof the later is dwelling and maried 
in Sivill. The rest of the Company being one and twentie 


in Prison continued still in miserable estate. And about 
two moneths after, Robert Cooke of London one of our 
Company fell sick of a Fluxe, whereof he Ian- Hardhearted 
guished three moneths and more, and by no s P amards - 
meanes that wee could make, could get him forth to bee 
cured, although wee spent more than sixtie Rials in Sup- 
plicaves and Sutes to get him out. At length being dead, 
they caused his bodie to bee drawne up and downe the 
Prison by the heeles, naked, in most contemptible manner, 
crying, Behold the Lutheran, as five others of our Company 
beeing then in Prison beheld : and so laid him CrueU im. 
under the Conduit, and powred water into his dead mumtie - 
bodie. This done, they cut off his Eares, Nose and Members, 
as the Spaniards themselves confessed unto us, and so con- 
veyed his bodie wee could never learne whether, although 
we proffered them money to have his dead corps to burie 
it. Shortly after Nathaniel Humfrie our Boatswaine was 
stabbed into the belly with a Knife by a Spaniard, which 
was a slave in the Prison, and fourteen dayes after dyed, 
who beeing dead I went unto the keeper of the Prison, desir- 
ing to buy his dead bodie to burie it, and so for twenty 
Rials I bought his body, and buried it in the field. Then 
we besought the President for justice on this slave which 
had slaine our Boatswaine : he demanded what we would 
have of the slave. And we requested, that as he had slaine 
an honest and worthy man of ours causelesse, that hee might 
die for it according to the law. The President answered, 
no, but if we would have him condemned for two or three 
yeares more to the Gallies he should. For said hee, The 
King of Spaine will not give the life of the worst s pan i s h 
slave that he hath, for the best Subiect that the Presidents 

, , . respect to the 

King of England hath, and so sent us away with English, 
this answere. Whereupon being out of all hope of Justice 
with the President, we repaired unto the Regent being an 
Ecclesiasticall man, one of the chiefest Judges of the Citie, 
desiring likewise Justice on the Murtherer afore- Honest Span- 
said : who in kind tearmes promised us Justice, iards - 

136 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

and so willed us to retaine counsell and Attornies to prose- 
cute our Sute ; which wee did accordingly, and so after 
two moneths Sute, and the cost of more then two hundred 
Rials on Lawyers, Scribes and other Officers at length we 
had him hanged by the favour of the Regent, which other- 
wise we had never obtained. 

" And now I may not omit to shew how I got the libertie 
to have the scope of the Citie for my Race to come, and go. 
Having beene three moneths in close Prison with our poore 
Company as aforesaid. At length I got the favor of two 
Englishmen inhabiting in Sivill named Constantine Collins 
and Henry Roberts, who did ingage themselves for me. 
The Spaniards were very desirous to have me to serve their 
State, and proffered me great wages, which I refused to 
doe, affirming, that this imployment which I had in hand, 
was not yet ended untill which time I would not determine 

" Then the Alcadie Maior of the Contractation House and 
divers other Merchants perswaded me to make them some 
descriptions and Maps of the Coasts and parts of Vir- 
ginia, which I also refused to doe. They being discontent 
with me, sent mee again to Prison, where I continued two 
and twentie dayes, and then I making meanes unto my good 
friends borrowed money, and so gave divers bribes unto the 
Keepers of the Prison, whereupon they gave me libertie to 
goe abroad againe into the Citie at my pleasure. And 
wayting every day for some order from the Court of Spaine 
of our discharge, there came none but delayes and prolong- 
ing of our troubles and miseries. So as we began almost 
to despaire of libertie. 

" At length an honest Dutch Merchant dwelling in Sivill, 
named Hanse Eloyse, sent unto mee to speake with me, 
which when I came unto him, signified unto me what he 
had learned of one of the Judges of the Contractation : 
who told him as he reported unto me, that the Spaniards 
had a great hate unto me above all others, because they 
understood that I had beene a former Discoverer in Vir- 


ginia, at the bringing into England of those Savages ; and 
that they thought it was by my instigation to perswade 
our State to inhabit those parts. And because they had re- 
ceived so small knowledge of those parts by my confession : 
and that they could not perswade mee to serve that State, 
neither would I make them any note, draught, or descrip- 
tions of the Countrie. They resolved to bring to the Rack 
and torment me, whereby to draw some further knowledge 
by confession from me, before any discharge might come 
for us. The which this honest Merchant considering, and 
the Innocencie of our case, gave me to understand. And 
wished mee rather to flie and preserve myselfe then to 
stand to their mercie on the Racke. I hearing this the 
next morning, being the three and twentieth of October, 
suddenly fled from Sivill, and with me Master Thomas 
Saint John aforesaid, and one other of our Company 
named James Stoneman, my Brother, whom through great 
cost and charges bestowed on the Keepers of the Prison a 
little before I had got forth to bee cured of a Callenture. 
Thus wee fled from Sivill, leaving Master Henry Challons 
our Captaine at libertie upon sureties, and sixteene more of 
our Company in close Prison. 

" From thence on the five and twentieth of October, wee 
came to a Mount in the Cundado, where finding no passage 
by any shipping into England, France, or Flanders. Wee 
travelled through Algarnie, to the Port of Setunall, and 
finding no passage there, wee travelled to Lisbone in Por- 
tugall. Where wee arrived the one and thirtieth of 
October, and there found ships readie bound to goe to 
England, but the wind was contrary for fourteene days. 

" At the time of our abode in Lisbone, wee understood 
that three Carricks were come from the East Indies : 
whereof one was arrived safely at Lisbon tenne days before 
our comming thither. Another was driven leeward, and put 
in Veego, as wee heard. The third Carracke beeing at the 
He of Tercera, was so leake that they could not bring her 
home into Portugal, but unloaded her into three of the King 

138 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

of Spaines great Armadoes, to bring the goods more safely 
to Lisbon. Which ships at their comming before the mouth 
of the River of Lisbone in the night within three dayes 
Three ships after my comming thither, were all cast away on 
cast away. certaine shoaldes there called Oscachopos, or as 
wee commonly call them the Catchops, where of nine hun- 
dred men, as the Portugalls reported, but only thirtie seven 
were saved, and of the goods very little at all : because the 
said ships being cast away on the ebbe, the goods were 
driven off into the Sea, the dead bodies of many that were 
drowned, I myselfe saw cast on the shore with the sundry 
wrackes of the parts of the Ships-Masts and yards, with other 
wracke of Caske, chists, and such like in great abundance. 

" The fourteenth day of November the winde being faire, 
wee tooke passage from Lisbone in a small Barke belong- 
ing to Bideford, called the Marget, and on the foure and 
twentieth of the same we were landed at Saint Ives in 
Cornwall, and from thence I hasted to Plimmouth, where I 
shewed unto Sir Ferdinando Gorges and divers others the 
Adventurers, the whole Discourse of our unhappie Voyage 
together with the miseries that wee had, and did indure 
under the Spaniards hands. And then hasted with all the 
speed I could toward the Court of England, where I was 
assured to my great comfort ; that they either were al- 
readie, or very shortly should bee delivered. 

" Before my departure from Sivill, I should have remem- 

bred, that about Whitsontide last there were 

Legatof brought into the Prison of the Contractation 

x imin.u i. ^ ere ^ ^. wo y 0un g me n brought out of the West 

Indies, in one of the Kings Gallions, which were of Cap- 
taine John Legats Company of Plimmouth, which departed 
out of England, about the latter end of July 1606, bound 
for the River of Amazons, as hee told me before his going 
forth, where hee had beene two yeeres before. And com- 
ming on the Coast of Brasill as those young men (the name 
of one of them is William Adams borne in Plimpton neere 
Plimmouth) reported unto mee whether falling to the lee- 


ward of the River of Amazons, or deceived by his Master 
they knew not. And not being able to recover the said 
River, were constrayned to refresh in the West Indies, in 
which time there fell a great disorder betweene Matinie 
the said Captaine Legat and his company, so as Cap. Legat 
one of his company, in a broyle within them- mutinous 
selves aboard there ship, slue the said Captaine JJJJ5 not" 
Legat, whether in his owne private quarrell or Jad donTto 
with the consent of the rest of the Company, bring home 

ti i • • -l their Ship, 

they could not tell mee. But this is the more to and so stum- 
bee suspected for that he alwayes in former ^i^«ST 
Voyages dealt very straitly with his Company. Jjjjjjjjjf* 
After his death his Company comming to the commended 
He of Pinos, on the Southside of Cuba, to re- expert Sea- 
fresh themselves, being eighteene persons were 
circumvented by the trecherie of the Spaniards, and were 
there betrayed and taken Prisoners : and within foure 
dayes after, of eighteene persons, fourteene were hanged 
and the other foure being youthes were saved to serve the 
Spaniards, whereof, two of them, refusing to serve longer 
in there ships, were put into the Prison at Sivill, the other 
two remayne still as slaves to the Spaniards. 

" This I had the rather noted to the end, that it may be 
the better considered what numbers of ships and men have 
gone out of England since the conclusion of Peace between 
England and Spaine (19th Augt 1604-15th June 1605) 
in the way of honest Trade and Traffique, and how many 
of them have miserably miscarried. Having beene slaine, 
drowned, hanged or pittifully captived, and thrust out of 
their Ships and all their goods." 

[Mem. — In 1607 a second edition of "The Seaman's 
Secrets," etc., first published by John Davis, in 1594, was 
issued from the Press. In this work Davis says, — " For 
what hath made the Spaniard to be so great a Monarch, 
the Commander of both Indies, to abound in wealth and 
all Nature's benefites, but only the painefull industrie of 
his subjects by Navigation."] 

140 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 


VOLUME 2586, FOLIO 80. 

Copy of an Extract from a deciphered letter of Don Pedro 
de Zuiiiga to the King of Spain, " dated London, Decem- 
ber 6, 1607." 

" Sire. 

" As to Virginia, I hear that three or four other ships 
will return there. Will your Majesty give orders that 
measures be taken in time; because now it will be very 
easy, and quite difficult afterwards, when they have taken 
root, and if they are punished in the beginning, the result 
will be, that no more will go there." 

[Mem. — I can only guess at the date of the return to 
England of the vessels from North Virginia. The draught 
of Fort St. George (LVIII.), by John Hunt, is dated Octo- 
ber 8, 1607. " A Relation of A Voyage to Sagadahoc " 
(XXXVI.) is a journal of particulars from June 1 to Octo- 
ber 6, 1607. Strachey says, The Mary and John, Cap- 
tain Robert Davies, was dispatched away soon after their 
first arrival " to advertise both of their save arrival and 
forwardness of their plantation . . . with letters to the 
Lord Chief Justice," etc. It seems to me probable that 
the Mary and John left about October 8, 1607, and pos- 
sibly arrived at Plymouth late in November, or early in 
December following, bringing the aforesaid letters (now 
probably lost), the drawing of the fort (LVIII.), and the 
following document.] 


" The Relation of A Voyage to Sagadahoc," which Avas 
" first printed from the Original Manuscript in the Lambeth 

First Earl of Monmouth 


Palace Library. Edited with Preface, Notes and Appendix 
by the Rev. B. F. De Costa. Cambridge (Masst 8 ) John 
Wilson and Son University Press 1880 " — Being reprinted 
in advance from the Proceedings of the Massachusetts His- 
torical Society, vol. xviii. (1880-1881). 

This narrative, of probably 7,000 words, was written by 
some one on board Captain Gilbert's ship, the Mary and 
John, possibly by Captain Robert Davies or Captain James 
Davies. It is a particular narrative of the voyage of that 
ship, from the departure from the Lyzard, June 1, 1607. 
The Lambeth copy ends with September 26, 1607, but 
Strachey, in compiling CCXVI. and CCXVII., evidently 
had the use of this document, and continues the particulars 
until October 6, 1607, about which time I think the writer 
and document left America for England. See LVIII. 


An extract from Zuniga's letter to the King of Spain, dated 
London, December 22, 1607. 

" Besides what I have written on the subject of Virginia, 
I have learned that they have appointed Baron ' Qiteri ' 
[Carew], who is Vice-Chamberlain of the Queen, a Coun- 
sellor of Virginia — And that he and the Lieutenant of the 
Tower, who is called the Knight ' Wed' [Wade], said that 
it would be certain, when they put two thousand men in 
that place between this and Spring, it would be the greatest 
impediment which Y. M. could find concerning the Indies — 
And that then we would not be able to move them from 
there. It appears to me that there will be more people 
there after Nativity than those I have written of. Where- 
fore Y. M. will see how necessary it is to act with vigor and 
to hasten the remedy." 

142 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

VOLUME I., 1606-1609, p. 271. 

This extract, and others, from the " Mercure Francoise " 
were sent to me by the late Honorable John R. Bartlett, of 
the Carter-Brown Library, Rhode Island, not long before 
his death, inclosed in a letter, in which he writes : — 

" I have been so ill that I have not visited the Carter- 
Brown Library to examine the i Mercure Frangoise.' Yes- 
terday, however, Mr. Brown, the owner of the library, was 
in town [Providence], and at my request took from it and 
sent me the volumes of the work which relate to the years 
1606 to 1619, both inclusive. I have looked through these 
volumes, and I send you the references to Virginia which 
they contain." 

" In the spring of this year the Colony (which was to 
settle the Western portion of Virginia) which consisted of 
one hundred men, with their wives and children under the 
guidance of Vincfeld [Wingfield], embarked in a ship, com- 
manded by Newport, which without any untoward circum- 
stance came to the mouth of a river in Virginia and there 
landed. Vincfeld and the Colonists (who tried to make 
friends with some poor Indians) commenced to build a fort 
there, and [to] hasten to the search for ores ; — They found 
crystal and other minerals which they gave to Newport L o 
carry to England, which he did and was only five weeks on 
his return voyage ; but these minerals proved to be of little 

1 I do not know exactly when in the original French in his Virginia 

XXXVIII. and XXXIX. were writ- Company of London, pp. 16, 17. 
ten ; but as they were probably writ- The author had some idea of the 

ten sometime in 1607, I have placed voyage, but was misinformed as to 

them at the end of that year. " wives." 

Mr. Neill gives the above extract 




pp. 389-891. 

" I have hard that Sir Amias Preston informed your 
Lordship of certain minerall stones brought from Guiana, 
of which your Lordshipe had sume doubt ; — for so you had 
att my first returne." [The letter goes on to convince 
Salisbury of the vast mineral wealth of Guiana, and to pro- 
pose another voyage there.] " The Jurney may go under 
the culler of Virginia, for Neuport will shortly return. 1 
We will break no peace ; invade none of the Spanish townes. 
We will only trade with the Indiens, and see none of that 
nation [the Spaniards], except they assay le us. If your 
Lordship will send my Lord Carew, or any elce, I will satis- 
fye them in all particulars ; and rest your Lordship's, ever 
more to serve yow, 

"W. R." 



VOLUME 2513. 

Copy of the original report (advice) of the Council of 
State, of January 17, 1608, on a letter of Don Pedro de 
+ Zuniga, referring to Virginia. 

" Sire, — Don Pedro de Zuniga in one of his letters 
of December 22d [XXXVIL] says that, besides what he 
has written on the subject of Virginia, he has learnt that 
they have appointed Baron Queri [Carew], who is Vice- 
Chamberlain of the Queen, Counsellor of Virginia, and 
when he and the Lieutenant of the Tower, who is called 
the Knight ' Wed ' [Wade], said ' that it would be certain 
that if they put two thousand men in that place between 

1 The date of this letter is doubtful, it was probably written in September, 
Edwards, in his Life of Ralegh, dates as Newport returned on October 8 of 
it "1607?" If it was written in 1607, that year. 

144 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

this and Spring, it would be the greatest impediment 
which Y. M. could find concerning the Indies, and that 
they [the Spaniards] would not be able to move them 
from there,' — as it appears to him [Zuniga] that there 
will be more people there after Nativity than those he had 
written of, whereby Y. M. will see how necessary it is to 
act with vigor, and to hasten the remedy. 

" The Council says that having informed Y. M. as to 
other information that arrived before this, Y. M. was pleased 
to command that there should be prepared whatever was 
necessary to drive out the people who are in Virginia, 
and that the Council should advise what ought to be pro- 
vided, in compliance with which it says that the fleet ought 
to be notified and a copy of this advice should be given to 
Count Lemos, so that he may show it to the Council or 
Board of War of the Indies. And Y. M. should be in- 
formed of what may appear. Y. M. will command to be 
done and prepared all that may best serve. 

" In Madrid, January 17th, 1608." 

[Here follow the six signatures or rubrics, — flourishes 
forming part of certain Spanish signatures.] 

" Decree of the King, endorsed on the above : — Let new 
copies of the reports be given, and also to the Council of 
War, informing those to whom they are given, that they 
are to serve to hasten all that is necessary, and not to let 
any one hear what is being done." 

[Royal signature.] 

[Mem. — I can only continue to guess at the date of the 
return to England of the vessels from North Virginia ; but 
it seems very probable that one of the vessels left about 
October 8, 1607, which vessel, as I have said, I believe was 
the Mary and John, Captain Robert Davies. It seems to 
me also probable that the other vessel, the Gift of God, 
Captain James Davies, returned about the 15th of Decem- 
ber, 1607, bringing XLL, and probably " with divers other 
letters from Captain Popham and others " (see Purchas, iv. 


p. 1837), now lost, I fear, forever. If this surmise is cor- 
rect, the Gift of God probably reached England about Feb- 
ruary 8, 1608, on which day Captain J. Davies wrote a let- 
ter to Cecil. However, this is all merely conjecture. 1 ] 


The following translation of the original Latin is taken 
from the " Popham Memorial Volume," pp. 223-226. 

Addressed: "To the most heigh and mightie my gra- 
tious Sovereign Lord James of Great Brittain, France and 
Ireland, Virginia and Moasson, Kinge. 

" At the feet of his most serene King, humbly prostrates 
himself George Popham, President of the second Colony of 

" If it may please the patience of your divine Majesty 
to receive a few things from your most observant and de- 
voted, though unworthy servant, I trust it will derogate 
nothing from the lustre of your Highness, since they seem 
to redound to the glory of God, the greatness of your 
Majesty, and the utility of the Britons. I have thought it, 
therefore very just that it should be made Known to your 
Majesty, that among the Virginians and Moassons, there is 
no one in the world more admired than King James, Sover- 
eign Lord of the Britons, on account of his admirable jus- 
tice and incredible constancy, which gives no small pleasure 
to the natives of these regions ; who say, moreover, that 
there is no God to be truly worshipped but the God of 
King James ; under whose rule and reign they would 
gladly fight. Tahanida, one of the natives who was in 
Britain, has here proclaimed to them your praises and vir- 

1 I have some abstracts of letters not give them as I learn that the com- 
and papers of the present Marquis plete documents will be given in the 
of Salisbury's preserved at Hatfield forthcoming volume (Life of Sir F. 
House, which throw additional light Gorges) of The Prince Society. Bog- 
on the North Virginia colony, but do ton, Mass. 

146 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

" What and how much I may avail in transacting these 
affairs and in confirming their minds, let those judge who 
are well versed in these matters at home ; while I wittingly 
avow that all my endeavors are as nothing when considered 
in comparison with my duty towards my Prince. My well 
considered opinion is, that in these regions the glory of 
God may be easily evidenced, the Empire of your Majesty 
enlarged and the public welfare of the Britons speedily 

" So far as relates to commerce, all the natives constantly 
affirm that in these parts there are nutmegs, mace and cin- 
namon, besides pitch, Brazil wood, cochineal and ambergris, 
with many other products of great importance and value ; 
and these, too, in the greatest abundance. 

" Besides, they positively assure me, that there is a cer- 
tain Sea in the opposite or western part of this province, 
distant not more than seven day's journey from our fort of 
St. George in Sagadahoc : a sea large, wide and deep of the 
boundaries of which they are wholly ignorant ; which can- 
not be any other than the Southern Ocean, reaching to the 
regions of China, which unquestionably cannot be far from 
these parts. 

" If therefore, it may please you to keep open your divine 
eyes on this matter of my report, I doubt not but your 
Highness will perform a work most pleasing to God, honor- 
able to your greatness, and most conducive to the weal of 
your Kingdom, which with most ardent prayers I vehe- 
mently desire ; and I beg of God, the best and the greatest, 
that he will preserve the glorious majesty of my Sovereign 
James for ages to come. 

" At the Fort of St. George in Sagadahoc of Virginia, 
the thirteenth of December, 1607. 

" In all things Your Majesty's most devoted servant. 

"George Popham." 



VOLUME 2586, FOLIO 93. 

Copy of a deciphered letter from Don Pedro de Zufiiga to 
the King of Spain, dated London, March 28, 1608. 

" Sire : — 

" The persons interested in Virginia increase daily and 
they have put into the Council as President Count Lincon, 1 
who is an impertinent old man, and who has never been 
held in esteem ; but the reason that they have taken hold 
of him, is because he is a wealthy man, who has given them 
8.000 Philips (gold pieces) with the condition that with 
this sum as far as they can a goodly number of people be 
sent (they say as many as 800 men), within one month or 
two. their expectation is that they will in a short time send 
there 2.500 or 3000 men — on which account it seems to 
Tne necessary to intercept them on the way. 

" Besides they are sending from here, they say, two ships 
bound for the East Indies, which carry 10.000 ducats in 
ready money and that they will go to the mouth of the Red 
Sea, to a place they call Aden ; — that from there, they will 
pass on to the Kingdom of Camboya adjoining Malagor 
and between Ormus and Goa. One of these ships is of 500 
tons burden and the other of 400 tons 2 — the first carries 
80 men and 20 pieces of Artillery, the other 60 men and 
14 pieces, and both go loaded with iron and cloth. 

" Our Lord "etc. 

1 Henry Clinton, Earl of Lincoln. remember the great interest taken at 

2 The fourth voyage of the East this time in spreading abroad the com- 
India Company, "the which voyage merce of England. Ships were con- 
God bless and prosper, began at the stautly going from and returning to 
Downs near Sandwich the 23rd March London and other ports, trading over 
1608." a great part of Europe, Asia, Africa, 

I have of course confined myself to and America. Under the guidance of 

writing of the voyages having some James I., old warrior England was 

direct bearing on the colonization of rapidly learning to reap the blessed 

North America, but the reader will fruits of peace. 

148 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 



This document is printed in " Documents Relative to the 
Colonial History of the State of New York " (1856), vol i. 

Resolution of the States General, granting leave of absence 
to Sir Thomas Gates, Thursday, April 24, 1608. 

" On the petition of Sir Thomas Gates, Captain of a Com- 
pany of English soldiers, commissioned by the King of 
Great Britain to command with three other gentlemen in 
the Country of Virginia in colonizing the said Countries ; 
the Petitioner is therefore allowed to be absent from his 
company for the space of one year, on condition that he 
supply his Company with good officers and soldiers for the 
public service." 



Indorsed : " To the Right Ho le my very good Lord the 
Earle of Salesbury at the Court give these. 2 do Maij. 
1608. S r Fard : Gorges fr5 Plimmouth." 

This letter is mentioned in " A Vindication of the Claims 
of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, as the Father of English Coloni- 
zation in America. By John A. Poor. New York, 1862," 
p. 19, as " Letter. Sir F. G. to Thomas Gomel of Salis- 
bury," but I have never seen the letter in print. My 
copy was made for me in the British Museum several years 

" Right Ho^p — I thought it my duty to advertize your 
Lorship that Captayne Challoner hath made an escape out 
of Spaine and is arrived here havinge brought with him his 
bayle. Which he hath don for that he sawe his cause soe 


desperate, and his hope soe smale and finding by the man- 
ner of their proceeding noe likelyhode of other, then a mis- 
erable conclusion of his tedious suite. But (poore gent) his 
wants are soe greate now (he beinge come home) as he hath 
not meanes to supplie his present necessityes : otherwise he 
had come uppe to have given your Lordship a particular 
accompte of his Knowledge of the affayres of those partes 
himself e; as alsoe to have given his dutyfull thancks for 
those honorable favours it hath pleased your Lordship to 
afforde to him, and the rest of his poore people, whome he 
left in greate extreamity. But those thinges of moment, 
which I collecte from his relation, is first a greate Levey 
towards of land-souldiers ; but it is not knowen whether 
they are to goe, or what their intent is to doe. Ther is 
alsoe a common opinion yt the peace with the Hollanders 
will not goe forwarde by reason (as they say) that your 
Lordship is pleased to oppose yourselfe agaynst it, and to 
give encouragement under hand to the Flemminges to make 
demands of unreasonable condicions ; for which your doings 
they dowbt not, but your dayes wilbe shortened, & then 
they presume to frame their businesse to their better lyking. 
They promise mountaynes unto themselves, & are per- 
swaded of greate partyes, that they have in England (when 
the tyme shall come) yt are fitt to make use of them. They 
speake moste basely & unworthiely of his Majesty & alsoe 
of her Highnesse & soe vile as it is agaynst the nature of 
an honest man to write it ; nor possible to live, & heare it 
(if it be as he reportes) without endeavouring to be revenged 
of it. My desire is not to aggravate matters betweene 
Princes, or to be noted for a boat a-feu (sic) in these tymes 
of peace ; the which maks mee more sparing then otherwise 
I would be, fearing least my profession would be an occa- 
sion to perswade yt what I saie is rather what I wishe, than 
what I desire (sic) indeede. Notwithstanding I beseeche 
God we repent not too late oure too soone concluding of 
peace : for (as now the case standeth) our Kinge is by them 
(as it seemeth) contemned, our people unjustly proceeded 

150 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

withall, and generally our Nation of all other, lyke to be 
debarred from the liberty of making use of sea, or land ; 
saving wher and how they list to dispose of us. These re- 
ports ar horrable to honeste Natures to beare ; and occasions 
much to grive our people in generall to understand of, 
whose eares ar dayly rilled with it by every common mari- 
ner, that comes from thence. Which what it hath bred 
amongest ye multitude, I protest, I am affraied to write. 
But God is he alone, that directes all thinges according 
unto his owne pleasure the acomplishment of whose will 
we must continually pray for, & unto whose holy protection, 
I humbly recommend your Lordship to be defended from 
the malice of those, who ayme at you, for that they endea- 
voure the ruine of Kinge, and Country ; and (as they seeme 
playnly to confesse) are kept from their desire by your 
carfull vigillancy and foresight. Even soe craving pardon 
of your Lorship for my bouldnesse I end, and forever rest 

" Your Loppes in all service to be comaunded. 

"F«bd: Gokges. 

"From Plymouth May 2. 1608." 


Mr. Charles Campbell, in " The Southern Literary Messen- 
ger " for October, 1843, p. 591. 

I give this (without comment) as I find it. 

" The following I found in the State Library at Rich- 
mond [Va.]. The paper on which it was written was dis- 
covered in turning over the pages of ' Smith's History of 
Virginia.' From the earliness of the date, 1608, it is likely 
that Lieut. Herris was one of Smith's companions in an 
exploratory voyage, viz : — 

" ' Here lies ye body of Lieut. William Herris who died May ye 16th 
1608 : aged 065 years ; by birth a Britain, a good soldier, a good husband 
& neighbor.' 

" The above inscription, handsomely carved on a tomb- 

A SkaL. •/ to QatfilfL. JUyUt 

Cotton MS., Augustus I. Vol. II, No. 46, in the British Museum. 
''A charter of King James his river in Virginia." 


stone of usual size, standing on the banks of the Neabsco 
Creek, in Fairfax County, Virginia. Its duration to this 
time is 229 years. 

" Correctly copied by me. 

" Thos. Hurd, Octr. 20th, 1837." 

[Mem. — Capt. Newport arrived at Blackwall on Sunday, 
May 21, 1608. Captains Edward-Maria Wingfield and 
Gabriel Archer returned from Virginia with him, and he 
brought the following documents, viz : — 

The letter from Francis Perkins (LI.) and Tindall's 
chart (XLVL), and I am quite sure Percy's Discourse 
(XLVII.) and White's Description (XLVIIL), which four 
documents have been preserved entire or in part, and " A 
large Journal of Newport's Journie to Werowocomoco," 
which is now probably entirely lost. Purchas mentions 
that he had it by him when he wrote (1622-24) ; but he 
gives nothing from it (vol. iv. p. 1710). Of course New- 
port brought letters from the Council and from others in 
Virginia ; but these interesting and valuable documents are 
now probably lost.] 


I think this " Draught of Virginia by Robarte Tindall. 
Anno 1608," probably accompanied the " Large Journal 
of Newport's Journie to Werowocomoco." The York 
River and most of the James is evidently drawn from actual 
survey. " Werowocomoco," strangely enough, still bears 
its old name of " Poetan " (i. e. Portan) Bay, although it 
has been frequently, if not always, located elsewhere. This 
" Draught of Virginia " is the earliest drawn by an English- 
man now known to be in existence. It has never been 
engraved before. 

152 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 


" Observations gathered out of a Discourse of the Planta- 
tion of the Southerne Colonie in Virginia by the English, 
1606. Written by that Honorable Gentleman Master 
George Percy. H." 

This is one of the manuscripts preserved by Hakluyt, 
which came to the hands of the Reverend Samuel Purchas. 
The original MS. is now probably lost. We have only the 
extracts from it as published in the fourth volume of " Pur- 
chas his Pilgrimes," in 1625, which I will give, because it 
has not been reprinted, I believe, in this country. 

" On Saturday the twentieth of December in the yeere 
1606. the fleet fell from London, and the fift of January 
we anchored in the Downes ; but the winds continued con- 
trarie so long, that we were forced to stay there some time, 
where wee suffered great stormes, but by the skilfulnesse 
of the Captaine * wee suffered no great losse or danger. 
^ The next " Tne twelfth day of February [1607] at 

day Cap. night we saw a blazing starre, and presently a 

suspected for storme. . . . 

Mntime, " The three and twentieth day [of March] we 

no^uch mat- foil w i tn ^he Hand of Mattanenio in the West 
ter - Indies. 

" The foure and twentieth day we anchored at Dominico, 
within fourteene degrees of the Line, a very faire Hand, 
the Trees full of sweet and good smels. inhabited by 
many Savage Indians, they were at first very scrupulous to 
come aboord us. Wee learned of them afterwards that the 
Spaniards had given them a great overthrow on this He, 
but when they knew what we were, there came many to our 
Trade at ships with their Canoas, bringing us many kindes 
Dominica. f sundry fruites, as Pines, Potatoes, Plantons, 
Tobacco, and other fruits, and Roane Cloth abundance, 

1 Newport is the " Captaine " of this 2 The side-notes are by Purchas. 


which they had gotten out of certaine Spanish ships that 
were cast away upon that Hand. We gave them Knives, 
Hatchets for exchange which they esteeme much, wee also 
gave them Beades, Copper Jewels, which they hang through 
their nosthrils, eares and lips, very strange to behold, their 
bodies are all painted red to keepe away the biting of Mus- 
cetos, they goe all naked without covering: the haire of 
their head is a yard long, all of a length, pleated in three 
plats hanging downe to their wastes, they suffer no haire to 
grow on their faces, they cut their skinnes in divers workes, 
they are continually in warres, and will eate „ . , 

. . . , .,, iirutishness 

their enemies when they kill them, or any stran- of the 
ger if they take them. They will lap up mans 
spittle, whilst one spits in their mouthes in a barbarous 
fashion like Dogges. These people and the rest of the 
Hands in the West Indies and Brasill, are called by the 
names of Canibals, that will eate mans flesh, these people 
doe poyson their Arrow heads, which are made of a fishes 
bone : they worship the Devill for their God, and have no 
other beliefe. Whilst we remayned at this Hand we saw a 
Whale chased by a Thresher and a sword-fish : Fight be- 
they fought for the space or two houres, we SS^the 
might see the Thresher with his flayle lay on the Thresher 
monstrous blowes which was strange to behold : fish. 
in the end these two fishes brought the whale to her end. 

" The sixe and twentieth day we had sight of Mariga- 
lanta, and the next day wee sailed with a slacke Mar«-aianta 
saile alongst the He of Guadalupa, where we G ua a a i U pa 
went ashore, and found a Bath which was so hot, t»„.v 

' " .Bath very 

that no man was able to stand long by it, Our hot - 
Admirall Captaine Newport caused a piece of Porke to be 
put in it ; which boyled it so in the space of half e an houre 
as no fire could mend it. Then we went aboord, and sailed 
by many Hands, as Mounserot and an Hand called Saint 
Christopher, both unhabited ; about two a clocke in the 
afternoone wee anchored at the He of Mevis. 
There the Captaine landed all his men being well 

154 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1C09. 

fitted with Muskets and other convenient Armes, marched 
a mile into the woods ; being commanded to stand upon 
their guard, fearing the treacherie of the Indians, which is 
an ordinary use amongst them and all other Savages, on 
Bath at * n * s ^ e we came *° a Bath standing in a Valley 

Mevis. betwixt two Hils ; where wee bathed our selves 

and found it to be of the nature of the Bathes in England, 
some places hot and some colder ; and men may refresh 
themselves as they please, finding this place to be so con- 
venient for our men to avoid diseases, which will breed in 
so long a Voyage, wee incamped ourselves on this He sixe 
dayes [March 27 to April 3], and spent none of our ships 
victuall, by reason our men some went a hunting, some a 
Commodities Ruling, and some a fishing, where we got great 
there. store of Conies, sundry kinds of Fowles, and 

great plentie of fish. We kept Centinels and Courts de 
gard at every Captaines quarter, fearing wee should be as- 
saulted by the Indians, that were on the other side of the 
Hand : wee saw none nor were molested by any : but some 
few we saw as we were a hunting on the Hand. They 
would not come to us by any means, but ranne swiftly 
through the woods to the Mountaine tops ; so we lost the 
sight of them : whereupon we made all the haste wee could 
to our quarter, thinking there had beene a great ambush 
of Indians there abouts. We past into the thickest of the 
Woods where we had almost lost ourselves, we had not 
gone above halfe a mile amongst the thicke, but we came 
into a most pleasant Garden, being a hundred paces square 
on every side, having many Cotton-trees growing in it with 
abundance of Cotton-Wooll, and many Gtdacum trees : 
wee saw the goodliest tall trees growing so thicke about the 
garden, as though they had beene set by Art, which made 
us marvell very much to see it. 

" The third day, wee set saile from Mevis : the fourth day 

we sailed along by Castutia and by Saba : This 

day we anchored at the He of Virgines, in an 

excellent Bay able to harbour a hundred ships : if this Bay 


stood in England, it would be a great profit and commod- 
itie to the Land. On this Hand wee caught great store 
of fresh-fish, and abundance of Sea Tortoises, „ 

• i 11 -m i • i • i Tortoises. 

which served all our Fleet three daies, which 
were in number eight score persons. We also killed great 
store of wilde Fowle, wee cut the Barkes of certaine Trees 
which tasted much like Cinnamon ; and very hot in the 
mouth. This Hand in some places hath very good ground, 
straight and tall Timber. But the greatest discommoditie 
that wee have seene on this Hand is that it hath no Fresh- 
water, which makes the place void of any Inhabitants. 

" Upon the sixt day, we set saile and passed by Becam, and 
by Saint John deportorico. The seventh day, we arrived 
at Mona : where wee watered, which we stood in great need 
of, seeing; that our water did smell so vildly that __ . 

a , , . -, tctI m M evis water 

none of our men was able to indure it. Whilst unwhole- 
some of the saylers were a filling the Caskes with 
water, the Captaine, and the rest of the Gentlemen, and 
other Soldiers marched up in the He sixe miles, thinking to 
find some other provision to maintaine our victualling ; as 
wee marched we killed two wild Bores, and saw a huge 
wild Bull, his homes was an ell betweene the two tops. 
Wee also killed Guanas, in fashion of a Serpent, and 
speckled like a Toade under the belly. These wayes that 
wee went, being so troublesome and vilde going upon the 
sharpe Rockes, that many of our men fainted in the march, 
but by good fortune wee lost none but one Ed- ^, _, , 

J J? , , . „ Ed. Brookes 

ward Brookes, gentleman, whose rat melted faint with 
within him by the great heate and drought of 
the Countrey ; we were not able to relieve him nor our- 
selves, so he died in that great extreamitie. 

" The ninth day in the after noone, we went off with our 
Boat to the He of Moneta, some three leagues 
from Mona, where we had a terrible landing, 
and a troublesome getting up to the top of the Mountaine 
or lie, being a high firme Rocke step, with many terrible 
sharpe stones: After wee got to the top of the He, 'we 

156 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

found it to bee a fertill and a plaine ground, full of goodly 
Store of grasse, abundance of Fowles of all kindes, tbey 

Fowies. fl ew over our heads as thicke as drops of Hale ; 

besides they made such a noise, that we were not able to 
heare one another speake. Furthermore, wee were not able 
to set our feet on the ground, but either on Fowles or Egges 
which lay so thicke in the grasse : wee laded two Boats full 
in the space of three houres, to our great refreshing. 

" The tenth day [of April] we set saile and disimboged 
out of the West Indies, and bare our course Northerly. 
The fourteenth day we passed the Tropicke of Cancer. The 
one and twentieth day, about five a clocke at night there 
began a vehement tempest, which lasted all the night, with 
winds, raine, and thunders in a terrible manner. Wee 
were forced to lie at Hull that night, because wee thought 
wee had beene neerer land then wee were. The next morn- 
ing, being the two and twentieth day wee sounded ; and the 
three and twentieth and foure and twenteth day, but we 
could find no ground. The five and twentieth 
driven to try day we sounded, and had no ground at an hun- 
andby S the dred fathom. The six and twentieth day of 
forced neere Aprill about foure a clocke in the morning, wee 
the shoare, descried the Land of Virginia : the same day 

not knowing . _ ° . " 

where we wee entred into the Bay or Cnesupioc directly, 


without any let or hinderance ; there wee 
They land in landed and discovered a little way, but we could 

find nothing worth the speaking of, but faire 
meddowes and goodly tall Trees, with such Fresh-waters 
running through the woods, as I was almost ravished at the 
first sight there of. 

" At night, when wee were going aboard, there came the 
Savages creeping upon all foure, from the Hills like Beares, 
with their Bowes in their mouthes, charged us very des- 
perately in the faces, hurt Captaine Gabrill Archer in both 
his hands, and a sayler in two places of the body very dan- 
gerous. After they had spent their Arrowes, and felt the 
sha'rpnesse of our shot, they retired into the Woods with a 
great noise, and so left us. 


" The seven and twentieth day we began to build up our 
shallop : the gentlemen and souldiers marched eight miles 
up into the Land, we could not see a Savage in all that 
march, we came to a place where they had made a great 
fire, and had beene newly a roasting Oysters : when they 
perceived our coming, they fled away to the Mountaines, 
and left many of the Oysters in the fire : we eat some of 
the Oysters, which were very large and delicate in taste. 

" The [28th] day we lanched our shallop, the Captaine 
and some Gentlemen went in her, and discovered up the 
Bay, we found a River on the South side running into the 
Maine ; we entered it and found it very shoald water, not 
for any Boats to swim : We went further into the Bay, and 
saw a plaine plot of ground where we went on Land, and 
found the place five mile in compasse, without either Bush 
or Tree, we saw nothing there but a Cannow, which was 
made out of the whole tree, which was five and f ortie foot 
long by the Rule. Upon this plot of ground we got good 
store of Mussels and Oysters, which lay on the ground as 
thicke as stones : wee opened some and found in many of 
them Pearles. Wee marched some three or foure miles 
further into the Woods, where we saw great smoakes of 
fire. Wee marched to those smoakes and found that the 
Savages had beene there burning downe the grasse, as wee 
thought either to make their plantation there, or else to 
give signes to bring their forces together, and so to give 
us battell. We passed through excellent ground full of 
Flowers of divers kinds and colours, and as goodly trees as 
I have seene, as cedar, cipresse, and other kindes : going a 
little further we came into a little plat of ground full of 
fine and beautifull strawberries, foure times big- ei , . 

7 ° Strawberries. 

ger and better than ours in England. All this 
march we could neither see Savage nor Towne. When it 
grew to be towards night we stood backe to our ships, we 
sounded and found it shallow water for a great way, which 
put us out of all hopes for getting any higher with our 
Ships, which road at the mouth of the River. Wee rowed 

158 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

over to a point of Land, where wee found a channell, and 
sounded six, eight, ten or twelve fathom : which put us in 
Point Com- g 00( l comfort. Therefore wee named that point 
fort. f Land, Cape Comfort. 

" The nine and twentieth day we set up a Crosse at 
Chesupioe Bay, and named that place Cape Henry. Thir- 
tieth day, we came with our ships to Cape Comfort ; where 
wee saw five savages running on the shoare ; presently the 
Captaine caused the shallop to be manned, so rowing to the 
shoare, the Captaine called to them in signe of friendship, 
but they were at first very timersome, until they saw the 
Captain lay his hand on his heart : upon that they laid 
down their Bowes and Arrowes, and came very boldly to 
us, making signes to come a shoare to their Towne, which is 
Keeoueh- called by the Savages Kecoughtan. Wee coasted 
tan - to their Towne, rowing over a River running 

into the maine, where these Savages swam over with their 
Bowes and Arrowes in their mouthes. 

" When we came over to the other side, there was a many 
of other Savages which directed us to their Towne, where 
we were entertained by them very kindly. When we came 
first a Land they made a dolefull noise, laying their faces 
to the ground, scratching the earth with their nailes. We 
did thinke that they had beene at their idolatry. When 
they had ended their Ceremonies, they went into their 
houses and brought out mats and laid upon the ground, 
the chief est of them sate all in a rank ; the meanest sort 
brought us such dainties as they had, and of their bread 
which they make of their Maiz or Gennea wheat, they 
would not suffer us to eat unlesse we sate down, which we 
did on a Mat right against them. After we were well satis- 
_ , fied they gave us of their Tobacco, which they 

Tobacco. ,. J& . ._ . * i 

tooke in a pipe made artificially ot earth as ours 
are, but far bigger, with the bowle fashioned together with 
a piece of fine copper. After they had feasted us, they 
shewed us, in welcome, their manner of dancing, which 
was in this fashion : One of the Savages standing in the 


midst singing, beating one hand against another, all the 
rest dancing about him, shouting, howling, and singing and 
stamping against the ground, with many Anticke dancing, 
tricks and faces, making noise like so many Wolves or 
Devils. One thing of them I observed; when they were 
in their dance they kept stroke with their feet just one 
with another, but with their hands, heads, faces, and 
bodies, every one of them had a severall gesture : so they 
continued for the space of halfe an houre. When they 
had ended their dance, the Captaine gave them Beades and 
other trifling Jewells. They hang through their eares 
fowles legs : they shave the right side of their heads with 
a shell, the left side they weare of an ell long tied up with 
an artificiall knot, with a many of Fowles feathers sticking 
in it. They goe altogether naked, but their privities are 
covered with Beasts skinnes beset commonly with little 
bones, or beasts teeth : some paint their bodies blacke, 
some red, with artificiall knots of sundry lively colours, 
very beautifull and pleasing to the eye, in a braver fashion 
then they in the West Indies. 

[The 1st, 2d, and 3d of May seem to be omitted.] 
" The fourth day of May, we came to the King or 
Werowance of Paspihe : where they entertained us with 
much welcome ; an Old Savage made a long A j 0ra _ 
Oration, making a f oule noise, uttering his speech tion - 
with a vehement action, but we knew little what they 
meant. Whilst we were in company with the Paspihes, the 
Werowance of Rapahanna came from the other side of the 
River in his Cannoa ; he seemed to take displeasure of our 
being with the Paspihes : he would faine have had us come 
to his Towne, the Captaine was unwilling ; seeing that the 
day was so far spent he returned backe to his ships for that 

" The next day, being the fift of May, the Werowance 
of Rapahanna sent a Messenger to have us come to him. 
We entertained the said Messenger, and gave him trifles 
which pleased him : Wee manned our shallop with Mus- 

160 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

kets and Targatiers sufficiently ; this said Messenger guided 
us where our determination was to goe. When wee landed, 
the Werowance of Rapahanna came downe to the water 
side with all his traine, as goodly men as any I have seene 
of Savages or Christians : the Werowance comming before 
them playing on a Flute made of a Reed, with a 
made of a Crown of Deares haire colloured red, in fashion 
of a Rose fastened about his knot of haire, and 
a great Plate of copper on the other side of his head, with 
two long Feathers in fashion of a paire of Homes placed in 
the midst of his Crowne. His body was painted all with 
Crimson with a chaine of Beads about his necke, his face 
painted blew, besprinkled with silver Ore as wee thought, 
his eares all behung with Braslets of Pearle, and in either 
eare a Birds claw through it beset with fine Copper or Gold, 
he entertained us in so modest a proud fashion, as though 
he had beene a Prince of civill government, holding his 
countenance without laughter or any such ill behaviour ; 
he caused his Mat to be spred on the ground, where hee 
sate downe with a great Majestie, taking a pipe of To- 
bacco : the rest of his company standing about him. 
After he had rested a while he rose, and made signes to 
us to come to his Towne : Hee went f ormost, and all the 
rest of his people and our selves followed him up a steepe 
Hill where his Palace was settled. Wee passed through 
the Woods in fine paths, having most pleasant Springs 
which issued from the Mountaines : Wee also went 
through the goodliest come fieldes that ever was seene in 
any countrey. When we came to Rapahannos Towne, hee 
entertained us in good humanitie. 

[6th and 7th of May omitted ?] 

" The eight day of May we discovered up the River. We 
landed in the countrey of Apamatica, at our landing, there 
came many stout and able Savages to resist us with their 
Bowes and Arrowes, in a most warlike manner, with the 
swords at their backes beset with sharpe stones, and pieces 
of yron able to cleave a man in sunder. Amongst the rest 



one of the chiefest standing before them crosse-legged, with 
his Arrowe readie in his Bow in one hand, and taking a 
Pipe of Tobacco in the other, with a bold uttering of his 
speech, demanding of us our being there, willing us to bee 
gone. Wee made signs of peace, which they perceived in 
the end, and let us land in quietnesse. 

[9th, 10th, and 11th of May omitted?] 

" The twelfth day we went backe to our ships, and discov- 
ered a point of Land* called Archer's Hope, which Archer's 
was sufficient with a little labour to defend our- Ho P e - 
selves against any Enemy. The soile was good and fruit- 
full, with excellent good Timber. There are also great 
store of Vines in bignesse of a man's thigh, running up to 
the tops of the Trees in great abundance. 

" We also did see many squirels, conies, Black Birds with 
crimson wings, and divers other Fowles and Birds of divers 
and sundrie collours of crimson, watchet, Yellow, Greene, 
Murry, and of divers other hewes naturally without any 
art using. We found store of Turkie nests and many 
Egges. ... If it had not beene disliked, because the ship 
could not ride neere the shoare, we had setled there to all 
the Collonies contentment. 

" The Thirteenth day, we came to our seating place in 
Paspihas countrey, some eight miles from the point of Land, 
which I made mention before ; where our shippes doe lie 
so neere the shoare that they are moored to the Trees in 
six fathom water. 

" The fourteenth we landed all our men which were set to 
worke about the fortifications and others to watch Their Plan _ 
and ward as it was convenient. The first night tation at 
of our landing, about midnight, there came some TWne. 
Savages sayling close to our quarter ; presently there was 
an alarum given ; upon that the savages ran away, and we 
not troubled any more by them that night. Not long after 
there came two Savages that seemed to be Commanders, 
bravely drest, with Crownes of coloured haire upon their 
heads, which came as Messengers from the Werowance of 

162 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

Paspihe ; telling us that their Werowance was comming 
and would be merry with us with a fat Deare. 

" The eighteenth day, the Werowance of Paspihe came 
himself e to our quarter ; with one hundred Savages armed, 
which garded him in very warlike manner with Bowes and 
Arrowes, thinking at that time to execute their villany. 
Paspiha made great signes to us to lay our Arms away. 
But we would not trust him so far : he seeing he could not 
have convenient time to worke his will, at length made 
Land given, signes that he would give us as much land as we 
would desire to take. As the Savages were in a 
These Sav- throng in the Fort, one of them stole a Hatchet 

ages are nat- ° . . 

nraiiy great from one ot our company, which spied him 
doing the deed: whereupon he tooke it from him 
by force, and also strooke him over the arme : presently 
another Savage seeing that, came fiercely at our man with 
a wooden sword, thinking to beat out his brains. The 
Werowance of Paspiha saw us take to our Armes, went sud- 
denly away with all his company in great anger. 

" The nineteenth day, myselfe and three or foure more 
walking into the Woods by chance wee espied a path-way 
like to an Irish pace ; wee were desirous to knowe whither it 
would bring us ; wee traced along some foure miles, all the 
way as wee went, having the pleasantest Suckles, the ground 
all flowing over with faire flowers of sundry colours and 
kindes, as though it had beene in any Garden or Orchard 
in England. There be many Strawberries, and other fruits 
unknowne : wee saw the Woods full of Cedar and Cypresse 
trees, with other trees, which issues out sweet Gummes like 
to Balsam : wee kept on our way in this Paradise, at length 
wee came to a Savage Towne, where wee found but few peo- 
ple, they told us the rest were gone a hunting with the 
Werowance of Paspiha : We stayed there a while, and had 
of them Strawberries, and other things ; in the meane time 
one of the Savages came running out of his house with a 
Bowe and Arrowes and ranne mainly through the Woods : 
then I beganne to mistrust some villanie, that he went to 


call some companie, and so betray us, wee made all the 
haste away wee could : One of the Savages brought us 
on the way to the Woodside, where there was a Garden of 
Tobacco, and other fruits and herbes, he gathered Tobacco, 
and distributed to every one of us, so wee departed. 

" The twentieth day the Werowance of Paspiha sent 
fortie of his men with a Deere, to our quarter : but they 
came more in villanie than any love they bare us ; they 
faine would have layne in our Fort all night, but wee would 
not suffer them for feare of their treachery. One of our 
Gentlemen having a Target which hee trusted in, thinking 
it would beare out a flight shot, hee set it up against a tree, 
willing one of the Savages to shoot ; who tooke from his 
backe an Arrow of an elle long, 1 drew it strongly in his 
Bowe, shoots the Target a foote thorow, or better : which 
was strange, being that a Pistoll could not pierce it. Wee 
seeing the force of his Bowe, afterwards set him up a Steele 
Target ; he shot again, and burst his arrow all to pieces, he 
presently pulled out another Arrow, and bit it in his teeth, 
and seemed to bee in a great rage, so hee went away in 
great anger. Their Bowes are made of tough Hasell, their 
strings of Leather, their Arrowes of Canes or Theirar 
Hasell, headed with very sharpe stones, and are rowes - 
made artificially like a broad Arrow : other some of their 
Arrowes are headed with the ends of Deeres homes, and 
are feathered very artificially. Pasphia was as good as his 
word ; for hee sent Venison, but the Sawse came within a 
few dayes after. 

" At Port cotage in our Voyage up the River, we saw a 
Savage Boy about the age of ten yeares, which 
had a head of haire of perfect yellow and a rea- haired Vir- 
sonable white skinne, which is a Miracle amongst gnu " 
all Savages. 

1 Purchas refers to this incident in was at his service until after Hak- 
his Pilgrimage of 1614, p. 671 ; but luyt's death. 
I do not think that Percy's Discourse 

164 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

"This River which wee have discovered is one of the 
River of famousest Rivers that ever was found by any 
Powhatan. Christian, it ebbes and flowes a hundred and 
threescore miles where ships of great burthen may harbour 
in safetie. Wheresoever we landed upon this River, wee 
saw the goodliest Woods as Beech, Oke, Cedar, Cypresse, 
Walnuts, Sassafras and Vines in great abundance, which 
hang in great clusters on many Trees, and other Trees 
unknowne, and all the grounds bespred with Strawberries, 
Mulberries, Rasberries and Fruits unknowne, there are 
many branches of this River, which runne flowing through 
the Woods with great plentie of Fish of all kindes, as for 
Sturgeon all the World cannot be compared to it. In 
* Low tn ^ s countre y I have seene many great and large 

Marshes. Medowes * having excellent good pasture for 
any Cattle. There is also great store of Deere both Red 
and Fallow. There are Beares, Foxes, Otters, Bevers, 
Muskats, and wild beasts unknowne. 

" The f oure and twentieth day [May] we set up a Crosse 
at the head of this River, naming it Kings River, where we 
proclaimed James King of England to have the most right 
unto it. When wee had finished and set up our Crosse, 
we shipt our men and made for James Fort, 
down the By the way wee came to Pohatans Towre where 
Kv " the Captaine went on shore suffering none to 

goe with him, hee presented the Commander of this place 
with a Hatchet which he tooke joyfully, and was well 

" But yet the Savages murmured at our planting in the 
Countrie, whereupon this Werowance made answere againe 
very wisely of a Savage, Why should you bee offended with 
them as long as they hurt you not, nor take anything away 
by force, they take but a litle waste ground, which doth 
you nor any of us any good. 

" I saw Bread made by their women which doe all their 
drugerie. The men takes their pleasure in hunting and 


their wanes, which they are in continually one Kingdome 
against another. The manner of baking of bread B read how 
is thus, after they pound their wheat into flowre made - 
with hote water, they make it into paste, and worke it into 
round balls and cakes, then they put it into a pot of 
seething water, when it is sod throughly, they lay it on a 
smooth stone, there they harden it as well as in an Oven. 

" There is notice to be taken to know married women from 
Maids, the Maids you shall alwayes see the fore Distinct 
part of their head and sides shaven close, the jJ^dVand 
hinder part very long, which they tie in a pleate Wives. 
hanging downe to their hips. The married women weares 
their haire all of a length, and is tied of that fashion that 
the Maids are. The women kinde in this Countrey doth 
pounce and race their bodies, legges, thighes, armes and 
faces with a sharpe Iron, which makes a stampe in curious 
knots, and drawes the proportion of Fowles, Fish, or Beasts, 
then with paintings of sundry lively colours, they rub it into 
the stampe which will never be taken away, because it is 
dried into the Flesh where it is sered. 

" The Savages beare their yeeres well, for when wee were 
at Pamonkies, wee saw a Savage by their report S ava»-e 160 
was above eight score yeeres of age. His eyes y eeres old - 
were sunke into his head, having never a tooth in his 
mouth, his haire all gray with a reasonable bigge beard, 
which was as white as any snow. It is a Miracle 
to see a Savage have any haire on their faces, 
I never saw, read, nor heard, any have the like before. 
This Savage was as lustie and went as fast as any of us, 
which was strange to behold. 

" The fifteenth day of June, we had built and finished our 
Fort which was triangle wise, having three Bulwarkes at 
every corner like a halfe Moone, and foure or five pieces 
of Artillerie mounted in them, we had made ourselves 
sufficiently strong for these Savages, we had also sowne 
most of our Come on two Mountaines, it sprang a mans 


166 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1G09. 

height from the ground, this countrey is a fruitf ull soile, 
bearing many goodlie and fruitfull Trees, as Mulberries, 
Cherries, Walnuts, Cedars, Cypresse, Sassafras, and Vines in 
great abundance. 

„ >T " Munday the two and twentieth of June, in 

Cap. New- . „. .. • ,1 a i • n 

ports depart- the morning Captaine JNewport in the Admrrall 
departed from James Port for England. 

" Captaine Newport being gone for England, leaving us 
(one hundred and foure persons) verie bare and scantie of 
victualls, furthermore in warres and in danger of the Sav- 
ages. We hoped after a supply which Captaine Newport 
promised within twentie weekes. . . . But if the beginners 
of this action doe carefully further us, the country being so 
fruitfull, it would be as great a profit to the Realme of 
England, as the Indies to the King of Spaine. If this 
River which wee have found had beene discovered in the 
time of warre with Spaine, it would have beene a commodi- 
tie to our Realme, and a great annoyance to our enemies. 

"The seven and twentieth of July the King of Rapa- 
hanna, demanded a Canoa which was restored, lifted up his 
hand to the Sunne, which they worship as their God, be- 
sides he laid his hand on his heart, that he would be our 
speciall friend. It is a general rule of these people when 
The Savages they swere by their God which is the Sunne, no 
fieetothe 1 *" Christian will keepe their Oath better upon this 
Sunne. promise. These people have a great reverence 

to the Sunne above all other things at the rising and set- 
ting of the same, they sit downe lifting up their hands 
and eyes to the Sunne making a round circle on the ground 
with dried Tobacco, then they began to pray making many 
Devillish gestures with a Hellish noise foming at the mouth, 
staring with their eyes, wagging their heads and hands 
in such a fashion and deformitie as it was monstrous to 


"The sixt of August there died John Asbie of the 
bloudie Flixe. The ninth day died George Flowre of the 
swelling. The tenth day died William Bruster gentleman, 
of a wound given by the Savages, and was buried the 
eleventh day. The fourteenth day, Jerome Alikock, An- 
cient, died of a wound, the same day Francis Mid-winter, 
Edward Moris Corporall died suddenly. 

"The fifteenth day, their died Edward Browne and 
Stephen Galthrope. The sixteenth day, their died Thomas 
Gower gentleman. The seventeenth day, their died 
Thomas Mounslie. The eighteenth day, theer died Robert 
Pennington, and John Martine Gentleman. The nine- 
teenth day died Drue Piggase gentleman. 

" The two and twentieth day of August, there died Cap- 
taine Bartholomew Gosnold one of our Councell, Death rf 
he was honourably buried having all the Ord- Cap. Bar. 

n-n i rv • i it £ Gosnold. 

ance in the rort shot on with many vollies oi 
small shot. 

" After Captaine Gosnols death, the Councell could hardly 
agree by the dissention of Captaine Kendall, which after- 
ward was committed about hainous matters which was 
proved against him. 

" The foure and twentieth day, died Edward Harrington 
and George Walker, and were buried the same day. The 
sixe and twentieth day, died Kenelme Throgmortine. The 
seven and twentieth day died William Roods. The eight 
and twentieth day died Thomas Stoodie, Cape Merchant. 

" The fourth day of September died Thomas Jacob Ser- 
geant. The fift day, there died Benjamin Beast. 

" Our men were destroyed with cruell diseases as Swellings, 
Flixes, Burning fevers, and by Warres, and some departed 
suddenly, but for the most part they died of Miserable 
meere famine. There were never Englishmen left famine - 
in a forreigne Countrey in such miserie as wee were in this 
new discovered Virginia. Wee watched every three nights 
lying on the bare cold ground, what weather soever came ; 

168 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

warded all the next day, which brought our men to bee 
most feeble wretches, our food was but a small can of Bar- 
lie sod in water to five men a day, our drinke cold water 
taken out of the River, which was at a flood verie Salt, at a 
low tide full of slime and filth, which was the destruction of 
many of our men. Thus we lived for the space of five 
months in this miserable distresse, not having five able men 
to man our Bulwarkes upon any occasion. If it had not 
pleased God to have put a terrour in the Savages hearts, 
we had all perished by those vild and cruell Pagans, being 
in that weake estate as we were ; our men night and day 
groaning in every corner of the Fort most pittifull to heare, 
if there were any conscience in men, it would make their 
harts to bleed to heare the pittifull murmurings & out- 
cries of our sick men without reliefe every night and day 
for the space of sixe weekes, some departing out of the 
World, many times three or foure in a night, in the morn- 
ings their bodies trailed out of their Cabines like Dogges to 
be buried : in this sort did I see the mortalitie of divers of 
our people. 

*' It pleased God, after a while, to send those people which 
Gods good- were our mortall enemies to releeve us with vic- 
nesse. tuals, as Bread, Corne, Fish, and Flesh in great 

plentie, which was the setting up of our feeble men, other- 
wise wee had all perished. Also we were frequented by 
divers Kings in the Countrie, bringing us store of provision 
to our great comfort. 

" The eleventh day [September], there was certaine Arti- 
cles laid against Master Wingfield which was then Presi- 
dent, thereupon he was not only displaced out of his 
Presidentship, but also from being of the Councell. After- 
wards Captaine John Ratcliffe was chosen President. 

" The eighteenth day, died one Ellis Kinistone which was 
starved to death with cold. The same day at night, died 
He was a one Richard Simmons. The nineteenth day, 

madman. there died Qne Thomas Mouton." . . . 


" A Description of Virginia by William White. H." 

This is one of Hakluyt's manuscripts which came into 
the hands of the Rev. Samuel Purchas, who has only pre- 
served enough of it to make us wish to know more. In his 
fourth volume, p. 1690, he says : " William White (having 
lived with the natives) reported to us of their customes in 
the morning by break of day, before they eate or drinke 
both men, women and children, that be above tenne yeeres 
of age runnes into the water, there washes themselves a 
good while till the Sunne riseth, then offer Sacrifice to it, 
strewing Tobacco on the Water or Land, honouring the 
Sunne as their God, likewise they doe at the setting of the 
Sunne." Here Purchas breaks off, adding in his side-note, 
" The rest is omitted, being more fully set downe in Cap. 
Smith's relations," and then proceeds to give (pp. 1691- 
1704) "The description of Virginia by Captaine John 
Smith," etc. However, he gives a few other extracts from 
White in vol. v. pp. 841-843, describing the Indian feasts, 
rites, etc., from which it seems that the descriptions of 
White and Smith ran somewhat in similar channels. White 
" also relateth that one George Casson was sacrificed as 
they thought, to the Divell, being stripped naked and 
bound to two stakes, with his backe against a great fire ; 
then did they rip him, and burne his bowels, and dryed his 
flesh to the bones." 

If the principle that "a half loaf is better than no bread " 
holds good in the matter of preserving historical data, we 
must be thankful to Purchas, but I do not think the way 
he pruned and cut short the valuable manuscripts, preserved 
so carefully by Hakluyt, deserving of much thankfulness. 

170 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 


Wingfield's " Discourse of Virginia," which was evidently 
addressed to his Majesty's Council for Virginia, under 
whose authority he acted, in defense of his course while 
President of the Council in Virginia, was probably deliv- 
ered soon after his return to England in May, 1608. This 
discourse was not printed at that time. Rev. James S. M. 
Anderson found it in the Lambeth Library, and used it in 
compiling his " History of the Church of England in the 
Colonies," published in London in 1845. A verbatim et 
literatim copy was obtained by Mr. Charles Deane, LL. D. 
in 1859 or 1860, and it was first published in full by the 
American Antiquarian Society in 1860, edited with notes 
and an introduction by Dr. Deane, who also printed one 
hundred copies of the work separately. In his notes, Dr. 
Deane calls in question for the first time the accuracy of 
Smith's story of his rescue by Pocahontas. Mr. Jefferson 
speaks of the style of Smith's history as " barbarous and un- 
couth ; " Burk calls it " a sort of epic history or romance." 
Dr. Palfrey had serious doubts concerning Smith as a trust- 
worthy historian ; but I believe Dr. Deane was the first to 
suggest an intelligent analysis of his writings for freeing 
our early history from the meshes of his fable. 

I do not think the MS. of XLIX. in the Lambeth Li- 
brary is the finished document, but probably the first rough 
draft of Wingfield's ideas, which were afterwards put into 
better order and shape, properly addressed, signed and 
handed to his Majesty's Council for Virginia. My reasons 
for thinking so are : — 

First. The address is incomplete. 

Second. It is not signed. 

Third. There are several blanks for dates and other mat- 
ter, and the narrative bears other evidences of not having 
received the author's " finishing touches." And fourthly, 
I believe that none of the original papers of his Majesty's 
Council for Virginia have been found. 

First Baron Carleloti 


The Lambeth Library was probably founded by Arch- 
bishop Bancroft (in 1610) who left by will " to his succes- 
sors the Archbishops of Canterbury, forever, a greate and 
famous library," etc. After Wingfield had sent the fin- 
ished document to his Majesty's Council for Virginia, he 
may have given his first draft to Bancroft, as the Arch- 
bishop is mentioned in the instrument. The following is 
the letter introducing the Discourse : — 

"Right Wobp tol and more worthy — 

" My due respect to yourselves, my allegiance (if I may 
so terme it) to the Virginean action, my good heed to my 
poore reputacon, thrust a penne into my handes, so jealous 
am I to be missing to any of them. If it wandereth in 
extravagantes, yet shall they not bee idle to those physitions 
whose loves have undertaken the saftie and advancement of 

" It is no small comfort that I speake before such gravi- 
tie, whose judgement no forrunner can forestall with any 
opprobrious untruths, whose wisedomes can easily disroabe 
malice out of her painted garments from the ever rever- 
enced truth. 

" I did so faithfully betroth my best endeavours to this 
noble enterprize, as my carriage might endure no suspition. 
I never turned my face from daunger, or hidd my handes 
from labour ; so watchfull a sentinel stood myself to my- 
self. I know wel, a troope of errors continually beseege 
men's actions ; some of them ceased on by malice, some by 
ignorance. I doe not hoodwinck my carriage in my self 
love, but freely and humblie submit it to your grave cen- 

" I do freely and truely anatomize the governement and 
governours, that your experience may applie medicine ac- 
cordinglie ; and upon the truth of this journal do pledge 
my faith and life, and so do rest 

" Yours to command in all service." 

172 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

See the Discourse as printed in " Archseologia Ameri- 
cana," vol. iv. pp. 77-103. (See also the note on LIV.) 
It relates to events in Virginia from June 22, 1607, to 
April 10, 1608. 



Copy of a deciphered letter of Don Pedro de Zuniga to the 
king of Spain, dated London, June 16 or 26, 1608. 

"Sire: — 

" of what is going on here concerning Virginia I have 
reported to Y. M. Captain Newport has returned and 
brought a few things of small importance, so that it is more 
clearly seen that the main thing they find to do in that 
place is to fortify themselves and to sail as pirates from 
there. They are in the greatest strait for money that can 
be imagined, and yet in spite of that they have managed to 
secure some means with which to send out again this New- 
port with two good ships and their crews, and they will 
leave here in two months, since they are already preparing 
themselves. He has selected people of better quality than 
those there and as they call them to rob, all of them go 
very willingly. I have a letter which one of those who are 
there writes to a friend of his and it has appeared to me 
well to send it so that Y. M. may see the progress they 
make and the way they are living there (LI.). 

" This Newport brought a little boy, 1 who they say is the 
son of an Emperor of those Countries, and they have in- 
structed him that when he saw the King, he should not 
take off his hat, and other things of the same kind, so that 
it has amused me to see how they esteem him, thinking it 
much more certain that he must be a very ordinary person. 

"Our Lord" etc. 

1 Namontack. 



VOLUME 2586, FOLIOS 112, US. 

Copy of a letter which is quoted in another written by Don 
Pedro de Zufiiga, dated June 16, 1608, and is inclosed 
in that. On the envelope [containing this letter] is 
said : " Carta of Virginia to be sent to His Majesty." 

" March 28th. — Most Illustrious Sir : * — After my due 
respects to you, with thanks for the many favors which 
you have done me, and the trouble you have taken on 
my account, I being unable to repay them except by pray- 
ing God and desiring to serve you in every way that I can, 
I venture to beg of you another favor on the occasion 
which at this time presents itself, altho' I have given you 
just cause to abandon me by not taking leave of so good a 
friend as you have always been to me on the occasion of 
my departure. But the confidence I feel in your unfailing 
kindness will excuse me this time, since that neglect arose 
only from fear of some impediment in this my long-desired 
journey. I shall not fail, however, to make amends in 
part at least for this mistake, because if I do not succeed 
in securing your favor and in making my peace with 
" Madama," securing in my absence the success of my 
wishes, of which I had occasion to speak in petition to you 
before I left, so much more time being given to solicit this 
business in person, the whole matter will turn to my great 
prejudice and injury, but trusting entirely your usual 
kindness, I pray you will have the goodness to negotiate 
with Mess" - William Wade, Tomas Smith, Walter Cope, 
Thomas Chancellor 2 (Chaloner), George More, and the 

1 The name of the person addressed them deciphered for the benefit of 

is not given, but it was probably Philip III. into old Spanish script, 

some member of the Cornwallis house- there is necessarily some confusion in 

hold. See the Cornwallis biographies, the words, etc., sometimes, and this is, 

3 In converting these documents especially the case with the English 

first into Zuniga's cipher, then having names, which nearly always " come 

174 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

others, that I be appointed one of the Council here in Vir- 
ginia, as much for my honor as that I may be better able to 
pay my debts. There are some of the Members of the 
Council here, who understand State-affairs as little as I do 
and who are no better than I. It will be a matter of great 
delight to see coming here so many from our Country, so 
richly gifted and enlightened that I would not be worthy 
to appear among them. 

" Concerning our Voyage and my views of the Country, I 
will state them to you as well as I can. We left Gravesend 
on Thursday, October 8. 1607. We reached Plymouth 
the following Thursday, where we remained 'till Monday, 
and as the wind was not favorable it became necessary on 
the next day to make port at Falmouth, where until Friday 
morning we suffered much from a great storm, after which, 
continuing our voyage ; in five weeks and two days 
(Nov. 29.) we reached the island of Sancto Domingo, which 
is in the West Indies, and we were there all that day, traffick- 
ing with the Savages, who came on board naked, bringing 
us potatoes, plantains, pine apples, which are a very savory 
fruit, bread which they call " casadra " made of certain 
roots, parrots, cocks and hens, and other things, which they 
gave us in exchange for iron-hatchets, saws, knives, rosaries, 
bells and other similar trifles which they esteem very highly, 
and are of great usefulness to those who carry them with 
them in like voyages ; — and thus sailing along the coasts 
the whole week past the other neighboring islands, we 
came near the Island of San Juan towards the Northern 
part, and fourteen days later, on Sunday (Dec. 20), we 
came in sight of America. On the following Thursday 
(Dec. 24) the Ship that kept us company, called the Phoenix, 
came to lose us in a very dense fog which rose when we 
were not more than ten or twelve leagues from the entrance 
to the port and we have not been able up to today to hear 
any news about it. There were in that ship about forty 

out twisted " and are seldom given to give the right names whenever I 
perfectly correct. I have attempted can do so with any certainty. 


men, who were to remain here with us. The ship called 
the John and Francis, in which Captain Newport was, 
came on the 2d of January to Jamestown. The river is 
very beautiful and wide, but full of shallows and piles of 
oystershells. The land lies low and is full of wood until 
you reach the coast. [At first] we always had warm 
weather ; afterwards such bitter colds and such severe 
frosts that I and several others had our feet frost bitten. 
A month after this we came to a land where there was also 
great frost and snow. The country around there has 
a great abundance of wild swans, herons and cranes, wild 
ducks and other water fowl, with many other birds, as long 
as the winter continues, with the prettiest parrots that can 
be seen. So excessive are the frosts, that one night the 
river froze over almost from bank to bank, in front of our 
harbour, although it was there as wide as that of London. 
There died from the f j£t some fish in the river, which when 
taken out after the fj£ t was over, were very good and so 
fat that they could be fried in their own fat without add- 
ing any butter or such thing. After our landing — which 
took place on a Monday (January 4.) there broke out on 
the following Thursday (January 7.) such a fire that, grow- 
ing rapidly, it consumed all the buildings of the fort, and 
the storehouse of ammunition and provision, so that there 
remained only three, and all that my son and I possessed 
was burnt, except only a mattress which had not yet been 
carried on shore. Thanks to God we are at peace with 
all the neighbouring inhabitants of the country and trade 
with them in wheat and provisions. They attach very great 
value to copper which looks at all reddish. Their own 
great Emperor, or the " Vuarravance " which is the name 
of then Kings, has sent us some of his people, that they 
may teach us how to sow the grain of this country and 
to make certain tools [traps ?] with which they are going 
to fish [catch fish ?]. And certainly, as far as may be 
conjectured there is a great probability, that the land is 
very fertile and good, quite sufficient to support a million 

176 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

of inhabitants in that part which we now occupy ; but it is 
more in clearing out the wood than in the multiplying of 
the grain that difficulty arises. I have sent to " Madama," 
your wife, a pair of tortoises, others to " Madama Catalina," 
and others to William Cornwallis, hoping that when our 
people make another excursion, I shall have better things 
to send. I send you an ear of the grain as it grows here, 
with two bales of our ordinary "flora," and other two to 
" Madama Catalina," and others to Mr. William [Corn- 
wallis?] the elder. There are found there, many small 
animals with savory [illegible] inside (opossum ?) ; when I 
meet any by chance I shall send them to you, that you and 
your friends may see them. There is here the greatest 
abundance of pasturage for any kind of cattle, especially 
for pigs and goats, even if there were a million of them. 
There is also to be found all around the fort, where we 
have cut down the trees a great quantity of strawberries 
and other plants pleasant to the taste. And, sir, consider- 
ing that this misfortune of the fire has caused among us a 
general want of almost all things, especially as far as I am 
concerned, having suffered much during these past two 
years — so much in fact, that I have not even paper and 
ink to write to our friends ! I beseech you to se rtVutk a t 
" Madama Catalina " fr 7 e g n e " ing angry with me, but that, yield- 
ing to the natural nobility of her heart and to the affec- 
tion she has been pleased to show me in the past, she will 
endeavour, jointly with you and Mr. William Cornwallis 
most earnestly to recommend my claim to be admitted [to 
the council in Virginia?] especially with Mr. William 
[Thos.?] Smith, since he can do more in matters concern- 
ing this State, than anyone else. I beg also Madama Cata- 
lina will have the kindness to get Mr. William Cornwallis 
to send me for the value of ten pounds, such clothes as he 
may have that are worn out, whether it be large or small 
garments, doublets, trousers, stockings, capes, or whatever 
may appear fit to them, since the fire having burnt all we 
possessed, everything is needed and whatever may be sent 


will be useful. I beg also you will ask Madama Catalina 
to negotiate in conformity with the same arrangement, with 
Mr. William "Sans," 1 since I promise I will return to 
them the value of whatever they may send me, whilst I 
acknowledge that by her kindness and that of these gen- 
tlemen I and my people are still alive — and even if this 
should fall short of supplying the wants of so many, will 
" Madama " and those gentlemen do me and my son, at 
least, this favor out of their liberality to send us such things 
as are of little use to them and most valuable to myself. I 
beseech you, Sir, not to be offended by this my candor and 
daring boldness, but in your great kindness to remember 
me who am so far away and cut off from my friends, doing 
me at the same time the favor, in all reasonable things to 
be kind to my wife, if in any emergency she should have re- 
course to you. I pray you will communicate the contents 
of this letter to " Madama Catalina," and let her read it all, 
if it so please her. And herewith I most humbly commit 
myself to your protection and that of those gentlemen, in 
whose kindness and favor I put my entire confidence. I 
pray God may protect you and all. 

" March 28, 1608. * Your servant for life. 

"Francis Perquin [Perkins?] 
" of Villa James in Virginia." 

[Mem. — I have only found one letter from Zuniga (that 
of June If L. and the inclosure LI.) written at this time ; 
but it is evident from the letter of Philip III. of July £f, 
(LIII.) that he also wrote others, namely, of June |^, 
J|, and J""/ 2 !, and sent them all to the King of Spain by 
Special Messenger Rivas. The news brought by Newport 
(May 20) evidently caused a stir in the South Virginia 
Company and they were hastening his return. The 

1 I am not certain who " Mr. Wil- was burnt on Thursday, the 7th. The 

liam Sans " was. date given in Wingfield's Discourse 

Newport arrived at Jamestown on (Archceologia Americana, iv. p. 92) 

Saturday evening January 2, landed as " the viijth of January " should be 

on Monday, the 4th, and Jamestown I am sure " the iiijth of January." 

178 PEKIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

North Virginia Company were also preparing to send Cap- 
tain Davis back to that Colony. Both companies were 
very busy, and evidently Zuniga and his agents were busy 
also. When Captain John Smith returned from his cap- 
tivity in January, 1608, he brought certain news of a 
ready way, through the North of Virginia, about the for- 
tieth degree of northerly latitude, to the great South Sea, 
and this news created excitement in the Virginia Com- 
panies. Early in July, Captain Francis Nelson, who had 
left Virginia June 2, arrived in England in the Phoenix. 
Captaine John Martin returned with him. He brought 
Captain John Smith's "True Relation" (LIV.), the chart 
(LVII.) ; and other documents, letters, etc., now probably 
lost forever. 

The exact date of Captain Newport's return to Virginia 
is not known to me ; but I believe that he sailed almost 
immediately after Captain Nelson's return to England. 
The following extracts from memoranda (1607—1608) of 
Henry Percy, ninth earl of Northumberland, probably 
relate to this voyage : " For apparel for Mr. George Percy 
£9. 2s. 4d, sent by Captain Newport." " For the rings 
and other pieces of copper given to the Virginia Prince 
3s." " To Mr. Melshawe for many necessaries which he 
delivered to Mr. Percy toward the building of a house in 
Virginia, 14s." 

Newport also carried at this time to the Virginia Prince, 
Powhatan, " rich presents of Bason, Ewer, Bed, Clothes and 
a Crowne " from the Virginia Company. He went pre- 
pared to attempt the way to the South Sea. I have found 
none of the letters, documents, etc., taken by Newport on 
this voyage, mentioned in LXIV. He sailed in the Mary 
and Margaret, a ship of about one hundred and fifty tons, 
which, like most of the vessels on former voyages, was in 
the service of the Russia Company ; she was afterwards, in 
the summer of 1611, " shipwrecked by Ice," in the North 
Sea in the latitude of seventy-nine degrees. Captain Rich- 
ard Waldo and Captain Peter Wynne were sent over at this 


time as additional members for the Council in Virginia. 
July 5, Sir John Gilbert died of the small-pox, and it seems 
that soon after his death (exact date not known to me) 
" Capt. Davies set out from Topsam, the Port town of Exi- 
ter, with a ship laden full of victualls, arms, instruments 
and tools &c for the North Virginia Colony ; set forth by 
Sir Francis Popham, certaine of his private friends, and 
others of the Virginia Council." None of the documents 
carried over by him are known to me.] 



" John Chamberlain Esq to Dudley Carleton Esq. 

"Sir: — 

" I cannot but commend your memorie. . . . On Tues- 
day I went with the Lady Fanshaw (Sir Tho 8 Smythe's 
sister) and other good Company to visit Cope Castle [now 
Holland House] at Kinsington and calling in at the strand, 
we took the little Betty and the infant Norris along with 
us. We had the honour to see all, but touch nothing, not 
so much as a cherry, which are charily preserved for the 
Queen's coming. I took my leave of him yesterday ; and 
upon some mention of you he made this short reply, that 
your books were very well accepted, and that he would ever 
slip no opportunity to do you service. He (Sir Walter 
Cope) grows more and more into the great lord ; and it is 
conceived that if any place should fall, whereof Sir Caesar 
were capable, he should presently step into his room, and 
bear the burden of the exchequer business. 

" The New Bourse at Durham House goes up apace. . . . 

" The marriage of the Young Lord Cranborne with the 
Lord Chamberlain's daughter is thoroughly concluded and 
the books sealed. 

" Staples, one of our great merchants, died the last week 

180 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

very suddenly, as he was sitting down to supper, and Sir 
John Gilbert two days since of the smallpox. 

" Here is a ship (the Phoenix) newly come from Virginia 
that hath been long missing. She went out the last year, 
in consort with Captain Newport, and after much wander- 
ing, found the port three or four days after his departure 
for England. I hear not of any novelties or other com- 
modities she hath brought more than sweet wood. 

" Sir Horace Vere, coming out of the Low Countries to 
conduct his lady, met her on Saturday at Rochester, and 
went back presently. 

" These contracts and cross marriages 'twixt France and 
Spain trouble both them and us. . . . 

" The King's Progress holds on towards Northampton- 
shire, as unwelcome to those parts, as rain in harvest, so as 
the great ones begin to dislodge : the Lord Spencer to his 
daughter Vane in Kent ; and divers other gentlemen devise 
other errands other ways. 

"From London this 7 th of July 1608. 

" Yours most assuredly 

"John Chamberlain." 

Addressed : " To my assured goode Frend Master Dud- 
ley Carleton. geve these at Eaton." 


VOLUME 2571, FOLIO 245. 

Copy of a rough draft of a deciphered letter of H. M. to 
Don Pedro de Zuiiiga, dated Lerma, July 29, 1608. 
" By Rivas have been received all your letters of June 
26, 27 & 28 last and of the 3 rd of this month, to which a 
reply will reach you in this letter. There is announced the 
arrival of Captain Newport from Virginia — the importance 
which is there attached to that Island — and most of what 



you say in that connection — and I shall be glad, if inform- 
ing yourself through really practical men from that coun- 
try, you will give me a special and detailed account of the 
position and location of that Island — the time when it was 
discovered and by whom — the harbours to be found there 
and their capacity — the countries which they can reach 
from there — with the climate — and everything else that 
concerns it — and you will briefly report of it all." 


August 13 there was entered at Stationer's Hall for 
publication, by " John Tappe, printer and William Welby 
bookseller at the sign of the Greyhound, in Paules Church- 
yard. A booke called A True Relatione of such occur- 
rences and accidents of note as have hapened in Virginia 
synce the first plantinge of that colonye, which is now resi- 
dent in the South parte of Virginia, till Master Nelson's com- 
minge Away from them," etc. It was probably a letter. It 
begins thus : " Kinde Sir, commendations remembred," etc. 
Who the " Kinde Sir " was to whom it was addressed is not 
certainly known. It was printed with the running title, at 
the top of each page, " Newes from Virginia." It is the 
only one of Smith's works published by a stationer who was 
personally interested in the Virginia enterprises. William 
Welby afterwards became the publisher for the Virginia 
Company of London, and on the 1st of October, 1610, he 
assigned his interest in this tract to Michael Baker, who 
was not interested in Virginia. It was the first account 
of the Virginia colony published to the world. For cogent 
reasons it was not " Published by Authoritie of his Majes- 
ties Counsell of Virginia." 

Original copies of this tract are preserved in the follow- 
ing Libraries in America, namely, Charles Deane, Harvard 
College, S. L. M. Barlow, Carter-Brown, New York Histor- 
ical Society (2), Lenox (3), and Charles H. Kalbfleisch. 

182 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

The copy which was sold at Sotheby's, London, April 5, 
1882, for £57, I am quite sure was bought by Mr. Kalb- 
fleisch, and this is the latest sale which I have noted. 

It was reprinted in the " Southern Literary Messenger " 
for February, 1845, at Richmond, Va., also by Mr. Charles 
Deane, LL. D., with a preface and notes, Boston, 1866, 
and this is the best reprint, that in the " Messenger " be- 
ing very imperfect. It is also, of course, included in Mr. 
Arber's reprint of Captain Smith's works, 1884. 

[Mem. — There had been great suffering, and many 
misfortunes had happened in Virginia, and as a result there 
was much trouble in the council. Ratcliffe, Martin, and 
Smith had removed Wingfield, not only from the presi- 
dency, but from the council also, and had elected Ratcliffe 
president. Archer was afterwards taken into the council, 
and under his leadership, it seems, Smith was about to be 
hanged for allowing the Indians to kill and secure the bod- 
ies of several of his men ; but in the midst of the turmoil 
Captain Newport arrived and " pored oil on the troubled 
waters." XLIX. is Wingfield's account of his case. LIV. 
is Smith's account of his stewardship. Archer presented 
his side of the case, but this account has not been found, 
and I suppose Percy in XL VII. also gave an account ; but 
if so, Purchas suppressed it. XLIX. and LIV. are both 
ex parte evidence. However, XLIX. is evidently addressed 
to the proper authorities, and the author pledges to them 
on his faith and his life, the truth of his journal. While 
LIV. is addressed by the author to some unknown friend 
of his in England, and it was published without authority 
from the council and erroneously, as " written by Th : Wat- 
son gent." As an off sett for the loss of his men, Smith 
tells in LIV. of what he had learned of the nearness of the 
great South Sea, and this was a balm apt to heal all wounds 
at that time. I think LIV . leaves a more favorable impres- 
sion than Smith's later works ; it is true that he does not 
conceal his good opinion of himself, but his vanity and his 


injustice to others increased with his age. It may be said 
that no one could now attempt to venture a decision on 
the points in question regarding the troubles in Virginia, 
unless they had all the evidence before them ; but I am 
sure the council of Virginia were amply able to decide 
these matters then, and I think we should abide by their 

The whole of LIV. was not printed. As published it 
relates mainly to events in Virginia from April 26, 1607, 
to June 2, 1608. See also my remarks on LVIL] 


"The King of Spain sent from Madrid (on the 16th 
August, 1608) to his Ambassador in England, the Report 
of The Spanish Council of State, giving the reasons for 
sending to the galleys the English who in 1606 were taken 
in the West Indies." That is, the remainder of Challons' 
crew who had not escaped from Spain. 

This reached England by way of Flanders about August 
31 (0. S.), being about twenty-five days on the way. 


VOLUME 2586, FOLIO 145. 

Copy of an original letter of Don Pedro de Zuniga to the 
King of Spain, dated Higuete [Highgate ?], September 
10, 1608. 

" Sire : — 
" I have thought proper to send Y. M. a plan of Vir- 
ginia (LVIL) and another of the Fort (LVIII.) which the 
English have erected there, together with a report (LIX.) 
given me by a person who has been there. Still, I am try- 
ing to learn more and I shall report about it. I received 
just now, by way of Flanders, the letter which Y. M. was 
pleased to command to be written to me on the 16th of last 

184 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

month, with the Report which contains the reasons then 
existing for sending to the galleys the English, who in 
1606 were found in our waters, and I shall make such use 
of it as I am commanded by Y. M. Whose Catholic and 
Royal person God preserve as all Christendom requires it. 
"At Higuete [Highgate?] September 10. 1608. 

"Don Pedro de Ztjniga." 


This chart must have been sent to England by Captain 
Francis Nelson, who left Virginia June 2, 1608. It is 
not drawn to an exact scale ; but on comparing it with 
XLVI. made about the same time, and with CLVIIL, 
it seems to have been drawn on the basis of about five 
miles, or say l£ leagues to an inch. It illustrates Cap- 
tain John Smith's " True Relation " (LIV.), and was sent 
from Virginia with it. The " Relation" was published 
in August 1608; but I have never seen an engraving 
of this chart. I am convinced that copies of this " Rela- 
tion " and of this chart were taken to Holland by Captain 
Henry Hudson in the latter part of 1608, and that they 
are referred to by Hudson as " letters and charts which one 
Captain Smith had sent him from Virginia, by which he 
(Smith) informed him (Hudson) that there was a sea lead- 
ing into the Western Ocean by the North of the Southern 
English Colony," about the latitude of forty degrees. On 
December 29, 1608 (O. S.), Captain Hudson, with the infor- 
mation derived by him in his native England, entered into 
a contract with the Dutch. We have here, with this chart 
in Spain and with Hudson in Holland with Smith's letters 
and charts, another strong illustration of the great necessity 
the Virginia Company was under to keep close its charts, 
records, etc., and the great danger to them which might 
result by having in their official service one through whom 
such things reached outsiders. 

mej, tenctf 






Sent from London, England, lClb Sept. , 1 C08,by Znniga, to the King of Spain. 

The legends on this map are designated in the order in which they are given 
in the text pp. 185-188, by the letters A. B. C, etc. These letters are not on the 
origiual Map. 


The legends on the chart : — 

" Here remayneth 4 men clothed that came from Ro- 
onock to Ocanahawan." 

LIV. says : " What he knew of the Dominions he spared 
not to acquaint me with, as of certaine men cloathed at a 
place called Ocanahonan, cloathed like me." — and " Many 
Kingdomes hee (Powhatan) described to me. . . . The 
people clothed at Ocamahowan, he alsoe confirmed." 

CCX VII. says : " Where at Peccarecamek and Ochana- 
hoen, by the relation of Machumps, the people have howses 
built with stone walles, and one story above another, so 
taught them by those Englishe whoe escaped the slaughter 
at Roanoak, at what tyme this our Colony, under the con- 
duct of Captain Newport, landed within the Chesapeake 
Bay, where the people breed up tame turkeis about their 
howses, and take apes in the mountaines, and where at 
Ritanoe, the Weroance Eyanoco preserved seven of the 
English alive — fower men, two boyes and one yonge 
mayde. (who escaped [the massacre ?] and fled up the river 
of Chanoke) — to beat his copper, of which he hath certaine 
mynes at the said Ritanoe, as also at Pamawank are said to 
be store of salt stones." There is the following side-note 
in Strachey : " Howses of stone, tame Turkyes, and Monk- 
yes, supposed at Peccartcanick." 

[Mem. — The three rivers given on the chart, south of 
the James, were probably intended for the Neuse, the Tar, 
and the Roanoke rivers. Ocanahowan was probably sup- 
posed to be on the Neuse.] 

" Here the King of Paspahege reported our men to be 
and wants to go." This is possibly in the present Samp- 
son County, North Carolina. 

" Here Paspahege and 2 of our own men landed to go to 

This is the Pananaioc of Smith's Map of Ould Virginia. 

Smith says in his "True Relation" (LIV.) : "We had 
agreed with ye King of Paspahegh to conduct two of our 
men to a place called Panawicke beyond Roonok, where he 

186 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605^JANUARY, 1609. 

reported many men to be apparelled. Wee landed him at 
Warraskoyaek, where playing the villaine, and deluding us 
for rewards, returned within three or foure dayes after 
without going further." Smith is here referring to an 
expedition of January or February, 1608, under Newport. 
He does not mention this incident at this time in his Gen- 
eral History ; but in referring to an expedition of Decem- 
ber, 1608, under his own command, he says, that he sent 
from Warraskoyaek, Master Sicklemore and two guides 
" to seeke for the lost company of Sir Walter Raleigh's." 

[Mem. — The landing from the chart was probably in 
Pagan Creek, Isle of Wight County.] 

"Amongst high rocks," etc. I am unable to decipher 
this legend. 

In his " True Relation," Smith says : " Within 4. or 5. 
daies Journey of the Falles was a great turning of Salt 
Water " — and again, " I tolde him [Powhatan] in that I 
would have occasion to talke of the backe Sea, that on the 
other side of the maine, where was Salt Water, my father 
had a childe slaine, which wee supposed [by] Monocan his 
enemie, whose death we intended to revenge. After good 
deliberation, hee began to describe mee the countreys 
beyond the Falles, with many of the rest, confirming what 
not only Opechancanoyes, and an Indian which had been 
prisoner to Powhatan had before tolde me, but some called 
it five dayes, some sixe, some eight, where the sayde water 
dashed amongest many stones and rocks, each storme, 
which caused oft tymes the heade of the River to bee 
brackish : Anchanachuck he described to bee the people 
that had slaine my brother, whose death hee would re- 

Strachey says : " Yt (the James River) falleth from 
rocks far west, in a country inhabited by a nation, that 
they call Monocan. . . . from high hills afar off within 
the lands, from the topps of which hills, the people saie 
they see another sea, and that the water is there salt ; and 
the journey to this sea, from the Falls, by their accompt, 


should be about ten daies, allowing, according to a march, 
some fourteen or sixteen miles a day." 

" Monacan 2 days Jorney." 

From the Falls (Richmond) to the present Manakin town 
is less than twenty miles. 

"20 miles above this C. S. was taken." The site of 
Apocant, on this chart, is placed farther west than the Falls 
(Powhatan). If this is correct " 20 miles above " would be 
higher up than the present Goochland line ; but the chart 
is not drawn to an exact scale, and without giving tiresome 
details, I will only give it as my opinion that the capture 
more probably took place near the present line between 
Hanover and New Kent. 

The route the Indians took Smith after his capture is 
pricked down on the chart. After collating the various 
evidences in the premises with Smith's narrative in his 
a True Relation," I believe the following to be approxi- 
mately correct. Smith seldom gives dates. He was taken 
prisoner about the 16th of December, 1607, and taken that 
day " about 6 miles to a hunting town " (Rasawrock), where 
he probably spent the next day ; on the 18th he was car- 
ried to another kingdom on the Youghtanan (Pamunkey) 
river ; thence to Mattapament (Mattapony) River ; thence 
to two hunting towns, and " after this f oure or five dayes 
march," he was returned again to Rasawrock about the 23d. 
Breaking up camp on the 24th, they marched to Mena- 
pacute (near the present West Point), reaching there on 
the second day's journey (25). The next day (26th) they 
visit Kekataugh, and thence, marching along northward, 
passing across the headwaters of the Payankatank, Smith 
is taken to Topahanocke (Tappahannock, Essex County ?), 
reaching there the 27th ; the next day (28th) departed and 
lodging that night at a hunting town of Powhatan's, they 
arrived the next day (29th) at Warawocomoco, " Where 
Powhatan, assured mee [Smith] his friendship and my lib- 
ertie within foure dayes." January 1, 1608, " Powhatan 
sent Smith home with four men," etc. ; he arrived at James- 

188 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

town early on the morning of Saturday, January 2d, and 
" Nuport arrived the same night." The Indians kept Smith 
a prisoner about 16 days, yet he says, in his History of 
Virginia, " Sixe or seven weekes those Barbarians kept 
him prisoner." 

Smith says that he " was taken to Topahanocke, a King- 
dome upon another River northward : because, the yeare 
before, a shippe had beene in the River of Pamaunke, who 
having been kindly entertained by Powhatan their Em- 
perour, they returned thence, and discovered the River of 
Topahanocke, where being received with like kindnesse, yet 
he slue the King, and tooke of his people, and they sup- 
posed I were hee, but the people reported him a great man 
that was Captaine, and using mee kindly, the next day 
we departed." XLIX. says : " Pamaonche having Smith 
prisoner carryed him to his neybors Wyroances to see if 
any of them knew him for one of those which had bene 
some twoe or three yeeres before us, in a river amongst 
them Northward, and taken awaie some Indians by force." 
From these statements we infer that a ship was up the 
Rappahannock River in 1603-1606 ; if so I have no other 
record of it. It could hardly refer to the Spanish ship in 

From XLVL, from this chart, from CLVIIL, and from 
the map engraved for Captain Smith (CCXLIL), it is evi- 
dent that Werawocomoco was on the present Purtan or 
Putin Bay, York River. In fact this bay retains its original 
name. Tindall calls it Poetan (i. e. Powhatan), Fry and 
Jefferson Portan, and the present coast survey Purtan. 
Those who have placed it on Timberneck Bay and else- 
where, in the Cantauntack (or as CCXLIL and CLVIIL 
have it, the Capahowasick) country, have, as usual, been 
led into an error by the text of Smith's History of Vir- 
ginia, which says that Werawocomoco was " about 25 
miles " from where the river divided (West Point). The 
text (25 miles) is wrong, the chart (about 11 miles) is cor- 


" Pocaughtawonaucks, a salvage people dwelling upon 
the bay beyond this mayne that eat of men and women." 

In his " True Relation " Smith says : Powhatan " de- 
scribed also upon the same sea [the Back Sea] a mighty 
Nation called Pocoughtronack, a fierce Nation that did 
eate men, and warred with the people of Moyaoncer, and 
Pataromerke, Nations upon the toppe of the heade of 
the Bay, under his territories, where the yeare before they 
had slain an hundred, he signified their crownes were 
shaven, long haire in the necke, tied on a knot, Swords like 
Pollaxes. Beyond them he described people with short 
coates, and sleeves to the Elbowes, that passed that way in 
shippes like ours. Many Kingdomes hee described mee to 
the heade of the Bay, which seemed to bee a mightie River, 
issuing from mightie Mountaines betwixt the two Seas." 

It will be seen that this chart gives an island in James 
River, in the bend above the mouth of the Appomattox, 
which is evidently the " Turkey Island " of the first ex- 
plorers. There is no island there now. 

[Mem. — In 1888 Mr. Hamilton McMillan, A. M., of 
Robeson County, North Carolina, published an historical 
sketch of " Sir Walter Raleigh's Lost Colony, with the 
traditions of An Indian Tribe in North Carolina indicating 
the fate of the Colony," etc. From this I will give extracts. 

" In the latter part of 1864 three young men of the Croa- 
tan tribe, who had been drafted to work on the fortifica- 
tions at Fort Fisher, were killed, it is supposed, by a white 
man who had them in custody. An inquest was held, 
and at its conclusion an old Indian, named George Lowrie, 
addressed the people assembled, in substance as follows : 
' We have always been the friends of white men. We 
were a free people long before the white men came to our 
land. Our tribe was always free. They lived in Roanoke 
in Virginia. When the English came to Roanoke our 
tribe treated them kindly. One of. our tribe went to 
England in an English ship and saw that great country. 

190 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605^JANUARY, 1609. 

We took the English to live with us. There is the white 
man's blood in these veins as well as that of the Indian. 
In order to be great like the English, we took the white 
man's language and religion, for our people were told they 
would prosper if they would take white men's laws. In 
the wars between white men and Indians we always fought 
on the side of white men. We moved to this land and 
fought for liberty for white men, yet white men have 
treated us as negroes. Here are our young men shot down 
by a white man and we get no justice, and that in a land 
where our people were always free.' " 

This speech caused Mr. McMillan to investigate the his- 
tory and traditions of this tribe. 

"They assert that the English colony became incorpo- 
rated with the tribe, which soon after emigrated westward, 
— to what is now Sampson County, — a portion to Cumber- 
land County, and they had probably settled on the Lumber 
River in Robeson County as early as 1650, where they were 
found by the Huguenots in 1709, having farms and roads 
and other evidences of civilized life. Their language is 
almost pure Anglo-Saxon. Many of the words have long 
been obsolete in English-speaking countries." 

It will be noted that the Croatan tradition is not at vari- 
ance with the chart, from which it seems the Indians and 
lost colonists went from Roanoke westward up the present 
Roanoke River to Ocanohowan, and from thence to Pakraka- 
nick (or Peccarecamek, Strachey), probably on the Neuse 
River, near Sampson County, where it seems they were 
reported to be in 1608.] 


[The following note on LVIII. was made at my request 
by the late Mr. Charles Deane, LL. D., of Cambridge, 
Mass.— A. B.] 

This draft of St. George's Fort is sufficiently described by 
the inscription on it, which recites that the fort was " erected 

TA<e 3»wAt ofs (jearjeS fart trecbd by 
C&ftagv* &*rg* j!ogiuw,%S4ute% one hkc e-r&tyefino 

jiucnk khsxtV^tUy cfetkesz 71c kfity&>*Ctfvu*. Jot ■Jt^o'^rL.-^ 


•C- jn-vnyons 

.3). JatoKomS 

.*. ihc£%cfitLvi*t-hcy>Je. 

$* kh&jQdmvrtuS ha/oft 

& t(U$t°*£ ko*v/e 

-/• the -itieeAcimWafi /ujuZ-c 

,g. %kt $u.ttz*>f general. 

•9' & L £f iu »S>ieb keusft 

.to. bne fianKoMt*ri ncwfc 

4X- t£* &*¥***■$* *•"/* 

.1$. tA* j&\nUft# fowje. 

4+* Viia. Covtfers koitf* 

AT bfc-tJiat-e. (i"</4- 

.l£ bkcCou-*kofdit.<xtJe 

4*. yU. -uxtbetjfate 

te fe/Lt f>oSt*rita.<*ate* 

Jtl &t. Jitter Ltr •$*.*- 

ik*. tuff cae.v\-LuakU>J»i*& 


"The draught of St. Georges fort" sent to Philip III by 
Zuniga in his letter (LVH of September to, 1608. 


by Captaine George Popham, Esquier, one the entry of the 
famous River of Sagadehock in Virginia, taken out by 
John Hunt, the viii day of October in the yeere of our 
Lorde, 1607." 

The projectors of the Northern Colony of Virginia, 
which included Sir John (Chief Justice) Popham, and Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges, prosecuted their enterprise with eager- 
ness. After sending a number of ships to the coast, and 
gathering what information they could from the natives, 
they finally projected a settlement much after the fashion 
of their rivals of the Southern Colony. On the last day of 
May two ships sailed from Plymouth with a hundred set- 
tlers well furnished with supplies, and taking two of 
Gorges' Indians, which two years before had been kid- 
napped on the coast by Weymouth, as guides and inter- 
preters. The ships were a fly-boat, called the Gift of God, 
commanded by George Popham, a brother 1 of the Chief 
Justice, John Popham, " and a good ship," called the Mary 
and John, commanded by Ralegh Gilbert. After a prosper- 
ous voyage they arrived on the coast of Maine by the last 
of July, and after expending several days in exploring the 
coast and islands, on Sunday, the 9th of August, the greater 
part of the company of both ships landed on an island 
they called " St Georges Island," probably Monhegan, and 
" there," the narrative reads, " we heard a sermon delivered 
unto us by our preacher, giving God thanks for our happy 
meeting, and safe arrival into the country, & so returned 
abroad again." (Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc. xvii. 94 et seq.) 
Proceeding to the shore they made choice on the 18th of a 
place for a settlement — being a projected point of land at 
the mouth of the Sagadahoc or Kennebeck, on the western 
side, called by the Indians "Sabino," "being almost an 
island of good bigness." This peninsula is included in the 
present town of Phippsburg. On the following day, " the 
19th of August, we all went to the shore where we made 

1 So always stated, but I doubt if tbey were brothers. See my Popham 
pedigree in the Biographical Index. 

192 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

choice for our plantation, and there we had a sermon 
delivered unto us by our preacher, & after the sermon 
our patent was read with the orders & laws therein pre- 
scribed." The company then proceeded to organize their 
community. Captain George Popham was chosen presi- 
dent, Captain Ralegh Gilbert, admiral ; Edward Harlow, 
master of the ordinance ; Captain Robert Davis, sergeant 
major ; Captain Ellis Best, marshal ; Mr. Seaman, secre- 
tary ; Captain James Davis, captain of the fort ; Mr. Gome 
Carew, chief searcher. All these were of the council. 
These names are taken from Smith, folio 203, to which 
from Strachey we should add, Richard Seymer, preacher. 
They then all returned to their ship. Next day the com- 
pany landed and began to fortify. " Our President, Cap- 
tain Popham, set the first spit of ground unto it, and after 
him all the rest followed, & labored hard in the trenches 
about it." The narrative which we have referred to above, 
being the basis of Strachey's account, gives an almost daily 
record of the work upon the fort, showing " that each man 
did his best endeavor for the building of the fort," until it 
was fully finished . . . trenched & fortified, with twelve 
pieces of ordinance and fifty houses built therein, beside a 
church and storehouse." It has been conjectured that 
" fifty " was a clerical error, and we should read five for 
the number of houses built, but the number indicated 
on the plan, and as compared with the marginal list on 
the "Draught," proves that conjecture to be erroneous, 
for a somewhat larger number even than fifteen, which 
might have been the word intended, beside the chapel 
and storehouse, can be made out. The narrative proceeds 
to say that after finishing the fort, etc., " the carpenters 
framed a pretty pinnace of about thirty ton, which they 
called the ' Virginia,' the chief shipwright being one Digby 
of London." This vessel a few years later was one of 
those which accompanied the fleet bound to the southern 
colony in 1609, on which voyage Gates and Somers were 
wrecked at Bermuda. She is mentioned as the " Virginia, 


which was built in the North Colony," and her chief offi- 
cers were, " Captain Davies " and " Master Davies." These 
may well be the same persons who witnessed the building 
of this vessel at Fort St. George. It will be noticed that 
the maker of this " Draught " has delineated on it a small 
vessel, near the fort, on the northerly or water side of it. 

About four months after the landing at Sabino, or on 
the 15th of December, 1 Robert Davies was dispatched 
home in the Mary and John, " to advertise both their safe 
arrival & forwardness of their plantation within the river 
of Sagadahoc, with letters to the Chief Justice, importuning 
a supply for the most necessary wants in the subsisting of 
a colony to be sent unto them betimes the next year." 
He also bore a letter from President George Popham to 
King James, dated " At the Fort of St. George, in Sagada- 
hoc of Virginia, 13 December, 1607." More than half the 
colonists at that time returned home, leaving but forty-five 
at the fort. 

All the narratives existing of the Popham colony are 
very deficient in details concerning it after this time. On 
the return of Captain Davies in the following year with 
supplies, — we do not know at what precise time he arrived 
at the fort, perhaps by May, — he found that the colonists 
had experienced a hard winter, during which their store- 
house and provisions had been burned. He learned also 
that President Popham had died on the 5th of February. 
Captain Davies brought news of the death of Chief Justice 
Popham, who had died on the 7th of June, 1607, only a 
few days after the first expedition had sailed for Sagadahoc. 
He also brought letters announcing the death of Sir John 
Gilbert, the eldest brother of Ralegh Gilbert, now presi- 
dent of the colony, who was summoned home to settle the 

1 So always stated, but I have rea- that the other ship returned to Eng- 

son to believe (as I have said) that land about the middle of December 

one of the ships returned to Eng- with Popham' s letter, etc., and taking 

land early in October " to advertise back many of the colonists. The evi- 

both of their safe arrival and forward- dence of this is only circumstantial, 

ness of their plantation," etc. ; and but it seems to me quite strong. 

194 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

estate, in which he had an interest. So they all resolved to 
stay no longer in the country, " wherefore they all em- 
barked in this new arrived ship, & in the new pinnace, the 
' Virginia/ and set sail for England. And this," concludes 
Strachey, " was the end of that northern colony upon the 
River Sagadehoc." 

Samuel Maverick, who settled in Massachusetts Bay 
about the year 1624, says, in a " brief description of New 
England," written in the year 1660, on his return to Eng- 
land, that he visited the scene of the Popham colony when 
he first went over, and " found roots & garden hearbs & 
some old walls there . . . which showed it to be the place 
where they had been." (Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc. xxi. 231.) 
One would think that the walls of so formidable a structure 
as we have here would have shown something more than a 
mere ruin after the lapse of only seventeen years. In the 
autumn of 1611, only three years after its abandonment, 
the fort was visited by the French under Biencourt, as told 
by Father Biard, in Carayon, p. 63, and in CXCIII. of this 
history, when this structure must have been intact ; but the 
description of it is too brief and indefinite. It excited the 
curiosity of the French, who were much inclined to extol 
the enterprise of the English, but on looking at it with a 
military eye, they discovered the ground to be badly chosen 
for defense, as not fully commanding the situation. Biard 
relates some improbable stories told by the Indians as to 
the fate of the Popham colonists. See, also, an Indian tra- 
dition concerning the fort and settlement, preserved by 
Hubbard in his " Narrative of the Troubles," second part, 
p. 75. It would be interesting to know if the fort was in 
any manner dismantled by the retiring colonists. 




Copy of a document on the outside of which is said : " To 
be sent to the King our Master." It is inclosed with 
the drawings in Don Pedro de Zuniga's letter of Septem- 
ber 10, 1608, and is evidently the report given him by a 
person who had been to Virginia," mentioned in said 
letter. 1 

" Virginia is situated on the firm land, on the Continent 
of the West Indies, in the N. Western part ; it has three 
streams and on one of these are the plantations or fortifica- 
tions, which are of little power of resistance. The river is 
called Zanagadoa 2 ; it is ten or twelve fathoms deep, and a 
hundred miles, more or less, long ; there is no other har- 
bour but this which they call ' Jamestowe ' [Jamestown], 
which means Jacob's Town ; Raley discovered this land 
perhaps some twenty years ago. Captain ' Niuporte ' 
[Newport] discovered the rivers perhaps some two years 

"Only that river which is in the Southern Colony or 
Settlement is best known, and . . . coming from that river 
with a West or West and North wind. All that has so far 
been found is only ' Gomar Sasifrax,' and some other dye 

"You sail from here with a Southwest wind; in the 
South [North ?] it lies under the forty-second degree of 
latitude, and at the North [South ?] under the thirty-ninth 
and a half, with fourteen minutes superadded." 

1 Evidently a part of this " report " stood, including both the north and 
is missing. south colonies. The author has, either 

2 Zanagadoa must be intended for through ignorance or design, given 
Sagadahoc. It was a report on Vir- Zufiiga an inaccurate and badly mixed 
ginia (from 34° to 45°) as then under- up description. 

196 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 


VOLUME 2571, FOLIO 249. 

Copy of an extract from a letter (deciphered) of H. M. to 
Don Pedro de Zufiiga, dated Valladolid, September 23, 

" I should be very glad to see the papers x which you 
thought you would send me, concerning Virginia, so that I 
might the better come to a decision as to what ought to be 
done — and thus you will send them as promptly as it can 
be done." 


VOLUME 2586, FOLIO 154. 

Copy of a paragraph (a portion) of a deciphered letter writ- 
ten by Don Pedro de Zufiiga to the King of Spain, dated 
London, November 8, 1608. 

" Sire. 
"... It is very important, Your Majesty should com- 
mand that an end be put to those things done in Virginia ; 
because it is a matter of great importance — and they pro- 
pose (as I understand) to send as many as 1500 men there ; 
and they hope that 12,000 will be gotten together there in 
time. It is a matter which it might be well should be 
clearly understood." 

Zuniga evidently wished Philip III. to put an end to the 
colony ; but as an ambassador, he only suggests to the king 
and Lerma, giving his reasons for making the suggestions. 
Zuniga mentions in LXIX. a letter of December -J, 1608, in 

1 I am quite sure these were not They were probably sent after this 
the papers already sent (£"£. i<$, LVL). and have not been found. 


which he tells Philip III. that two vessels had left England 
for America ; but I have not found the letter, and I do not 
know what two vessels they were. 

As it seems the colony from North Virginia had returned 
to England in December, 1608, it is probable that they " all 
embarked in Capt Davis's new arrived ship and in the new 
pinnace, the Virginia (which had been built there, the chief 
shipwright being one Digby of London), and set sail for 
England," either in October or November, 1608. 

The material for a history of this northern enterprise was 
evidently very ample ; but unfortunately most of it fell into 
the hands of Purchas and is now probably lost. Purchas, 
vol. iv. p. 1837, mentions the following documents as then 
(1624) at his service ; namely : — 

" The Journals of Master Raleigh Gilbert, James Davies, 
John Eliot, etc. 

" With divers Letters from Cap. Popham and others." 

It seems that these papers had come to the hands of Pur- 
chas (vol. iv. p. 1873) " amongst M. Hakluyt's papers." 

It is not improbable that the journal of James Davis, or a 
large portion of it, was the basis of Strachey's account of 
the colony. See Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc. vol. xviii. p. 94. 


VOLUME 2587, FOLIO 5. 

Copy of a paragraph of a deciphered letter written by Don 
Pedro de Zuniga to the King of Spain, dated London, 
January 15, 1609. 

" Sire : — 
" The Colony which the Chief Justice sent out to Vir- 
ginia has returned 1 in a sad plight. Still there sails now a 

1 This letter was written January 5, probably recently returned, in Decera- 
1608-9, English style ; the colony had ber, 1608, I think. 

198 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

good ship and a tender, 1 to be somewhere in the neigh- 
borhood of the Havana " (i. e. to go by a route passing 
somewhere near Havana, Cuba 2 ). "From the best infor- 
mation that I can obtain they say that they carry news of 
having probably found some mines ; this is not certain. 
They will proceed to the aforesaid Virginia, where they 
will endeavour to make themselves very strong." . . . 


VOLUME 2585, FOLIO 85. 

Copy of an extract of a deciphered letter of Don Pedro de 
Zuriiga to H. M. dated London, January 17, 1609. 

" They are likewise negotiating with the Baron of Arun- 
del, who is the one who took the regiment to Flanders, 
that he shall engage to go with 500 Englishmen, and with 
as many Irishmen, to settle in Virginia, to fortify them- 
selves there, and to take the necessary supplies, so as to put 
it in the best state of defense. He has asked for two 
things : First, a Patent by this King, and secondly, 
money. So far they have told him that, as to a Patent, 
they dare not give it to him, and as to the other, they have 
none. They have talked about it that the great pirate 
Warte 3 (sic) will go now — which shows that they wish for 
that port only for purposes of piracy, and if your Majesty 
makes an end of those who are now over there (which can 
easily be done), they will not dare go on with their plans." 

[Mem. — Capt. Newport, who had left Virginia in Decem- 
ber, 1608, arrived in England late in January, 1609. Cap- 
tain John Ratcliffe, returned with him, and they brought 
the following documents, which are now probably lost. 

1 This " good ship and a tender " the vessels waylaid in the West In- 

were prohably sent by Sir Francis dies. 
Popham. 8 Sir John Watts, whose ships had 

3 This information was for having often pillaged the West Indies. 


" A Diarie of the Discoverie of the Bay " (2 June to 21 
July, 1608), and " A Diarie of the second voyage in dis- 
covering the Bay " (24 July to 7 September, 1608). Pur- 
chas (see vol. iv. p. 1712) had these Diaries ; but did not 
publish them. They were probably Hakluyt manuscripts. 
Captain John Smith, who was President of the Council in 
Virginia, when Newport left, says he sent at this time 
LXIV. and a " Mappe of the Bay and Rivers, with an an- 
nexed Relation of the countries and Nations that inhabit 
them," which has generally been supposed to be the Map 
(CCXLII.) and Description (CCXLIV.), but this is not cer- 

Granger says, " In Ashmole's Museum is a very singular 
coat, taken from the back of his savage Majesty (Pow- 
hatan) by the English. It is composed of two deer skins, 
and enriched, rather than adorned, with figures of men and 
beasts, composed of small cowree shells which were the 
money of his country." It may be that this coat of Pow- 
hatan's was taken back by Newport at this time, being one 
of the articles given in exchange for the Bed, etc.] 


" The Copy of a letter sent to The Treasurer and Coun- 
cell of Virginia from Captaine Smith." 

It was not published in the Oxford Tract (CCXLV.) nor 
by Purchas. It was first published in Smith's History of 
Virginia (1624), pp. 70-72. Smith doubtless reported to 
the Council of Virginia in England at this time, as it was 
his duty to do so ; but it is not probable that the document, 
as published in 1624, was written in Virginia in 1608. 

" The copy of a Letter sent to The Treasurer and Coun- 
cell of Virginia 1 from Captaine Smith, then President in 

1 This title, " The Treasurer and April, 1606 ; but by the second or 
Councell," was not granted by the special charter to the South Virginia 
first charter to the two companies of Company, which did not pass the seals 

200 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

" Right Honorable, &c. — I Received your Letter, 1 
wherein you write, that our minds are so set upon faction, 
and idle conceits in dividing the Country without your con- 
sents, and that we feed you but with ifs and ands, hopes, 
and some few proofes ; as if we woulde keepe the mystery 
of the businesse to ourselves : and that we must expresly 
follow your instructions 2 sent by Captaine Newport : the 
charge of whose voyage amounts to neare two thousand 
pounds, the which if we cannot defray by the ships returne, 
we are like to remain as banished men. 3 To these particu- 
lars I humbly intreat your Pardons if I offend you with my 
rude Answer. 

" For our factions, unlesse you would have me run away 
and leave the Country, I cannot prevent them : because I 
do make many stay that would els fly any whether. For 
the idle Letter 4 sent to my Lord of Salisbury, by the Presi- 
dent and his confederats, for dividing the Country, etc." 
What it was I know not, for you saw no hand of mine to 
it ; nor ever dream't I of any such matter. That we feed 
you with hopes, &c. Though I be no scholer, I am past 
a schoole-boy ; and I desire but to know, what either you, 
and these here, doe know, but that I have learned to tell 
you by the continuall hazard of my life. I have not con- 
cealed from you anything I know ; but I feare some cause 
you to beleeve much more then is true. 5 

" Expresly to follow your directions by Captaine Newport, 
though they be performed, I was directly against it ; but 
according to our commission, I was content to be overruled 
by the maior part of the Councell, I feare to the hazard of 
us all ; which now is generally confessed when it is too late. 

in England until 23 May, 1609, and 2 I have found no other mention of 

was not known in Virginia before the such instructions. 

following July. 8 They did not defray these charges 

1 I have not found this letter ; but and they were not suffered " to re- 

the Council in CXIV. profess to have main as banished men." 

found no fault until Newport's third 4 Not found. 

return. This letter, if sent at this 6 Captain Smith had just been 

time, would have had reference to Rat- guilty of this himself, 
cliffe's government and not to Smith's. 

First Earl of Devonshire 


Onely Captaine Winne and Captaine Waldo I have sworne 
of the Councell, and crowned Powhatan according to your 

" For the charge of this Voyage of two or three thou- 
sand pounds, we have not received the value of an hundred 
pounds. And for the quartred Boat * to be borne by the 
Souldiers over the Falles, Newport had 120. of the best 
men he could chuse. If he had burnt her to ashes, one 
might hava carried her in a bag ; but as she is, five hun- 
dred cannot, to a navigable place above the Falles. And 
for him at that time to find in the South Sea, a Mine of 
Gold, or any of them sent by Sir Walter Raleigh : 2 at our 
Consultation I told them was as likely as the rest. But 
during this great discovery of thirtie myles, 3 (which might, 
as well have been done by one man, and much more, for 
the value of a pound of Copper at a seasonable tyme) they 
had the Pinnace and all the Boats with them, but one that 
remained with me to serve the Fort. 

"In their absence I followed the new began workes 

1 The idea was to carry the parts evidently written with years of after 
of this hoat around the Falls and put experiences before him. We know 
it together again above — to be used who the Council of Virginia were at 
in the " four or five daies Journey of that time, and it does not seem at all 
the Falles" where Smith had reported probable that Smith would have writ- 
that there was " a great turning of ten such a letter to them ; neither is 
Salt Water." See Notes on LVII. it probable that he would have written 

2 Captain Smith himself had origi- it in the lifetime of Archer, Newport, 
nated these hopes. See Notes on or Ratcliffe. It was certainly not pub- 
LVII. lished until these men were dead. It 

8 Evidently there was some truth is a fair sample of Smith's General 

in the Indian report about the mines, History, and when we consider that 

as the eastern gold belt of Virginia such evidence as this was implicitly 

crosses the river from forty to sixty relied on for over two hundred years, 

miles above the Falls. This discovery we can easily understand why the ac- 

made by Newport and his men is pos- count of the early colony in Virginia 

sibly referred to in Hening's Statutes came to be a mere eulogy of this 

at Large (Virginia), vol. i. p. 135. adventurer, and a disparagement of 

This document is so evidently par- others, and why such great injustice 
tisan and untrustworthy, that it does has been done the men who gave their 
not seem worth the while to continue time, their talents, and their lives to 
these notes. It is not only a praise of establishing the first Protestant col- 
self, but a making small of others, ony in our country 

202 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

of Pitch and Tarre, Glasse, Sope-ashes, and Clapboord ; 
whereof some small quantities we have sent you. But if 
you rightly consider, what an infinite toyle it is in Russia 
and Swethland, where the woods are proper for naught els, 
and though there be the helpe both of man and beast in 
those ancient Common-wealths, which many an hundred 
years have used it ; yet thousands of those poore people 
can scarce get necessaries to live, but from hand to mouth. 
And though your Factors there can buy as much in a week 
as will fraught you a ship, or as much as you please ; you 
must not expect from us any such matter, which are but a 
many of ignorant miserable soules, that are scarce able to 
get wherewith to live, and defend ourselves against the 
inconstant Salvages : finding but here and there a tree fit 
for the purpose, and want all things els the Russians have. 

" For the coronation of Powhatan, by whose advice you 
sent him such presents, I know not; but this give me leave 
to tell you, I feare they will be the confusion of us all ere 
we heare from you againe. At your Ships arrivall, the Sal- 
vages harvest was newly gathered, and we going to buy it ; 
our owne not being halfe sufficient for so great a number. 
As for the two ships loading of corne Newport promised 
to provide us from Powhatan, he brought us but foureteene 
Bushels ; and from the Monacans nothing, but the most of 
the men sicke and neare famished. From your Ship we 
had not provision in victuals worth twenty pound, and we 
are more then two hundred to live upon this : the one halfe 
sicke, the other little better. For the Saylers (I confesse) 
they daily make good cheare, but our dyet is a little meale 
and water, and not sufficient of that. Though there be 
fish in the Sea, foules in the ayre, and Beasts in the woods, 
their bounds are so large, they so wilde, and we so weake, 
and ignorant, we cannot much trouble them. Captaine 
Newport we much suspect to be the Authour of those 

" Now that you should know, I have made you as great 
a discovery as he, for lesse charge then he spendeth you 


every meale ; I have sent you this Mappe of the Bay and 
Rivers, with an annexed Relation of the Countries and 
Nations that inhabit them, as you may see at large. Also 
two barrels of stones, and such as I take to be good Iron 
ore at the least ; so divided, as by their notes you may see 
in what places I found them. 

" The Souldiers say many of your officers maintaine their 
families out of that you send us : and that Newport hath 
an hundred pounds a yeare for carrying newes. For every 
master you have yet sent can find the way as well as he, so 
that an hundred pound might be spared, which is more 
then we have all, that helps to pay him wages. 

" Captaine Ratliffe is now called Sicklemore, a poore coun- 
terfeited Imposture. I have sent you him home, least the 
Company should cut his throat. What he is, now every 
one can tell you; if he and Archer returne againe, they 
are sufficient to keepe us alwayes in factions. 

" When you send againe I intreat you rather send but 
thirty Carpenters, husbandmen, gardiners, fishermen, black- 
smiths, masons, and diggers up of trees, roots, well provided ; 
then a thousand of such as we have: for except wee be 
able both to lodge them, and feed them, the most will con- 
sume with want of necessaries before they can be made 
good for anything. 

" Thus if you please to consider this account, and of the 
unnecessary wages to Captaine Newport, or his ships so 
long lingering and staying here (for notwithstanding his 
boasting to leave us victuals for 12 moneths ; though we 
had 89 by this discovery lame and sicke, and but a pinte of 
Corne a day for a man, we were constrained to give him 
three hogsheads of that to victuall him homeward) or yet to 
send into Germany or Poleland for glasse-men and the rest, 
till we be able to sustaine ourselves, and relieve them when 
they come. It were better to give five hundred pound a 
tun for those grosse Commodities in Denmarke, then send 
for them hither, till more necessary things be provided. 
For in overtoyling in our weake and unskilfull bodies, to 

204 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609. 

satisfie this desire of present profit, we can scarce ever 
recover ourselves from one supply to another. 

" And I humbly intreat you hereafter, let us know what 
we should receive and not stand to the saylers courtesie to 
leave us what they please ; els you may charge us with 
what you will, but we not you with anything. 

" These are the causes that have kept us in Virginia, 
from laying such a foundation, that ere this might have 
given much better content and satisfaction ; but as yet you 
must not looke for any profitable returnes : so I humbly 


VEMBER, 1609. 

The Place for gaining a Foothold in America having been selected. 
— The Plan determined on. — A special Charter granted, such as Expe- 
rience had taught the Managers they would need. — The Council take 
the Enterprise well in Hand, and a Brief Period of Enthusiasm reigns 
in England at the Prospect of Planting a Protestant Colony in America. 



" Sir. — You had heard from me on f riday &c. [The 
House at Westminster not yet furnished. Interview with 
Sir Walter Cope. The King has erected a new office, by 
appointing Sir Richard Wigmore, Marshall of the Field. 
Project to plant Ireland with English and Scotch. Threat- 
ened quarrel with the Duke of Florence.] 

" The least of our East Indian Ships called the pinnesse 
is arrived at Dartmouth with a 100 tunne of cloves, without 
seeing or hearing anything of her consorts since they parted 
from the coast of England. 

" Here is likewise a ship newly come from Virginia with 
some petty commodities and hope of more, as divers sorts 
of woode for wainscot and other uses, sope ashes, some pitch 
and tarre, certain unknowne Kindes of herbs for dieng not 
without suspicion (as they terme yt) of cuchenilla. . . . 

"From London this 23rd of January 1608. (O. S.) 
" Yours most assuredly 

"John Chamberlain." 

Addressed : " To my assured Goode Frend. Master Dud- 
ley Carleton. Geve these at Eton." 



The reports of the proceedings in Virginia brought back 
by Newport convinced His Majesties Council for Virginia, 
and the officers of the Virginia Company of London, of 
sundry errors in the form of government in Virginia, and 
of other things which it was necessary to rectify, and after 
consulting together it was determined, in order to reform 
and correct those errors already discovered, and to prevent 
such as in the future might threaten them, to ask for a new 
charter. Hakluyt mentions one of these " Solemne meet- 
ings at the house of the right honourable the Earle of 
Exeter," at which " Master Thomas Heriot " was present in . 
consultation with the managers of the American enterprise. 

In reply to their petition the king promptly granted 
them new " Letters Pattents," giving them greater privi- 
leges and powers, some time prior to the 17th of February, 
1609 ; but as this charter had not only to go through the 
long official routine, but also, as " every planter and Ad- 
venturer was to be inserted in the Patent, by name," it was 
kept open to receive these names, and was not signed and 
sealed by the king until May 23, 1609. 

The reasons given by the managers of the enterprise for 
asking for this charter and making the change in the form 
of government in Virginia will be found in CXIV. All 
contemporaries whom I have noted, and I have noted 
many, indorse the wisdom of the act, except Captain John 
Smith, whose references to the same in his " General His- 
tory " (pp. 89, 90, 164) and his Advertisements, etc. (p. 5), 
are both inaccurate and unjust. 

John Rolfe says : " The beginning of this plantation was 
governed by a president and councell, aristocratically . . . 
and in this government happened all the miserie." 

Hamor says the years 1606-1610 "were meerely mis- 
pent." All agreed that the change in the government was 
a wise one, that under the president and council, "the 


plantation went rather backwards than forwards " (Sloane 
MS., No. 750). " For Government let it be in the hands 
of one, assisted with some counsel," etc. (CCCLXIIL). As 
to the changes in the charters, the advantages of the sec- 
ond charter are self-evident. 

This charter, it seems, was drafted by Sir Edwin Sandys, 
but, as I have said in the Preface, the first draft was sub- 
ject to revision by the King and his Council. The charter 
was finally based on a warrant issued by the Secretary of 
State (Robert Cecil, Earl of Salisbury), and was prepared 
by Attorney-General Sir Henry Hobart and Solicitor-Gen- 
eral Sir Francis Bacon. 

The first colony had found and " settled on a fit and con- 
venient place," within the bounds limited to them in the 
first charter. They now obtained a special charter and a 
special royal council for that company and colony. Among 
other things, their charter increased their bounds from the 
former limited grant of only 10,000 square miles to over 
1,000,000 square miles, extending 200 miles north and 200 
miles south of Point Comfort, and from sea to sea, also all 
the islands lying within 100 miles along the coast of both 
seas, or, as then understood, the lands lying in America 
between 34° and 40° north latitude. Although the Vir- 
ginia Company of London now had a special royal council, 
there is nothing in their charter revoking the authority for- 
merly granted to " His Majesties Council of Virginia," over 
" Virginia or any the territories of America, between thirty 
four and forty-five degrees of northerly latitude." And 
King James certainly continued his claim to all of America 
within those bounds, and the authority of his original coun- 
cil in the premises must have remained in force over the 
lands between 40° and 45° north latitude. The northern 
company had been forced to abandon their first settlement ; 
but they had not ceased to hope to be able yet to make a 
plantation somewhere within those bounds, and thus secure 
the grant of 10,000 square miles. Their privileges under 
the first charter of April, 1606, had never been revoked, 


when in 1620 they asked for and obtained (as the first col- 
ony had done in 1609) a special charter and a special coun- 
cil for their company and colony. And the charter of 
1620 to them (as that of 1609 to the first colony) increased 
their lands from the former limited grant to the immense 
body of lands lying between 40° (the north boundary of the 
southern colony) and 48° north latitude. 

The advantages and benefits, additional privileges, etc., 
derived by the Virginia Company of London under the 
second charter are too apparent to admit of any real ques- 
tion. It was in fact their first charter, " erecting them into 
a Corporation and Body Politic," a regular grant of incor- 
poration to " The Treasurer and Company of Adventurers 
and Planters of the City of London for the First Colony in 
Virginia," with definitely located bounds, etc., while the 
first charter was merely an experimental grant, of unlocated 
lands, to two separate companies or colonies. 

The second charter was first published in Stith's " His- 
tory of Virginia" in 1747. It is the third state paper 
mentioned by Jefferson. 

" The Second Charter to The Treasurer and Company, for 
Virginia, erecting them into a Corporation and Body Poli- 
tic, and for the further enlargement and explanation of the 
privileges of the said Company and first Colony of Vir- 
ginia. Dated May 23d. 1609. 7. James. 

" Article I. [a Recital of the first charter, &c] 
" II. Now, forasmuch as divers and sundry of our lov- 
Recitai of a * n g subjects, as well adventurers, as planters, of 
Petition for (fog sa i<l fi rs t colony, which have already engaged 
largement themselves in furthering the business of the said 
tiononhe 3 " colony and plantation, and do further intend, by 
first Charter. ^ ass i stance f Almighty God, to prosecute the 

same to a happy end, have of late been humble suitors unto 
us, that (in respect of their great charges and the adven- 
ture of many of their lives, which they have hazarded in 
the said discovery and plantation of the said country) we 


would be pleased to grant them a further enlargement and 
explanation of the said grant, privileges, and liberties, and 
that such counsellors, and other officers, may be appointed 
amongst them, to manage and direct their affairs, as are 
willing and ready to adventure with them, as also whose 
dwellings are not so far remote from the city of London, 
but that they may, at convenient times, be ready at hand, to 
give their advice and assistance, upon all occasions requisite. 
" III. We, greatly affecting the effectual prosecution 
and happy success of the said Plantation, and company 
commending their good desires therein, for their mcor P orated - 
further encouragement in accomplishing so excellent a 
work, much pleasing to God, and profitable to our King- 
dom, do, of our special grace and certain Knowledge, and 
mere motion, for us, our heirs, and successors, give, grant, 
and confirm, to our trusty and well beloved subjects, 
Robert [Cecil], Earl of Salisbury, 

Thomas [Howard], " " Suffolk, 
Henry [Wriothesley], " " Southampton, 
William [Herbert], " " Pembroke, 
Henry [Clinton], " " Lincoln, 

Richard Sackville], " " Dorset, 
Thomas [Cecil], " " " Exeter, 

Philip [Herbert], " " Montgomery, 

Robert [Sydney], Lord Viscount Lisle, 
Theophilus, Lord Howard of Walden, 
James [Montague], Lord Bishop of Bath and Wells, 
Edward, Lord Zouche, 
Thomas [West] Lord Lawarr, 
William [Parker], " Mounteagle, 
Ralph [Eure], " Ewre, 

Edmond [Sheffield], " Sheffield, 
Grey [Brydges], " Chandois, 
[William Compton], " Compton, 
John [Petre], " Petre, 

John [Stanhope], " Stanhope, 
George [Carew], " Carew, 


Sir Humphrey Weld, Lord Mayor of London, 

George Percie, Esq, 

Sir Edward Cecil, Knt., 

" George Wharton " 
Francis West, esq, 
Sir William Wade, Knt, 

" Henry Nevil, " 

" Thomas Smith, « 

" Oliver Cromwell, " 

" Peter Manwood, " 

" Drue Drury, " 

" John Scott, " 

" Thomas ChaUoner, " 

" Robert Drury, " 

" Anthony Cope, " 

" Horatio Vere, " 

il Edward Conway, " 

" William Brown " 

" Maurice Berkeley, " 

" Robert Mansel " 

" Amias Preston, " 

" Thomas Gates, " 

" Anthony Ashly, " 

" Michael Sondes, " 

" Henry Carey, " 

" Stephen Soame, " 

" CaUsthenes Brooke, " 

" Edward Michelborn, " 

" John Ratcliffe, 

" Charles Wilmot, 

" George Moor, 

u HughWirral, 

" Thomas Dennis, 

" John Holies, 

" William Godolphin, 

<( Thomas Monson, 

" Thomas Ridgway, 

First Viscount Wimbledon 


Sir John Brooke, 


" Robert Killigrew, 


" Henry Peyton 


" Richard Williamson, 


" Ferdinando Weynman 



" William St. John, 


« Thomas Holcroft, 


" John Mallory, 


" Roger Ashton, 


" Walter Cope, 


" Richard Wigmore, 


" William Coke, 


« Herbert Crofte, 


" Henry Fanshawe, 


" John Smith, 


" Francis Wolley, 


" Edward Waterhouse, 


u Henry Seckford, 


" Edwin Sandys, 


" Thomas Waynam, 


" John Trevor, 


" Warwick Heele, 


" Robert Wroth, 


" John Townsend, 


" Christopher Perkins, 


" Daniel Dun, 


" Henry Hobart, 


" Francis Bacon, 


" Henry Montague, 


" George Coppin, 


" Samuel Sandys, 


" Thomas Roe, 


" George Somers, 


" Thomas Freake, 


" Thomas Harwell, 


" Charles Kelke, 


66 Baptist Hicks, 



Sir John Watts, Knt, 

" Robert Carey, " 

" William Romney, " 

« Thomas Middleton, " 
" Hatton Cheeke, " 

" John Ogle, " 

" Cavallero Meycot, " 

" Stephen Riddlesdon, " 
" Thomas Bludder, " 

" Anthony Aucher, (i 

" Robert Johnson, u 

« Thomas Panton, . " 

" Charles Morgan, 
« Stephen Pole, 
" John Burlacie, 
" Christopher Cleave, 
u George Hayward, 
" John Davis, " 

11 Thomas Sutton, 
e( Anthony Forest, 
" Robert Payne, 
" John Digby, 
" Dudley Digges, 
" Rowland Cotton, 
Dr. Matthew Sutcliffe, 
" [James] Meadows, 
" [Peter] Turner, 
" [Leonard] Poe, 
Captain, Pagnam, 

Jeffrey Holcrofte, 


Henry Spry, 



Thomas Wyat, 


William Courtney, 


Captain Herbert, 

" Clarke, 

" Dewhurst, 

" John Blundell, 


" Lewis Orwell, 

" Edward Loyd, 

" Slingesby, 

" Hawley, 

" Orme, 

" Woodhouse, 

" Mason, 

« Thomas Holcroft, 

" John Coke, 

" HoUes, 

" William Proude, 

" Henry Woodhouse, 

" Richard Lindesey, 

" Dexter, 

" William Winter, 

" Pearse, 

" John Bingham, 

" Burray, 

" Thomas Conway, 

" Rookwood, 

" William Lovelace, 

il John Ashley, 

" Thomas Wynne, 

" Thomas Mewtis, 

" Edward Harwood, 

" Michael Everard, 

" Comock, 

" Mills, 

« Pigot, 

" Edward-Maria Wingfield, 

" Christopher Newport, 

" John Sicklemore, alias Ratcliffe, 


Captain John Smith, 

" John Martin, 

" Peter Wynne, 

" [Richard] Waldoe, 

" Thomas Wood, 

" Thomas Button, 
George Bolls, Esq. Sheriff of London, 
William Crashaw, Clerk, Batehelor of Divinity, 
William Seabright, Esq, 
Christopher Brooke " 
John Bingley " 

Thomas Watson " 

Richard Percival " 

John Moore " 

Hugh Brooker " 

David Woodhouse " 
Anthony Aucher " 

Robert Bowyer " 

Ralph Ewens " 

Zachery Jones " 

George Calvert " 

William Dobson " 

Henry Reynolds " 

Thomas Walker " 

Anthony Barnars " 

Thomas Sandys " 

Henry Sandys " 

Richard Sandys " , son of Sir Edwin Sandys, 

William Oxenbridge " 
John Moore " 

Thomas Wilson " 

John Bullock " 

John Waller " 

Thomas Webb, 
Jehu Robinson, 
William Brewster, 
Robert Evelyn, 


Henry Danby, 

Richard Hackluit, minister, 

John Eldred, merchant, 

William Russel, " 

John Merrick, " 

Richard Banister " 

Charles Anthony, goldsmith, 

John Banks, 

William Evans, 

Richard Humble, 

Richard Chamberlayne, merchant, 

Thomas Barber, " 

Richard Pomet, " 

John Fletcher, " 

Thomas Nicholls, " 

John Stoke, u 

Gabriel Archer, 

Francis Covel, 

William Bonham, 

Edward Harrison, 

John Wolstenholme, 

Nicholas Salter, 

Hugh Evans, 

William Barnes, 

Otho Mawdet, 

Richard Staper, merchant, 

John Elkin, " 

William Coyse, 

Thomas Perkin, cooper, 

Humphry James, " 

Henry Jackson, 

Robert Singleton, 

Christopher Nicholls, 

John Harper, 

Abraham Chamberlayne, 

Thomas Shipton, 

Thomas Carpenter, 


Anthony Crew, 

George Holman, 

Robert Hill, 

Cleophas Smith, 

Ralph Harrison, 

John Farmer, 

James Brearley, 

William Crosby, 

Richard Cox, 

John Gearing, 

Richard Strongarm, Ironmonger, 

Thomas Langton, 

Griffith Hinton, 

Richard Ironsides, 

Richard Dean, 

Richard Turner, 

William Lawson, Mercer, 

James Chatfield, 

Edward Allen, 

Tedder Roberts, 

Hildebrand Sprinson, 

Arthur Mowse, 

John Gardiner, 

James Russel, 

Richard Caswell, 

Richard Evans, 

John Hawkins, 

Richard Kerril, 

Richard Brooke, 

Matthew, Scrivener, gentleman, 

William Stallenge " 

Arthur Venn, " 

Sandys Webbe, " 

Michael Phettiplace, " 

William Phettiplace " 

Ambrose Prusey, u 

John Taverner, " 



George Pretty, Gentleman, 
Peter Latham, 
Thomas Montf ord, 
William Cantrel, 
Eichard Wiffin, 
Kalph Moreton, 
John Cornelius, 
Martin Freeman, 
Kalph Freeman, 
Andrew Moore, 
Thomas White, 
Edward Perkin, 
Eobert Offley, 
Thomas Whitley, 
George Pit, 
Eobert Parkhurst, 
Thomas Morris, 
Peter Harloe, 
Jeffry Duppa, 
John Gilbert, 
William Hancock, 
Matthew Brown, 
Francis Tyrrel, 
Eandal Carter, 
Othowell Smith, 
Thomas Hamond, 
Martin Bond, Haberdasher, 
John Moulsoe, 
Eobert Johnson, 
William Young, 
John Woodal, 
William Felgate, 
Humfrey Westwood, 
Eichard Champion, 
Henry Eobinson, 
Francis Mapes, • 
William Sambach, 


Ralegh Crashaw, 

Daniel Tucker, 

Thomas Grave, 

Hugh Willeston, 

Thomas Culpepper, of Wigsel Esq, 

John Culpepper, gentleman, 

Henry Lee, 

Josias Kirton, gentleman, 

John Pory, " 

Henry Collins, 

George Burton, 

William Atkinson, 

Thomas Forest, 

John Bussel, 

John Holt, 

Harman Harrison, 

Gabriel Beedel, 

John Beedel, 

Henry Dawkes, 

George Scot, 

Edward Fleetwood, gentleman, 

Richard Rogers, " 

Arthur Robinson, 

Robert Robinson, 

John Huntley, 

John Grey, 

William Payne, 

William Field, 

William Wattey, 

William Webster, 

John Dingley, 

Thomas Draper. 

Richard Glanvil, 

Arnold Lulls, 

Henry Roe, 

William More, 

Nicholas Gryce, 


James Monger, 

Nicholas Andrews, 

Jeremy Hayden, Ironmonger, 

Philip Durette, 

John Quarles, 

John West, 

Matthew Springham., 

John Johnson, 

Christopher Hore, 

Thomas Snead, 

George Berkeley, 

Arthur Pet, 

Thomas Careles, 

William Berkeley, 

Thomas Johnson, 

Alexander Bents, 

Captain William King, 

George Sandys, gentleman, 

James White, " 

Edmond Wynne, 

Charles Towler, 

Richard Reynold, 

Edward Webb, 

Richard Maplesden, 

Thomas Lever, 

David Bourne, 

Thomas Wood, 

Ralph Hamer, 

Edward Barnes, Mercer, 

John Wright, " 

Robert Middleton, 

Edward Littlefield, 

Katharine West, 

Thomas Web, 

Ralph King, 

Robert Coppin, 

James Askew, 


Christopher Holt, 

William Bardwell, 

Alexander Chiles, 

Lewis Tate, 

Edward Ditchfield, 

James Swifte, 

Richard Widdowes, goldsmith, 

Edmond Brudenell, 

Edward Burwell, 

John Hansford, 

Edward Wooller, 

William Palmer, Haberdasher, 

John Badger, 

John Hodgson, 

Peter Mounsel, 

John Carril, 

John Busbridge, 

William Dun, 

Thomas Johnson, 

Nicholas Benson, 

Thomas Shipton, 

Nathaniel Wade, 

Randal Wetwood, 

Matthew Dequester, 

Charles Hawkins, 

Hugh Hamersley, 

Abraham Cartwright, 

George Bennet 

William Cater, 

Richard Goddart, 

Henry Cromwell, 

Phineas Pet, 

Robert Cooper, 

John Cooper, 

Henry Newce, 

Edward Wilkes, 

Robert Bateman, 

First Earl of Salisbury 


Nicholas Ferrar, 

John Newhouse, 

John Cason, 

Thomas Harris, gentleman, 

George Etheridge, " 

Thomas Mayle, " 

Richard Stafford, 

Thomas , 

Richard Cooper, 
John Westraw, 
Edward Welch, 
Thomas Britain, 
Thomas Knowles, 
Octavian Thome, 
Edmond Smith 
John March, 
Edward Carew, 
Thomas Pleydall, 
Richard Let, 
Miles Palmer, 
Henry Price, 
John Joshua, gentleman, 
Wilham Clauday, 
Jeremy Pearsye, 
John Bree, gentleman, 
Wilham Hampson, 
Christopher Pickford, 
Thomas Hunt, 
Thomas Truston, 
Christopher Salmon, 
John Howard, clerk, 
Richard Partridge, 
Allen Cassen, 
Felix Wilson, 
Thomas Bathurst, 
George Wilmer, 
Andrew Wilmer, 


Maurice Lewellin, 

Thomas Godwin, 

Peter Burgoyne, 

Thomas Burgoyne, 

Robert Burgoyne, 

Robert Smith, merchant-taylor, 

Edward Cage, grocer, 

Thomas Cannon, gentleman, 

William Welby, Stationer, 

Clement Wilmer, gentleman, 

John Clapham, " 

Giles Francis, " 

George Walker, Sadler, 

John Swinhow, Stationer, 

Edward Bishop, " 

Leonard White, gentleman, 

Christopher Baron, 

Peter Benson, 

Richard Smith 

George Proctor, minister, 

Millicent Ramsden, widow, 

Joseph Soane, 

Thomas Hinshaw, 

John Baker, 

Robert Thornton, 

John Davis, 

Edward Facet, 

George Newce, gentleman, 

John Robinson, 

Captain Thomas Wood, 

William Brown, Shoemaker, 

Robert Barker, " 

Robert Pennington, 

Francis Burley, minister, 

William Quick, grocer, 

Edward Lewis, " 

Laurence Campe, Draper, 


Aden Perkins, grocer, 

Richard Shepherd, preacher, 

William Shacley, Haberdasher, 

William Taylor, " 

Edwin Lukin, gentleman, 

John Franklyn, Haberdasher, 

John Southwick, 

Peter Peate, 

George Johan, Ironmonger, 

George Yeardley, gentleman, 

Henry Shelley, 

John Prat, 

Thomas Church, draper, 

William Powel, gentleman, 

Kichard Frith 

Thomas Wheeler, draper, 

Francis Haselrig, gentleman 

Hugh Shipley, " 

John Andrews, the Elder, Doctor of Cambridge, 

Francis Whistler, gentleman, 

John Vassal, " 

Richard Howie 

Edward Berkeley, gentleman, 

Richard Keneridgburg, " 

Nicholas Exton, Draper, 

William Bennet, Fishmonger, 

James Haywood, merchant, 

Nicholas Isaac " 

William Gibbs " 


Bernard Mitchel, 

Isaac JMitchel, 

John Streate, 

Edward Gall, 

John Martin, gentleman, 

Thomas Fox, 

Luke Lodge, 

224: PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609. 

John Woodliffe, gentleman, 

Richard Webb, 

Vincent Low, 

Samuel Burnham, 

Edmund Pears, Haberdasher, 

John Googe, 

John St John, 

Edward Vaughan, 

William Dunn, 

Thomas Alcocke, 

John Andrews, the Younger of Cambridge, 

Samuel Smith, 

Thomas Gerrard, 

Thomas Whittingham, 

William Canning, 

Paul Canning, 

George Chandler, 

Henry Vincent, 

Thomas Ketley, 

James Skelton, 

James Mountaine, 

George Webb, gentleman, 

Joseph Newbridge, smith, 

Josiah Maud, 

Captain Ralph Hamer, the Younger, 

Edward Brewster, the son of William Brewster, 

Leonard Harwood, mercer, 

Philip Druerdent, 

William Carpenter, 

Tristian Hill, 

Robert Cock, 
Laurence Green, 


Daniel Winch 


Humphrey Stile 
Averie Drausfield 

Edward Hodges, 
Edward Beale 




Thomas Cutler grocer, 
Ralph Busby " 

John Whittingham " 
John Hide " 

Matthew Shepherd " 
Thomas Allen " 

Richard Hooker " 
Lawrence Munks " 
John Tanner " 

Peter Gate " 

John Blunt " 

Robert Phips " 

Robert Berrisford " 
Thomas Wells " 

John Ellis " 

Henry Colthurst " 
John Cavady " 

Thomas Jennings " 
Edmond Pashall " 
Timothy Bathurst " 
Giles Parslow " 

Robert Mildmay " 
Richard Johnson, " 
William Johnson, Vintner, 
Ezekiel Smith, 
Richard Martin, 
William Sharpe, 
Robert Rich, 

William Stannard, Innholder, 
John Stocken, 

William Strachey, gentleman, 
George Farmer, " 

Thomas Gypes, Clothworker, 
Abraham Dawes, gentleman, 
Thomas Brocket, " 
George Bache, fishmonger 
John Dike, " 


Henry Spranger, 
Richard Farrington, 
Christopher Vertue, "Vintner, 
Thomas Bayley " 

George Robins, " 

Tobias Hinson, grocer, 
Urian Spencer, 
Clement Chicheley 
John Scarpe, gentleman, 
James Campbell, Ironmonger, 
Christopher Clitheroe, " 
Philip Jacobson, 
Peter Jacobson of Antwerp, 
William Berkeley, 
Miles Banks, cutler, 
Peter Higgons, grocer, 
Henry John, gentleman, 
John Stokeley, merchant-taylor, 
The Company of Mercers, 


The Company of Tallow-chandlers, 

Tylers and Bricklayers, 
Brown bakers, 


John Levet, merchant, 

Thomas Nornicot, clothworker, 

Richard Venn, Haberdasher, 

Thomas Scot, gentleman, 

Thomas Jnxon, merchant-taylor, 

George Hankinson, 

Thomas Seyer, gentleman, 

Matthew Cooper, 

George Butler, gentleman, 

Thomas Lawson, " 

Edward Smith, Haberdasher, 

Stephen Sparrow, 

John Jones, merchant, 

Reynolds, Brewer, 

Thomas Plummer, merchant, 

James Duppa, Brewer, 

Rowland Coitmore, 

William Southerne, 

George Whitmore, Haberdasher. 

Anthony Gosnold, the Younger, 

John Allen, Fishmonger, 

Simon Yeomans, " 

Lancelot Davis, gentleman, 

John Hopkins, Alderman of Bristol, 

John Kettleby, gentleman, 

Richard Cline, Goldsmith, 

George Hooker, gentleman, 

Robert Chening, yeoman ; l 
and to such and so many, as they do, or shall hereafter 
admit to be joined with them, in form hereafter in these 

1 The incorporators of this charter failed to pay anything. I cannot find 

were 56 city companies of London and that it was necessary to pay any par- 

639 persons; of whom 21 were peers, 96 ticular amount in order to become a 

knights, 11 doctors, ministers, etc., 53 member of the Virginia company be- 

captains, 28 esquires, 58 gentlemen, fore January, 1609. I suppose it was 

110 merchants, and 282 citizens and necessary to make a payment, however, 

others not classified. Of these, about After January, 1609, no one was to be 

230 paid £37 10s., or more ; about 229 admitted to the freedom of the com- 

paid less than £37 10s., and about 200 pany for less than one share of £12 


presents expressed whether they go in their persons, to be 
planters there in the said plantation, or whether they go 
not, but adventure their monies, goods, or chatties; That 
they shall be one body or commonalty perpetual, and shall 
have perpetual succession, and one common seal, to serve 
for the said body or commonalty ; and that they, and their 
successors, shall be known, called and incorporated by the 
name of, The Treasurer and Company of Ad- Stile of the 
venturers and Planters of the City of London corporation. 
for the first Colony in Virginia : " 

IV. [Authorizes this company " to take and hold prop- 
erty," etc.] 

V. [They may plead and be impleaded.] 

" VI. And we do also of our special grace, certain knowl- 
edge and mere motion, give, grant and confirm, unto the 
said Treasurer and Company, and their succes- Limits of the 
sors, under the reservations, limitations, and e xtentfof D 
declarations, hereafter expressed, all those lands, J urisdlctlon - 
countries, and territories, situate, lying, and being, in that 
part of America called Virginia, from the point of land, 
called Cape or Point Comfort, all along the sea coast, to the 
Northward two hundred miles, and from the said point of 
Cape Comfort, all along the sea coast to the southward two 
hundred miles, and all that space and circuit of land, lying 
from the sea coast of the precinct aforesaid, up into the 
land, throughout from sea to sea, west and northwest ; and 
also all the islands, lying within one hundred miles, along 
the coast of both seas of the precinct aforesaid ; together 
with all the soils, grounds, havens, and ports, mines, as well 
royal mines of gold and silver, as other minerals, pearls and 
precious stones, quarries, woods, rivers, waters, fishings, 

10s. It was afterwards proposed to one hundred of them served in the 
increase the amount to £25 ; but I House of Commons, at some time ; and 
cannot find that this proposition was about fifty of these were then mem- 
ever carried out. The persons in this bers of the first Parliament of James I. 
charter were evidently of divers quali- Parliament was not then in session ; but 
ties, from the man of limited means it was in session at and before the in- 
to the peer of the realm. At least corporation of the first charter (V.)* 


commodities, jurisdictions, royalties, privileges, franchises 
and preheminences, within the said territories, and the pre- 
cincts thereof, whatsoever, and thereto and thereabouts, 
both by sea and land, being and in any sort belonging or 
appertaining, and which we, by our letters patents, may or 
can grant, in as ample manner and sort, as we or any of our 
noble progenitors, have heretofore granted to any company, 
body politick or corporate, or to any adventurer or adven- 
turers, undertaker or undertakers, of any discoveries, Planta- 
tions, or traffick, of, in or into any foreign parts whatsoever, 
and in as large and ample manner, as if the same were 
herein particularly mentioned and expressed ; to have and 
to hold, possess and enjoy, all and singular the said lands, 
countries and territories, with all and singular other the 
premises, heretofore by these presents granted, or men- 
_ , , tioned to be granted, to them, the said treasurer 

Habendum. i • i 

and company, their successors and assigns for- 
ever ; to the sole and proper use of them, the said Treas- 
urer and company, theire successors and assigns 
for ever ; to be holden of us, our heirs, and suc- 
cessors, as of our manour of East Greenwich, in free and 
common soccage, and not in capite ; [see V. arts. XVIII. 
and IX.] yielding and paying, therefore, to us, our heirs, 
and successors, the fifth part only of all ore of gold and 
silver, that from time to time, and at all times hereafter, 
shall be there gotten, had, or obtained for all manner of 

" VII. And nevertheless our will and pleasure is, and we 
do, by these presents, charge, command, warrant, and 
authorise, that the said Treasurer and company, or their suc- 
cessors, or the major part of them, which shall be present 
_ . . and assembled for that purpose, shall, from time 

Commission . . 1 t *i 

of survey & to time, under their common seal, distribute, con- 
distribution. . -. . -I . • l i • 

vey, assign, and set over, such particular portions 

of Lands, tenements, and hereditaments, by these presents 

formerly granted, unto such our loving subjects, naturally 

born, or denizens, or others, as well adventurers as planters, 

First Earl of Exeter 


as by the said company (upon a commission of survey and 
distribution, executed and returned for that purpose,) shall 
be nominated, appointed and allowed ; wherein our will 
and pleasure is, that respect be had, as well of the propor- 
tion of the adventurer, as to the special service, hazard, 
exploit, or merit of any person so to be recompenced, 
advanced, or rewarded. 

" VIII. And forasmuch, as the good and prosperous suc- 
cess of the said plantation cannot but chiefly de- 
pend next under the blessing of God, and the tobeinEng- 
support of our royal authority, upon the provi- 
dent and good direction of the whole enterprize, by a care- 
ful and understanding Council, and that it is not conven- 
ient that all the adventurers shall be so often drawn to 
meet and assemble, as shall be requisite for them to have 
meetings and conference about the affairs thereof; there- 
fore we do ordain, establish and confirm, that there shall be 
perpetually one Council here resident, according to the ten- 
our of our former letters patents ; which council shall have 
a seal, for the better government and administration of the 
said plantation, besides the legal seal of the company or 
corporation, as in our former letters patents is also ex- 

" IX. And further, we establish and ordain, that Henry, 
Earl of Southampton ; William, Earl of Pern- N ame3 of the 
broke; Henry, Earl of Lincoln; Thomas, Earl Members. 
of Exeter ; Robert Lord Viscount Lisle ; Lord Theophilus 
Howard ; James Lord Bishop of Bath and Wells ; Edward, 
Lord Zouch ; Thomas, Lord La Warr ; William, Lord 
Monteagle ; Edmond Lord Sheffield ; Grey, Lord Chandois ; 
John, Lord Stanhope ; George, Lord Carew ; Sir Humfrey 
Weld, Lord Mayor of London ; Sir Edward Cecil, Sir Wil- 
liam Wade, 1 Sir Henry Nevil, Sir Thomas Smith, Sir 

1 There were really two royal eoun- ties Council for the Virginia Corn- 
ells, " His Majesties Council for Vir- pany," from 34° to 40° north latitude, 
ginia," from 34° to 45° north latitude Those whose names are in italics were 
(see VI. and XII.), and " His Majes- members of both of these councils. 


Oliver Cromwell, Sir Peter Manwood, Sir Thomas Chair 
loner, Sir Henry Hobart, Sir Francis Bacon, Sir George 
Coppin, Sir John Scot, Sir Henry Carey, Sir Robert 
Drury, Sir Horatio Vere, Sir Edward Conway, Sir Maurice 
Berkeley, Sir Thomas Gates, Sir Michael Sondes, Sir Rob- 
ert Mansel, Sir John Trevor, Sir Amias Preston, Sir "Wil- 
liam Godolphin, Sir Walter Cope, Sir Robert Killigrew, 
Sir Henry Fanshawe, Sir Edwin Sandys, Sir John Watts, 
Sir Henry Montague, Sir William Romney, Sir Thomas 
Roe, Sir Baptist Hicks, Sir Richard Williamson, Sir Ste- 
phen Poole, Sir Dudley Digges, Christopher Brooke Esq. 
John Eldred, and John Wolstenholme, shall be our Coun- 
cil for the said Company of Adventurers and Planters in 

"X. And the said Thomas Smith we do ordain to be 
„ treasurer of the said Company ; which treasurer 

.treasurer. . . 

shall have authority to give order for the warn- 
ing of the Council and summoning the Company, to their 
courts and meetings. 

" XI. And the said council and treasurer, or any of 
Council & them shall be from henceforth, nominated, 
treasurer, chosen, continued, displaced, changed, altered, 

how chosen, ' ' * ' , 

and vacancies and supplied, as death, or other several occasions, 

shall require, out of the company of the said 

adventurers, by the voice of the greater part of the said 

Their term of office was for life, nies were also organized, within them- 
unless they be displaced. Of the fifty- selves, for business purposes, as the 
two members of the council for the East India and other purely commer- 
company named in this charter, four- cial companies were, with a treasurer 
teen were members of the House of or governor, a deputy, auditors, corn- 
Lords, and about thirty of the House mitteemen, a secretary, a bookkeeper, 
of Commons. Reference to the Bio- a husband, and a beadle or messenger, 
graphical Index will show the various I have allowed most of the names 
parts of England represented. These in this charter to remain as given in 
royal councils formed an especial fea- Stith's History, though many are cer- 
ture in the companies organized for tainly given incorrectly, because there 
colonization, by which the colonies seems to have been no fixed way for 
were really attached to, and placed spelling many names, and therefore it 
under the authority and protection of, is frequently impossible to say which 
the crown ; but the Virginia compa- mode of spelling is correct. 


company and adventurers, in their assembly for that pur- 
pose: Provided always, that every counsellor, so newly 
elected, shall be presented to the Lord Chancellor of Eng- 
land, or to the Lord High Treasurer of England, or to the 
Lord Chamberlain of the household of us, our heirs, and 
successors, for the time being, to take his oath of a coun- 
sellor to us, our heirs and successors, for the said Company 
of adventurers and colony in Virginia." 

XII. [Provides for a deputy treasurer, etc.] 
" XIII. And further, of our special grace, certain knowl- 
edge, and mere motion, for us, our heirs and _ 

° 7 , , , • l Council in 

successors, we do, by these presents, give and England, to 
grant full power and authority to our said Coun- remove 
cil, here resident, as well at this present time, as ° cers ' c ' 
hereafter from time to time, to nominate, make, constitute, 
ordain, and confirm, by such name or names, stile or stiles, 
as to them shall seem good, and likewise to revoke, dis- 
charge, change, and alter, as well all and singular govern- 
ors, officers, and ministers, which already have been made, 
as also which hereafter shall be by them thought fit and 
needful to be made or used, for the government of the said 
colony and plantation ; 

"XIV. And also to make, ordain and establish all 
manner of orders, laws, directions, instructions, m 

o j • p t To establish 

forms, and ceremonies ot government and magis- forms of 
tracy, fit and necessary, for and concerning the for V tne me 
government of the said colony and plantation; colon y- 
and the same at all times hereafter, to abrogate, revoke, or 
change, not only within the precincts of the said colony, 
but also upon the seas in going, and coming, to and from 
the said colony, as they, in their good discretion, shall think 
to be fittest for the good of the adventurers and inhabitants 

" XV. And we do also declare, that, for divers reasons 
and considerations us thereunto especially mov- 0n notice o{ 
ing, our will and pleasure is, and we do hereby the a PP° m *- 
ordain, that immediately from and after such Governor by 


the Treasurer time, as any such governor or principal officer, 
^ e C poweraof so to be nominated and appointed, by our said 
President** Council, for the government of the said colony 
& Council as aforesaid, shall arrive in Virginia, and give 
notice unto the colony there resident of our pleas- 
ure in this behalf, the government, power, and authority of 
the President and Council, heretofore by our former letters 
patents there established, and all laws and constitutions, by 
them formerly made, shall utterly cease and be determined, 
and all officers, governors, and ministers, formerly con- 
stituted or appointed, shall be discharged, anything, in our 
former letters patents concerning the said plantation con- 
tained, in any wise to the contrary notwithstanding; 
straightly charging and commanding the President and 
council, now resident in the said colony, upon their alle- 
giance, after knowledge given unto them of our will and 
pleasure, by these presents signified and declared, that they 
forthwith be obedient to such governor or governors, as by 
our said council, here resident, shall be named and ap- 
pointed, as aforesaid, and to all directions, orders and com- 
mandments, which they shall receive from them, as well in 
the present resigning and giving up of their authority, 
offices, charge and places, as in all other attendance, as 
shall be by them, from time to time, required." 

XVI. [New members may be admitted and old ones 
disfranchised, by the treasurer and council, " or any four 
of them (the treasurer being one)."] 

XVII. [Mining privileges, about as in V., Art. IX., in- 
cluding, however, " iron, lead, and tin, and all other miner- 

XVIII. [" Licence to travaile to Virginia — Shippinge 
— Armour — Munition" — to the same purport as in V., 
articles XI. and XIV.] 

XIX. [Colonists to be free of all subsidies and customs 
for 21 years, and from all taxes and impositions, forever, 
upon all importations or exportations " except only the five 
pounds per cent." due on all goods imported into England, 


etc., " according to the ancient trade of merchants." Pro- 
vided, the exportation is within thirteen months after impor- 
tation, i. e., after the first landing of said goods " within 
any part of those dominions."] 

XX. [May expel intruders, etc., to the same purport as 
article XII. in V.] 

XXI. [Similar to article XIII. in V., except that the 
duty on such British subjects as are not adventurers is in- 
creased from 2£ to 5 per cent., and the duty on aliens from 
5 to 10 per cent.] 

XXII. [To the same purport as article XV. in V.] 

" XXIII. And forasmuch, as it shall be necessary for all 
such our loving subjects, as shall inhabit within 
the said precincts of Virginia, aforesaid, to de- Council in 
termine to live together, in the fear and true ^cfvii and* 
worship of Almighty God, Christian peace, and religious 
civil quietness, each with other, whereby every 
one may, with more safety, pleasure, and profit, enjoy that, 
whereunto they shall attain with great pain, and peril ; we, 
for us, our heirs, and successors, are likewise pleased and 
contented, and by these presents, do give and grant unto 
the said Treasurer and Company, and their successors, and 
to such governors, officers, and ministers, as shall be, by our 
said Council, constituted and appointed, according to the 
natures and limits of their offices and places respectively, 
that they shall and may from time to time forever hereafter, 
within the said precincts, of Virginia, or in the way by sea 
thither and from thence, have full and absolute power and 
authority, to correct, punish, pardon, govern and rule, all 
such the subjects of us, our heirs and successors, as shall, 
from time to time, adventure themselves in any voyage 
thither, or that shall, at any time hereafter, inhabit in the 
precincts and territories of the said Colony, as aforesaid, 
according to such orders, ordinances, constitutions, direc- 
tions, and instructions, as by our said Council, as aforesaid, 
shall be established, and in defect thereof, in case of neces- 
sity, according to the good discretions of the said governor 


and officers, respectively, as well in cases capital and crimi- 
nal as civil, both marine and other ; so always, as the said 
statutes, ordinances and proceedings, as near, as conven- 
iently may be, be agreeable to the laws, statutes, govern- 
ment, and policy of our realm of this England." 

XXIV. [Martial law to be enforced in cases of rebellion 
or mutiny.] 

XXV. [To the same purport as article XVI. in V.] 

XXVI. [In all questions and doubts, that shall arise upon 
any difficulty of construction or interpretation of anything 
in this or the former letters patents, the same to be con- 
strued in the most favorable manner for the said company.] 

XXVII. [Former privileges confirmed.] 

" XXVIII. . . . that all and singular person and per- 
Who entitled sons, which shall, at any time or times hereafter, 
of adven! geS adventure any sum or sums of money, in and 
turers - towards the said plantation of the said colony in 

Virginia, and shall be admitted by the said Council and 
Company, as adventurers of the said colony, in form afore- 
said, and shall be enrolled in the book or records of the ad- 
venturers of the said company, shall and may be accounted, 
accepted, taken held, and reputed, adventurers of the said 
colony, and shall and may enjoy all and singular grants, 
privileges ... as fully ... as if they had been precisely 
. . . named and inserted in these our letters patents. 

t( XXIX. And lastly, because the principal effect, which 

_ , we can desire or expect of this action, is the con- 
To guard . -pi i*i 
against the version and reduction of the people in those parts 

of the Church unto the true worship of God and Christian reli- 

OathT' the gi° n > m which respect we should be loath, that 

Supremacy an y person should be permitted to pass, that we 

dered to all suspected to effect the superstitions of the church 

of Rome : We do hereby declare, that it is our 

will and pleasure, that none be permitted to pass in any 

voyage, from time to time to be made into the said country, 

but such, as first shall have taken the oath of supremacy ; 

for which purpose, we do, by these presents, give full power 


and authority, to the Treasurer for the time being, and any 
three of the Council, to tender and exhibit the said oath, 
to all such persons, as shall, at any time, be sent and em- 
ployed in the said voyage. Although express mention of 
the true yearly value or certainty of the premises, or any 
of them, or of any other gifts or grants, by us or any of 
our progenitors or predecessors, to the aforesaid Treasurer 
and Company heretofore made, in these presents is not 
made ; or any act, statute, ordinance, provision, proclama- 
tion, or restraint, to the contrary hereof had, made, or- 
dained, or provided, or any other thing, cause, or matter, 
whatsoever, in any wise notwithstanding. 

" In witness whereof, we have caused these our letters to 
be made patent. Witness Ourself at Westminster, the 23d. 
day of May, in the seventh year of our reign of England, 
France, and Ireland, &c. 

" Per ipsum Regem. (( LuKIN » 

[Mem. — February 13. From the Court Minutes of the 
East India Company. 

"Four pounds a ton to be paid for 17 tons of cider 
belonging to the Virginia Company." 

Sainsbury's "Calendar of State Papers, East Indies, 1513- 
1616," p. 181 gives the word cider, not iron as sometimes 
quoted. Whether the correct word in the original records 
is cider, or iron, I know not. 

February 14 Chamberlain wrote to Carleton, " News here 
is none at all ; but that John Donne seeks to be Secre- 
tary at Virginia." Birch's " Court and Times. James I.," 
vol. i. p. 87.] 



The following document was read at the meeting of 
the Massachusetts Historical Society in March, 1886, by 
Mr. Charles Deane, LL. D., who then made some remarks 
thereon. The document was presented to the society by 
Dr. B. F. De Costa of New York, whose letter, together 
with the document and Mr. Deane's remarks, were pub- 
lished in the " Proceedings of the Society." 

" A Letter from His Majesty's Council of Virginia to The 
Corporation of Plymouth. 

" After our hartie Comendations. Having understood of 
your generall good disposition towards ye advancing of an 
intended plantation in Virginia begun by divers gentlemen 
and Marchaunts of the Westerne parts, which since for 
want of good supplies and seconds here, and that the place 
which was possessed there by you : aunswered not those 
Comodities which might keep life in your good beginnings 
it hath not so well succeeded as so worthy intentions and 
labours did merit. But by the coldness of the climate and 
other connatural necessities your Colonie was forced to re- 
turn. We have thought fit nothing doubting that this one 
ill success hath quenched your affections from so hopefull 
and godly an action to acquaint you briefly with the Pro- 
gress of our Colony, the fitness of the place for habitation, 
and the Comodities that through God's blessing our indus- 
tries have discovered unto us. Which though perhaps you 
have heard at large yet upon less assuredness and credit, 
than this our information : — 

"We having sent 3 years past and found a safe and 
navigable River, begun to builde and plant 50 mylees from 
the [mouth ?] thereof ; have since yearly supplyed, and sent 
100 men, from whom we have assurance of a most fruitfull 
country for the mayntenance of man's life, and aboundant 
in rich Commodities safe from any daunger of the Salvages, 
or other ruin that may threaten us, if we joyne freely to- 


gether and with one common and patient purse maintain 
and perfect our foundations. The staple and certain Com- 
odities we have are, soap-ashes, pitch, tar, dyes of sundry 
sorts and rich values, timber for all uses, fishing for sturgeon 
and divers other sorts, which is in that Baye more abun- 
dant than in any part of the world known to us, making of 
Glass and Iron, and no improbable hope of richer mines ; 
the assuredness of these, besides many other good and pub- 
lique ends have made us resolve to send, in the month of 
March a large supply of 800 men under the government of 
the Lord De la Warr, 1 accompanyed with divers Knights and 
gentlemen of extraordinary rank and sufficiency. And now be- 
cause the great charge in furnishing such a number w ? uldb0 
hardly drawn from our single adventures, we have the 
pleasure to ask vour Corporation of Plymouth to joyne your in- 
deavors with ? u . r ? in . thi ! und ? rta . k ! n f which if you please to do, we 
will upon your Letters incert you for adTOn * urer 8 m our Patent, 2 
and admit and receive so many of you as shall adventure 
<£25 in ? to< ; k ' in . ou y Corporation. Of which to all priviledges 
and liberties he shalbe as free, as if he had begun with us 
at the first difficulty. And whereas we have intreated the 
Right honorable the Earle of Pembroke to address his let- 
ters to his officers in the staneries, for providing us 100 
mineral and laboring men, we do desire that such adven- 
tures as shall be consented to among you may be disbursed 
by some officer, chosen among yourselves for the providing 
a Ship, marryners and victuals for 6 months, for such a 
number, and to be ready by the last of March. About 
which time we purpose with our fleete to put in at your 
haven, or where else you shall appoint us, to take them in 
our Company. It will be too large to discourse more par- 
ticularities of this business by letter or to promove with 
many reasons so good and forward inclinations as we hope 
and receive yours to be. And therefore desiring only your 

1 " The project at this time " was to 2 The patent had then been granted 
send the Lord De la Warr ; but this and the names of the incorporators 
plan was not carried out at that time, were being inserted. 


speedy answer of this, and that you will please to confer 
with Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Mr Doctor Sutcliffe Dean 
of Exon, to whome we have written, to assist you and us 

" We bid you hartelie farewell. 

" London the 17th of February 1608. 

" Your verie loving f reinds. 
Wm. Waade. Tho : Smythe. 

Edwyn Sandys. Tho : Roe. 
Wm. Romeny. 
" To the Right Worshipf ull our very loving Friends The 
Mayor and Aldermen of the Towne of Plymouth." 

Indorsed on the back : " A letter from ye Councell of 
Virginia to the Corporation of Plymouth. Ye xvijth of 
Februarie 1608. And the Aunswere to ye same from ye 

The answer of the Corporation is now missing. 

First Huron Burghley 




Nova Britannia. 


Excellent fruites by Planting in 
Virgin i a 

Exciting all fuch as be well affecled 
to further the fame. 


Printed for S a m v e l Macham, and are to be fold at 

his Shop in Pauls Church-yard, at the 

Signe of the Bul-head. 


LXXX. gives a fair idea of LXVIII. 


This discourse was reprinted by Peter Force at Washing- 
ton, D. C, in 1836, and by Joseph Sabin (edited by F. L. 
Hawks), New York, 1867. An original in a good state of 
preservation is worth about two hundred and fifty dollars. 

Originals are in the following libraries : Mr. Charles H. 
Kalbfleisch of New York, the John Carter-Brown, the Li- 
brary of Congress, and in the Virginia State Library. 

Zuniga must have bought one of the first copies that 
issued from the press. It was entered for publication on 
the 18th of February, and on the 23d he sent a copy to 
Philip III. of Spain. 

" Nova Britannia " was entered at Stationers' Hall, for 
publication, on the 18th of February, 1609, " under the 
handes of My Lord Byshopp of London [Thomas Ravis, 
D. D.] and the wardens." It is dedicated " To the Rigid 
Worshipfull Sir Thomas Smith of London, Knight one 
of his Maiesties Councell for Virginia, and Treasurer for 
the Colonie, and Governour of the Companies of the Mos- 
covia and East India Merchants ; Peace, health and hap- 
pinesse in Christ. 

" Right Worshipfull Sir, forasmuch as I have alwayes 
observed your honest zeale to God, accompanied with so 
excellent carriage and resolution, in actions of best conse- 
quence, I cannot but discover unto you for your further 
encouragement, the summe of a private speech or discourse, 
touching our plantation in Virginia, uttered not long since 
in London, where some few adventurers (well affecting the 
enterprise) being met together touching their intended 
project, one among the rest stood up and began to relate 
(in effect) as followeth. 

" R. I." [Robert Johnson ?] 

The Discourse, of about 12,000 words, is an earnest 
appeal in behalf of the colony of Virginia. The author 
begins by saying : " Whereas in our last meeting and con- 
ference the other day, observing your sufficient reasons 


answering all objections, and your constant resolution to go 
on in our Plantation, they gave me so good content and 
satisfaction, that I am driven against myselfe, to confesse 
mine own error in standing out so long, whereby many of 
you (my friends) were engaged in the businesse before mee, 
at whose often instigations I was but little moved, and 
lightly esteemed of it, till being in place, where observing 
the wise and prudent speech of a worthy gentleman, (well 
knowne to you all) a most painful mannager of such pub- 
like affayres within this cittie, which moved so effectually, 
touching the publike utilitie of this noble enterprise, that 
with-holding no longer, I yeelded my money and endeav- 
ours as others did, to advance the same, and now upon more 
advised consideration, I must needes say I never accompted 
my poore means employed to better purpose, then (by 
Gods helpe) the successe of this may bee, and therefore I 
cannot but deliver (if you please to heare) what I rudely 
conceive of a suddaine." 


VOLUME 2587, FOLIO 12. 

Copy of a deciphered letter written by Don Pedro de 
Zuniga to the King of Spain, dated Higuet (Highgate ?) 
March 5, 1609. 

" Siee. — 
" On December 12th [2, English style] I wrote to Y. M. 

how two vessels left here for Virginia, 1 and afterwards I 

1 I have not as yet found a copy it may be (as it seems that no letter 

of this letter of December J, 1608, of this date can be found) that Zuniga 

and therefore I can only guess about meant to refer to his letter of Jan- 

these "two vessels," as I have found uary j|, and erred by giving a wrong 

no other mention of them, In the date. However, I believe there were 

letter of January jf, 1609 (LXIL), expeditions sent to North Virginia 

Zuniga writes of the sailing of " a about this time, and after, of which we 

good ship and a tender." This may have found no account. See also 

be the same voyage as that mentioned note 2, p. 247. 
in the said letter of December ,?, or 


heard that they carried up to 150 men most of whom were 
men of distinction. And likewise I wrote to Y. M. 
[LXIIL] on Jan' 17th how they would make still greater 
efforts, and spoke of sending the Baron de Arundel with a 
number of people, who has told me that they have ex- 
cluded him, because in order to go, he asked this King for 
a Patent and for money, and likewise he tells me he had 
asked that liberty of conscience should be given in that 
country. This is what he asserts ; but the truth is that 
they have failed to send him out because he is suspected of 
being a Catholic. He is dissatisfied and has told me that 
if Y. M. would do him the favor to reward him for the ser- 
vices in Flanders, 1 he would be of particular usefulness in 
this affair. It seems to me he is all jealousy, that they have 
made the Varon de la Warte [Lord Delawar] general and 
Governor of Virginia, who is a Kinsman of Don Antonio 
Sirley [Sherley]. They assure me, he has said that Y. M. 
pays no attention, so far, to the people who go there and 
this has made them so reckless that they no longer send 
their little by little as heretofore, but they command that 
Captain Gacht [Sir Thomas Gates] go there, who is a very 
special soldier and has seen service among the Rebels. He 
takes 4. to 500 men and 100 women, and all who go have 
first to take the oath of the supremacy of the King [James 
I.]. He will sail within a month or a month and a half, 
and as soon as the news of his arrival is received here the 
" Varon de la Warte " [Baron de la Warr] is to sail with 
600 or 700 men, and a large part of them principal men 
and a few women, and when he gets there, the Gacht 
[Gates] will return here to take more men. They have 
offered him, that all the pirates who are outside of this 
Kingdom, will be pardoned by the King, if they will take 
refuge there, and the thing is so perfect — according to 
what they say — for making use of these pirates, that Y. M. 
will not be able to get the silver from the Indies, unless a 

1 Strachey says, that " Lord Arun- duke, when "Weymouth returned in 
dell " was in the service of the Arch- July, 1605. 


very large force should be kept there, and that they will 
make Y. M.'s vassals lose their trade, since this is the de- 
sign with which they go. 

" The Baron de Arondel offers to leave here, whenever 
Y. M. may command, under the pretext of a voyage of dis- 
covery, and that in the Canaries or in Porto Rico he will 
take on board his ship the person whom Y. M. will send to 
him, as a man who is fleeing from Spain, and will carry 
him to Virginia and instruct him as to the mouth of the 
river, the posts which the English hold and the fortifica- 
tions which they have, and that soon he will tell Y. M. by 
what means those people can be driven out without violence 
in arms. I am of the opinion that the business is very far 
advanced and that Y. M. ought not to apprehend much on 
account of these chances, since during the time of these 
goings and comings they will place there a large number of 
people, because they have too many of them and do not 
know what to do for them ; and the time may come when 
this King will take a hand in this business openly, 1 and 
Y. M. might find it very difficult to drive them out from 
there, and it might come to breaking all these treaties on 
this ground, which is largely asserted. Hence Y. M. will 
command that they should be destroyed with the utmost 
possible promptness, and when this news arrives here, altho* 
they may resent it, they will say that they ought not to 
have been there, because when I spoke with the King 
about their going to the Indies and to those countries he 
said to me, that he could not hold them otherwise than 
according to the Treaty, if they gathered together there 
they were liable to be punished. I send Y. M. a t pla- 
carte,' [LXX.] [a broadside advertisement] which has been 
issued to all officials, showing what they give them for 
going ; and there has been gotten together in 20 days 2 a 

1 It was the constant dread of the that it was done especially to please 

Spanish Government, that King James Spain. 

would take the enterprise openly under 2 This goes to show that the sub- 

the protection of the crown, and yet scriptions began on or before February 

when he did so, we have been told 3, 1609. 


sum of money for this voyage which amazes one ; among 
fourteen Counts and Barons they have given 40.000 ducats, 
the Merchants give much more, and there is no poor, little 
man, nor woman, who is not willing to subscribe something 
for this enterprise, — Three counties have pledged them- 
selves that they will give a good sum of money, and they 
are negotiating with the Prince [of Wales] that he shall 
make himself Protector of Virginia, and in this manner 
they will go deeper and deeper into the business, if Y. M. 
does not order them to be stopped very promptly. They 
have printed a book [LXVIII. and LXXX.] which I also 
send Y. M., in which they call that country New Britain 
and in which they publish that for the increase of their 
religion and that it may extend over the whole world, it 
is right that all should support this Colony with their 
person and their property. It would be a service ren- 
dered to God, that Y. M. should cut short a swindle and 
a robbery like this, and one which is so very important to 
Y. M.'s royal service. If they go on far with this they 
must needs get proud of it and disregard what they owe 
here, and if Y. M. chastises them, he puts a bridle upon 
them and thus will make them see to it before they under- 
take anything against the King's service. I confess to 
Y. M. that I write this with indignation, because I see the 
people are mad [crazy, wild] about this affair and shame- 
less. I have also seen a letter * written by a gentleman who 
is over there in Virginia, to another friend of his, who is 
known to me, and has shown it to me. He says that from 
Captain Newport, who is the bearer of it, he will learn in 
detail how matters are there, and that all he can say is that 
there has been found a moderate mine of silver and that the 
best part of England cannot be compared with that coun- 
try. He says furthermore, that they have deceived the 
King of that part of the country by means of an English 
boy, 2 whom they have given him saying that he is a son of 

1 This letter was not inclosed to the pose, who had been left by Newport 
King, and must now be lost forever. with Powhatau in exchange for Na* 
3 This was Thomas Savage, I sup- moutack. 


this King, and he treats him very handsomely; he has 
sent a present to this King. 

" I understand that as soon as they are well fortified they 
will kill that King and the savages, so as to obtain posses- 
sion of everything. I send Y. M. the chart 1 which the 
Members of the' Council of Virginia have ; they have told 
me that the numbers are marked, and that they count them, 
as well as the others which are at the top, in such a way 
that they go up to 39. I have also drawn a line where 
the entrance to the river is and there will be seen the depth 
of it. I mark where the English are, and all the rest till be- 
low, are dwellings of the Savages. They say that they can- 
not disembark at any other part of the river with a vessel. 
I have thought it my duty to report this to Y. M. by this 
Courier ; because Y. M. ought very promptly to give orders 
to make an end of this. I have also been told that two 
vessels are leaving Plymouth with men to people that coun- 
try which they have taken, which is farther of. 2 

" May Our Lord," etc. 

[Mem. — The following documents LXX. and LXXX. 
were inclosed in the foregoing letter.] 

1 I have not yet found this " Chart endeavors to secure a copy, if it still 

which the Members of the Council of remains. 

Virginia had ; " hut I still hope to 2 This was certainly an expedition 

find it. I believe it to be a most valu- for North Virginia. See also note 1, 

able document, and shall use my best p. 243. 



VOLUME 2587, FOLIOS 10, 11. 

Copy of a document on the cover of which is said : " To 
be sent to H. M. the King." Inclosed in the letter of 
Don Pedro de Zuniga, dated March 5 (February 23) 

" Concerning the Plantation of Virginia New Britain. 

"In as much as it may please God, for the better 
strengthening of the Colony of Virginia, it has been deter- 
mined by many noble persons, Counts, Barons, Knights, 
Merchants and others, to make a voyage there very speedily 
as is necessary, and in order that so honorable a voyage 
and a work so pleasing to God, and of such great useful- 
ness for this Commonwealth in many respects, may find 
support and be prospered by all necessary ways and means, 
in which voyage many noble and generous persons have 
resolved to go themselves, and are already preparing and 
making ready to that effect. — Therefore, for the same pur- 
pose this paper has been made public, so that it may be 
generally known to all workmen of whatever craft they 
may be, blacksmiths, carpenters, coopers, shipwrights, turn- 
ers and such as know how to plant vineyards, hunters, fish- 
ermen, and all who work in any kind of metal, men who 
make bricks, architects, bakers, weavers, shoemakers, saw- 
yers and those who spin wool and all others, men as well as 
women, who have any occupation, who wish to go out in 
this voyage for colonizing the country with people. And 
if they wish to do so, will come to * Fitpot len ' [Filpot 
Lane] street, to the house of Sir Thomas Smith, who is 
Treasurer of this Colony, and there they will be enlisted 
by their names and there will be pointed out to such per- 
sons what they will receive for this voyage, viz. five hun- 
fired 'reales' for each one, and they will be entered as 
Adventurers in this aforesaid voyage to Virginia, where 


they will have houses to live in, vegetable-gardens and 
orchards, and also food and clothing at the expense of the 
Company of that Island, and besides this, they will have a 
share of all the products and the profits that may result 
from their labor, each in proportion, and they will also se- 
cure a share in the division of the land for themselves and 
their heirs forever more. Likewise, if they should give 
anything to add to the funds that have been collected for 
that voyage, they will receive additional shares in the dis- 
tribution of goods and of land over there, in accordance 
with the amount they may have given, — and in the same 
way, all who may desire to give one hundred l Philips ' 
before the last day of March will be admitted as Members 
in this Virginia Company and will receive a proportionate 
share of the profits and advantages, of this amount, altho' 
they do not go in person on this voyage." 1 


EAST INDIES, 1571-1616, NO. jSS 

" Five caracks sailed on the ^ instant for the East Indies, 
laden with merchandise, and carrying in the place of sol- 
diers, children and youths from the age of ten upwards, to 
the number of 1.500 ; in a few years they say these chil- 
dren will be able to do good service, their bodies being well 
acquainted with the climate of those countries ; thinks it 
were no evil course to follow in England for planting inhab- 
itants in Virginia ; it is forced by necessity in Lisbon." 

1 Zuniga says the foregoing "pla- Council for the Company, and I doubt 

carle " had been " issued to all offi- if a single original remains. It was 

cials." I doubt if it was a printed circulated prior to February 23, prob- 

broadside. He does not refer to it as ably as early as February 3, 1609, 

printed, as he does to LXXX. If it about which time the subscriptions 

was a printed broadside, it was prob- began, 
ably the first "print " of his Majesty's 



I do not know the exact date of either LXXII. or 
LXXIIL, but they were written prior to March 20, 1609. 
Copies have been preserved by several of the guilds of Lon- 
don. They have never been published in America. 

Sir Humfrey Weld was the Lord Mayor from October, 
1608, to October, 1609. 

I believe none of the documents given from the muni- 
ments of the city companies of London have ever been pub- 
lished in America. They illustrate the part taken by the 
incorporated trades in the great movement for making 
America an English Protestant commonwealth. 

Of the twelve great companies of London, the records 
of the Salters and Vintners were destroyed in the fire of 
London in 1666. I understand that the books of the 
Drapers, Goldsmiths, Haberdashers and Skinners throw no 
light on the subject. I shall give extracts from the muni- 
ments of the Mercers, Grocers, Fishmongers, Merchant- 
Taylors, Ironmongers, and Cloth workers, and also from the 
Stationers Company. I am under special obligations to 
the clerks of these companies. Some of the extracts given 
are very brief ; but if we take them all together we shall 
obtain a very fair idea of the part taken by these guilds in 
the movement. I am especially anxious to place on record 
my very great obligation in these premises to Mr. J. A. 
Kingdon, Member of the Court of Assistants and a past 
Master of the Worshipful Company of Grocers of London, 
who had the records of his company thoroughly searched, 
both for historical and biographical data, and has aided 
me in every way. 

It is interesting to note the mode of conducting business 
in these old companies, and as an example I have given full 
extracts from the records of the Grocers Company, retain- 
ing the names of the members present at the court. 

Much has been written of the part taken by Plymouth, 



Bristol, and other cities in the planting of English colonies 
in America, but it does not seem to me that full justice 
has been given to London in this matter. Stowe, writing 
about 1603, says, " The private Riches of London, resteth 
chiefly in the Hands of the Merchants and Retailers. . . . 
London by the Advantage of its situation disperseth foreign 
Wares (as the Stomach doth meat) to all the members most 
commodiously. By the Benefit of the River of Thames, 
and great Trade of Merchandize, it is the Chief Maker of 
Mariners, and Nurse of Our Navy and Ships, which (as 
Men Know) be the wooden Wall for defence of Our 
Realm." More than four hundred years before this Fitz 
Stephen wrote : " Amongst the noble cities of the World, 
honoured by Fame, the city of London is the one principal 
Seat of the Kingdom of England, whose Renowne is spread 
abroad very far ; but she transporteth her Wares and com- 
modities much farther, and advanceth her Head so much 
the higher. ... To this city Merchants bring in Wares by 
ships from every Nation under Heaven." 

At the time of which I write the citizens and merchants 
of London, the metropolis, with the earnest cooperation of 
other cities, towns, etc., were taking an especial interest in 
the encouragement of English colonization, advancing Eng- 
lish commerce, and making discoveries in unknown regions. 
British energy and enterprise were beginning to take firm 
hold and to settle abroad over the face of the earth. The 
home of the English - speaking people was then a mere 
speck on the globe ; but since then they have continued to 
overspread the world, until now the British flag is always 
floating in the sunshine. And although this flag no longer 
floats over us, no country illustrates more completely the 
wonderful progress of the English-speaking people than 
this, for here there are sixty millions where less than three 
hundred years ago there was not one. 

252 9 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609. 

" A Letter from the Councill and Company of the honour- 
able Plantation in Virginia to the Lord Mayor, Alder- 
man and Companies of London. 

" Whereas the Lords of his Majesties Councill, Commis- 
sioners for the Subsidy, desirous to ease the city and sub- 
urbs of a swarme of unnecessary inmates, as a contynual 
cause of dearth and famine, and the very originall cause of 
all the Plagues * that happen in this Kingdome, have ad- 
vised your Lordshipp and your Brethren in a case of state, 
to make some voluntary contribucon for their remove into 
this Plantation of Virginia, which wee understand you all 
seemeth to like as an action pleasing to God and happy for 
this Comon Wealth. 

"Wee the Councill and Company of this honourable 
Plantacon willing to yield unto your Lordship and them all 
good satisfaccon, have entered into consultation with our- 
selves what may be the charge of every private man and 
what every private family, which wee send herewith at 
large, not as a thing which wee seek to exact from you, but 
that you may see, as in a true glasse, the precise charge, 
which wee wholly commend to your grave wisdome, bothe 
for the sum and manner of levy : only give us leave thus 
far to enforme you that we give noe Bills of adventure for 
a lesse sum than <£12. 10., presuming it would breed an 
infinite trouble nowe and a confusion in the contribucon ; 
But if your Lordship make any easement or raise any vol- 
untary contribution from the best disposed and most able 
of the companies, wee are willing to give our Bills of adven- 
ture to the Masters and Wardens to the Generall use and 
behoofe of that Companie. If by wards to the Alderman 
and his Deputy, to the perpetuall good of that ward, or 
otherwise, as it shall please you and your Brethren out of 
your better experience to direct. And if the inmate called 
before you and enjoined to remove shall alleadge he hath 
not place to remove unto, but must lye in the streetes ; and 
being offred to go this Journey, shall demaund what may 

1 This element is said to have carried the plague to Virginia. 


be theire present mayntenance, what maye be theire future 
hopes ? it may please you to let them Knowe that for the 
present they shall have meate, drinke and clothing, with an 
howse, orchard and garden, for the meanest family, and a 
possession of lands to them and their posterity, one hun- 
dred acres for every man's person that hath a trade, or a 
body able to endure day labour, as much for his wief, as 
much for his child, that are of yeres to do service to the 
Colony, with further particular reward according to theire 
particular meritts and industry. 

" And if your Lordship and your Brethren shall be 
pleased to put in any private adventures for yourselves in 
particular, you shall be sure to receive accordinge to the 
proporcon of the adventure, equall parte with us adventur- 
ers from the beginning, both of the commodities returned 
and lands to be divided. 

"And because you shall see, being Aldermen of soe 
famous a cittie, wee give you due respect, wee are con- 
tented, having but one badge of grace and favour from his 
Maj tie to participate with you therein and to make as many 
of you as shall adventure ffifty pounds or more, fellow Coun- 
cellors from the ffirst day with us who have spent double 
and treble as much as is required abiding the hazard of 
three severall discoveries with much care and diligence and 
manie daies attendance. 

" And as your Deputies are your Assistants in your pri- 
vate wards soe shall as many of them as will adventure but 
£25. present money, be made Partners of this Companie 
and Assistants of this Councell. 

" And thus, as an action concerning God, and the ad- 
vancement of religion, the present ease, future honor and 
safety of the Kingdome, the strength of our Navy, the vis- 
ible hope of a great and rich trade, and many secrett bless- 
ings not yett discovered ; wee wholly coinend the cause to 
the wisdome and zeal of yourself and your Brethren, and 
you and it, and us all to the holy proteccon of the al- 



The precept of the Lord Mayor of London to the London 


"To the Masters and Wardens of the Companie of 
[Merchants to whom sent] 

" These are to charge and require you immediately upon 
receipt of the annexed letter [LXXIL] from the Councill 
and Company of the honourable Plantacon in Virginia, 
that you call before you your said Companie and acquaint- 
ing them with the contents of the said letter to deale very 
earnestly and effectually with every of them to make some 
adventure in soe good and honourable action." 


At a Court of Assistants of the Fishmongers of London 
held at their Hall the 20th March 1608 (0. S.). 

" At the same Court Mr. Warden Poyntell did bring a 
Precept from the Lord Mayor [LXXIIL] directed to this 
Company to call all the Company together and very effec- 
tually to exhort them to venture money to Virginia for 
Plantation thereat ; and most of the Livery having been 
spoken with all and the generality of the Company now 
being warned and particularly, earnestly, persuaded to ad- 
venture anything — Wherefore it is agreed that answer 
shall be made to the Precept accordingly." 


VOLUME, 2587. FOLIO 18. 

Copy of an extract from a deciphered letter of the Ambas- 
sador Don Pedro de Zuiiiga to the King of Spain, 
dated at (Highgate) April 1, 1609. 

" Sire. . . . By Ribas I reported to Y. M. the dangerous 


manner in which they hasten the fortifying of Virginia, and 
now I see that it is even more dangerous, since the Baron 
Lawarre and the Captain Gacht 1 have taken a much 
larger force of men than I had reported, and since they 
now expect those whom the Rebels will send there. 2 And 
if once they are fortified there this King here will declare 
himself the Master of that Country and thereupon the 
peace which Y. M. now keeps with him, as I have said, 
might be broken." 3 . . . 



Various influences moved various men ; but the move- 
ment was especially controlled by those who wished to ad- 
vance the kingdom of England, the commerce of England, 
and the Church of England; and while very many were 
interested in all of these, it may be said that the officials 
of the government were the leaders in the desire to spread 
the English possessions ; the merchants, in the desire to 
spread the English commerce, and the ministers, in the 
desire to spread the English religion. 

The sermons and discourses of the ministers will there- 
fore be most apt to furnish us with the motives, the ideas, 
etc., which influenced the Church of England in aiding and 
advancing the movement for planting colonies in America, 
and I will therefore, from time to time, give extended ex- 
tracts from their sermons and discourses. 

On the 24th of March, 1608 (0. S.), the anniversary 
of the accession of King James, Richard Crakanthorpe, a 
Fellow of Queen's College, Oxford, and an able theologian 
of Puritan tendencies, preached a sermon in the open air, 

1 Lord De la Warr and Sir Thomas 8 In 1624, soon after King James 
Gates. The expedition had not yet declared war against Spain, he "de- 
sailed, clared himself the Master of that 

2 The English soldiers from the Country." 
Netherlands? (See CXLIII.) 


at Paul's Cross, and in these words alluded to the new ex- 
pedition for Virginia : — 

" Let the honourable expedition now intended for Vir- 
ginia be a witness, enterprised, I say not, auspiciis, but by 
the most wise and religious direction and protection of our 
chief est pilot [James I.], seconded by so many honourable 
and worthy personages in the State and Kingdom, that it 
may justly give encouragement with alacrity and cheerful- 
ness for some, to undertake ; for others, to favour so noble, 
and so religious an attempt I may not stay, in this straight- 
ness of time, to mention, much less to set forth unto you, 
the great and manifold benefits which may redound to this 
our so populous a nation, by planting an English Colony in 
a territory as large and spacious almost as is England, and 
in a soil so rich, fertile, and fruitful as that ; besides the 
sufficiency it naturally yields for itself, may with best con- 
venience supply some of the greatest wants and necessities 
of these Kingdoms. But this happiness which I mention, 
is a happy and glorious work indeed of planting among 
those poor and savage, and to be pitied Virginians, not 
only humanity instead of brutish incivility, but religion 
also . . . This being the honourable and religious intend- 
ment of this enterprise, what glory ! What honour to our 
Sovereign ! What comfort to those subjects who shall be 
means of furthering of so happy a work, not only to see a 
New Britain in another world, but to have also those as yet 
heathen barbarians and brutish people, together with our 
English, to learn the speech and language of Canaan." 

[Mem. — After a long negotiation a truce of twelve 
years was agreed to, thus concluding the war which for 
near half a century had been carried on with such fury 
between Spain and the States of the United Provinces, 
March 30, 1609.] 




Extract from Wardens' Accounts (July) 1608 to (July) 
1609 of the Grocer's Company. 

" Casual Receipts 

"Rec d of divers persons of this Company 
sundry particular somes as money by them ad- 
ventured of their owne voluntarie disposition to- 
wardes the plantacon of Virginia amountinge to 
the some of LXIX. U 1 which sayde moneys lyeth 
alwayes reddie to be disposed of as to Mr. 
Wardens and the Right worshipful the Assist- 
ants shall seeme most meete and expedient, yf it 
be not ymployed to the intended purpose." 




" Die veneris 31. day March 1609. 7. James. 

" Second quarter day. — [present] 

"The Right Honorable The Lord Mayor [S r H. Weld.] 
M r Sheriffe Bolles. 

M r Robert Cocks, M r Edmond Peshall, M r Timothy 
Batherst, Wardens. 


George Holman, 
" Humphrey Walcott, 
" Richard Pyott, 
" Robert Sandy, 
" Robert Bowyer, 
" Thomas Nutt, 

M r John Newman, 
" Giles Parsloe, 
" Richard Aldworth, 
" Anthony Soda, 
" Thomas Bull, 
" Robert Morer, 

" W m Pennyfather. 
" Post Meridiem sive post prand. This daye in the after- 
noon the call of the Generallitie and the reading of the 
ordinances was sparred in respect of extraordinarie business 

1 li. is an abbreviation for the Latin libra (a pound) ; lb. is an abbreviation 
for the same word in weight. 


now in hand namelie the readinge as well of a letter sent 
from the Counsell and Company [LXXIL] of the honorable 
plantacion of Virginia, as alsoe of a precept sent from the 
[LXXIIL] Right Honorable the Lord Mayor, unto this 
Companie the chief scope and purporte whereof is to rayse 
some voluntary contribution out of the best disposed and 
most liable of the Companie towards the sayd plantacion 
and further as by the sayde letter and precepte more plainly 
maie appear — a true coppie whereof are hereunder wrytten. 
After the readinge of which sayde letter and precept yt 
pleased the Right Honorable the Lord Mayor to make a 
most worthie and pithie exortacon unto the generallitie con- 
cerning the premises requiringe every of them in his par- 
ticular person to come up to the Clarke and to set downe 
what and how much he will contribute for soe honorable 
a service, — which was done accordinglie, and also notice 
taken and theire names sett downe as well those which weare 
contributors as those which denyed and refused to make any 
such contribucon." [This very interesting list cannot now 
be found among the muniments of the Grocers' Company.] 


VOLUME 2587, FOLIO 19. 

Copy of a deciphered letter of Don Pedro de Zuniga to the 
King of Spain, dated (Highgate) April 12, 1609. 

" Sire : — 
" Much as I have written to Y. M. of the determination 
they have formed here to go to Virginia, it seems to me 
that I still fall short of the reality, since the preparations 
which are made here, are the most energetic that can be 
made here, for they have actually made the ministers in 
their sermons 1 dwell upon the importance of filling the 

1 I have quoted the Rev. Richard March 24, and the Rev. Daniel Price 
Crakanthorpe's sermon (LXXVI.) of in his sermon of the 28th of May, 


world with their religion and demand that all make an 
effort to give what they have for such a grand enterprise. 
Thus they are getting together a good sum of money and 
make a great effort to carry masters and workmen there, to 
build ships. They send eight great masters by force and 
more than 40 workmen. I understand they have there 
timber cut and ready, and that they will leave the place 
where they first fortified themselves, because it is very 
unhealthy and many of them had died there, and that far- 
ther up the river they had found a good site. A man 
whom I can trust, altho' he is a heretic, has told me that 
speaking the other day with the High Chancellor, (Tho s 
Egerton Lord Ellesmere &c) he asked him what all this 
excitement meant that was being seen here about going to 
Virginia to have fortifications there, he replied to him : We 
always thought at first we would send people there little by 
little, and now we see that the proper thing is to fortify 
ourselves all at once, because when they will open their 
eyes in Spain they will not be able to help it, and even tho' 
they may hear it, they are just now so poor that they will 
have no means to prevent us from carrying out our plan. 
Y. M. will see the great importance of this matter for your 
Royal service and thus, / hope, will give orders to have 
these insolent people quickly annihilated. 
" May our Lord," etc. 


VOLUME 2587, FOLIOS 20, 21. 

Folio 20 (included in 19). "This is an envelope on 
which is said : Herewith follows the translation of the 
papers which the letters of Don Pedro de Zuniga referred 

mentions a previous sermon of the helping hand, seeing the Angel of Vir- 

Dean of Glocester (Morton) before ginia erieth to this Land as the Angel 

his Majesty and nobles, wherein he of Macedonia did to Paul ; O ! come 

said "that it is a voyage wherein and help us." 
every Christian ought to set to his 


to [see LXIX.] made by Father Cresuelo, and a summary 
of what they contain ; but it will be well that Y. Exc cy 
should see them themselves. 

" May God preserve Y. Ex. y as I desire. 

" Madrid. April 4. 1609. 

[Signed] "Andreas de Prada." 

The inclosed papers with the letters that referred to 
them could not be seen [by the king ? ] because they were 
not translated and thus they are put here with this which 
treats of the same subject. 

" Decree : His Majesty has seen them and commands 
that they shall be examined with the letters and that above 
all there shall be reported to him what may appear best. 
May God preserve &c. 

" In the Palace. April 10. 1609. [Mar. 31.] 

[Signed] " The Duke " [Lerma]. 

Folio 21 (inclosed in folio 20). This is a document on 
the outside of which is said : " The colonizing of Virginia." 

The summary of what the document contains. 

New Britain. 1 

With a statement of the great advantages which must 
follow the colonizing of Virginia. 

Addressed (Dedicated) to the chief Treasurer of this 
Colony and of the Merchants of the Moscovite and the 
East India Companies. 

1. The coasts and the lands of Virginia were discovered 
many years ago by the English, and we have sent Colonies 
there at different times and without opposition on the part 
of the natives of the country, nor of any other sovereign, 

1 See under February 18, 1609, cial notice. Thus this summary is very 

(LXVIII.) for the memoranda re- interesting and valuable to the histo- 

garding this tract. The whole tract rian, as it shows the points which were 

contains nearly 12,000 words. Father regarded as the most important to 

Cresuelo has made an especial " sum- Spain. I have added several passages 

mary " for the king of Spain of about in order to show the character of some 

6,000 words, of such matter as seemed of the matter which the Father omit- 

important to bring to the king's espe- ted. 

Third Earl of Cumberland 


which is sufficient argument for us, and for the fact that 
no other Christian King except King James, our Lord and 
Master, has any claim or right whatever on those lands, or 
on the inhabitants thereof, English or Savages, unless it 
be under the pretext of a Donation, which according to their 
statement, Pope Alexander VI. made of all America. 

2. But what does it matter to us that he has done so ? 
They must be very blind who can stumble at this. This 
appears at the donation of Constantine the Great by right 
of which the Pope claims to be the Head of the Western 
Empire. They are brothers ; the Western Empire was 
given to the Pope by a secular sovereign, and the Pope 
gave all the Western Indies to another secular sovereign. 
The first donation is an ancient fable ; and the other is a 
joke and a ridiculous invention. If there be a law like that 
ancient one of the Kings of the Persians : That the Pope 
can do what he chooses — let those obey him who choose 
— we do not acknowledge him as our superior. 

3. Therefore, leaving aside those fables, which make no 
impression upon sensible men, and do not touch us, the 
King, our Master, is resolved not to yield anything of his 
Estate or his Right, left to him by his predecessor, but wants 
the ancient Colonies to be succored and enlarged, which 
we possess in those parts ; and thus he has given us permis- 
sion to send there more Colonists, as we have already com- 
menced doing under the conduct of Captain " Christoval 
Nuport." And besides this, he has granted us many and 
very weighty privileges under the Great Seal of this crown, 
in order that the settlers in those countries may enjoy them, 
and likewise those who with their money may assist that 
colony, and with them their heirs, for ever and ever. Thus 
there can be no doubt that all the faithful subjects of this 
crown and all who are well-affectioned towards His Ma- 
jesty, will help, some with their person and others with 
their money, to further this great work, by means of which 
the Kingdom of God will be enlarged and the tidings of 
His Truth will be proclaimed among so many millions of 


savage men and women, who now live in darkness in those 
regions. At the same time and with it the fame of our 
King will be increased, his dominions will be extended, with 
the proper defense and protection of his subjects who are 
already established there, in that New World, who might 
otherwise, in the course of time, be exposed to danger, to 
be deprived of what they now own and driven out, as the 
French were (not many years ago) from New France, and 
finally there will redound to this Kingdom, and to our 
whole people, and to each one of us individually who ven- 
ture anything in this enterprise very great and very certain 
advantages as will be seen below. 

4. We see that only the subjects of one Christian 
King, who within our memory have entered the Indies, it 
may be because they followed up the first settlements with 
a few handsful of people scattered here and there, now 
imagine to be the Masters of the Earth, and want violently 
to thrust out all other nations from there, as if they alone 
knew how to govern and to command not only in their col- 
onies, but in all America, which contains many provinces 
and Kingdoms, where up to this day, they never yet have 
set foot, nor even know them unless it be by name. 

5. And although we might indulge them in this their 
fancy, and although there might be some foundation to it, 
in spite of all that, their strength and their means are so 
inferior to their thoughts, that they will never spread out 
enough to fill up the hundreth part of that which they 
wish to occupy. Of this we have clear proof since when 
we had open war and hostilities with them, with mere 
handsful of people we invaded their best and strongest for- 
tified places, because for want of men, they were so poorly 
defended that we could easily have overrun the whole coun- 
try and reduced them to very narrow limits (a long time 
ago) if we had followed up our good success. 

6. But now that we have passed on without driving 
them from their settlements, and God in his mercy has 
given us another country, so remote from their habitation, 


what reason is there that, any one should be offended by 
our great success or feel envious ? Or, if they are envious, 
why should we attach any weight to it? or why fear to 
" enlarge ourselves " ? Or lose so fine an opportunity ? 
Where is our ancient might and power ? Where is that 
great repute, sleeping now, that we won so few years ago ? 
Let not the world be deceived : we are the same now we 
were then and they would soon see it, if they were to give 
us the chance, since with the blessing of God we are more 
powerful now than we were then, those parts being now 
inclosed and in good order which at that time were open ; 
our plant has taken root, the branches are green and very 
desirous to spread out. 

7. But before coming to details of this earthly Para- 
dise, I wish to recall that the first time when possession was 
taken of it by subjects of this crown, was in the days of 
King Henry the Seventh, when it was discovered at the 
same time that the Spaniards discovered New Spain, and 
thus the claim is the same in both cases. But I do not 
wish to attach special importance to this occupation, but 
to that which was made in the name of Queen Elizabeth, in 
the years 1584 and 1587, and later on, when Colonies of 
men, women and children were sent out there. The covet- 
ousness of those who had to carry out this enterprise and 
to succor it, turned them aside to pillage upon the Spanish 
Coast, where if the enterprise had been supported as it 
ought to have been, and by the favor of God certainly will 
be, all that country would already be peopled and culti- 
vated, and would this very day (as it will be in a very short 
time) be a very nursery and fountaine of much wealth and 
strength to this Kingdom. 

8. Christopher Columbus, the first Discoverer, offered 
himself first of all to King Henry the Seventh of this King- 
dom, then (as it will be) the most powerful by sea ; but no 
attention was paid to his offer. The Spaniards encouraged 
him and within less than a hundred years they have drawn 
from that small beginning the great results which we see ; 


they have extended their dominions, increased their trade, 
enriched their subjects and their overflowing treasury, scat- 
tering gold through the whole world, gives strength and 
reputation to their Kingdom, and confirms their foresight, 
which anticipated all the other princes. Although their arro- 
gance, growing with their wealth has alarmed Christendom, 
now for forty years and more. I mention this merely to 
show how vigilant men have to be to understand business, 
the importance of business, and how careful they should be 
not to miss the first opportunity. But although this scheme 
of colonization has not been encouraged until now, as it 
ought to have been, henceforth this will be done, now that 
it is no longer the business of any one person, nor of a few 
private individuals but of the whole state, and that so many 
gentlemen of title, Knights and powerful merchants, have 
become interested in this enterprise, all of them sharing the 
same privileges and determined to venture, some their per- 
son, and some their fortune in it, who vow to avenge any 
opposition that might be made by any other nation, upon 
their persons or their property, by sea or by land. Hence 
we may confidently hope, with the favor of God, for sufii- 
cient strength against all such as may try to interfere with 
us, and a happy outcome in a short time. 

9. Coming next to a description of the country, 1 the 
voyage is neither long nor dangerous ; in six weeks they 
arrive there, over the great ocean, without encountering 
rocks, shallows, narrow straits, or the lands of other princes, 
who might interfere with us. Most of the winds are favor- 
able, and not one is adverse. Then coming to the coast, 
deep enough water is found everywhere, with good bottom 
for Anchor hold, excellent beaches and harbors fit for the 
largest ships that can come there ; and many delightful 
islands within sight of the firm land. 

1 In the original there is also the Lord love us, he will bring our people 

following scriptural illustration : " If to it, and will give it us for a possession.' 

I should say no more but with Caleb This were enough to you that are will- 

and Joshua, ' The land which we have ing," etc. 
searched out is a very good land, if the 


10. We have discovered two large rivers ; one towards 
the north, where the Colonies of " Exceter " and " Plymou " 
are ; and the other towards the south, large, deep, abound- 
ing in fish and with very pleasant banks, where our Colony 
of " London " has been established and a village has been 
built which they call, " Villa Diego," 1 eighty miles inland, 
and they have pushed even still higher up and have dis- 
covered more than a hundred miles additional of the most 
charming country, all along the same river. 

11. The Country is vast ; the soil is good ; the air is 
healthy : the climate very suitable to our constitution and 
even more temperate than that of England. The natives 
are savages who live in troops like cattle — some dressed in 
furs and others naked — without any discipline or law of 
life than the law of Nature. The principal ones have huts 
in which they can rest; generally they are humane and 
peaceable, and enter willingly into communication with our 
men and help them with all that may be needed. They are 
well disposed and eager to learn a better mode of life. The 
soil produces naturally all that is needed for the support 
of the inhabitants, and will produce a great deal more when 
it is cultivated. There is an abundance of fish of every 
kind ; countless flocks of land and water fowl, deer, hares, 
rabbits, and other hunting without end ; with much fruit 
and eatable roots, which are not known at home. 

12. There are many hills and valleys, with springs and 
brooks of fresh water ; there are also mountains and moun- 
tain ranges which promise to hold treasure. The land is 
full of minerals and of woods which we have not in Eng- 
land ; the soil produces vines which hanging upon the trees 
produce their fruit. Here may be gathered Rosin, Turpen- 
tine, Pitch, Tar, sassafras, dye-wood ; and for ships, masts, 
planks and everything else that is necessary. Among other 
things in abundance, there are white mulberry trees and 
silk worms without end, being now of no use, and animals 
with costly furs. And where Nature is so liberal in its 

1 « Villa Diego," — « James Town." 


naked kind what may we not expect from it when it is 
assisted by human industry, and when both Nature and Art 
shall vie with each other to give the best content to men 
and all other creatures. 

13. As to the two difficulties which some have mentioned : 
that we do not seek the salvation of the Indians but our 
private gain — and that without injustice we cannot take 
their land from them, — We reply to the former, that many 
things, very good in themselves, and in their final results 
have been commenced for less noble purposes, and thus 
here also the Kingdom of God will, no doubt, grow by 
bringing these savages to the Knowledge of the Gospel ; 
and every one of us ought surely to do his share in that 
direction. As to the second objection we do not intend to 
dispossess the savages, but to join them for their own good, 
by raising them from a wretched state to a much better one. 
First, in regard to God their Creator, and to their Redeemer, 
Jesus Christ, if they are willing to believe in them, and 
secondly, in regard to many temporal blessings of which 
they have now no earthly advantage, living like beasts, 
assuming the duty of protecting and defending them against 
all enemies. 

14. It is still fresh in our memory how Don Juan de 
Aguila, landing in Ireland (a Christian dominion, subject 
to a Christian King and to beneficent laws) made known that 
he came to free the people from the oppression of their 
legitimate rulers, who governed them with justice, and to 
lead them (as he said) into the Catholic church, although this 
was what he least thought of, if he did not think of acting 
contrary to justice under that color. If that money was 
at that time made by the same Masters of the Mint and 
passed current through the whole world, we trust that they 
will not be less favorable to this our enterprise, which is 
beyond comparison more just and better justified, since we 
do not intend to make their condition worse, but — at our 
risk and peril — by means of just and legitimate intercourse, 
to communicate to them first (as has been said) divine 


riches, and after that, to cover their nakedness and relieve 
their poverty by using human clothing and human food, 
and to teach them, with great kindness and in friendship, 
many arts and handicrafts, which they admire in us and de- 
sire much to learn. In return for these advantages, we ask 
for nothing, but that they and we jointly should enjoy what 
Nature offers and what they do not know how to make use 
of, and thus we may think that God has kept these scat- 
tered sheep in order that they may be brought back to His 
flock by our agency, and thus those who should obstinately 
desire to impede this work of God, can be looked upon by 
us as Recusants, opposed to their own welfare, and can be 
treated as enemies of their own country. 

15. The King, our Master, will gain much fame by this 
enterprise ; because if any legitimate conquest gained by 
arms is glorious, this will be much more so, rescuing the 
poor souls from their ignorance and perdition ; and since 
His Majesty's dominions and subjects will be added to, not 
by storms of raging cruelties, as the West Indies were con- 
verted with rapier point, and musket shot, murdering so 
many millions of naked Indians, as their Histories tell us, 
but with gentleness and affection, corresponding to our own 
condition, winning their good will and letting them enjoy 
the same advantages and privileges which we are going to 

16. The Law of Moses counts it as a blessing, when 
the Prince and the people of God will be able to lend to 
every one and need to borrow of none ; and I can say here 
confidently and with good reason, that by means of this new 
discovery in the West, and the footing which we already 
have obtained in the most important countries of the East, 
together with our former known Trades which we maintain 
with nations in other parts of the world, there is no doubt 
that if His Majesty will favor and encourage the merchants 
in their trade and commerce (as may be proper), we shall 
see in a very short time, his authority, his Majesty and the 
reputation of his wisdom extended far and near over the 


whole face of the Earth ; the maritime power of this Crown 
mightily increased and his Majesties duties and customs 
more than trebled. And finally, the necessity of assisting 
our Colonies is so urgent that it is not necessary to repeat 
it here. 

17. There remains now only to prove that it will be 
beneficial to the Commonwealth and this is quite as evident. 
In the first place England and Holland spend every year 
a million of dollars on timber for shipbuilding and other 
purposes. We can get this from Virginia, better and 
cheaper by fifty per cent., which is now brought from Po- 
land and Prussia, where the forests are nearly exhausted. 

18. From there we can also obtain iron and copper, in 
great abundance. And the sparing of our forests is of 
great importance. 

19. Within a few years, with our industry, this country 
will give us all the wine and the vinegar which we need ; 
also fruits which do not grow in our country and which we 
now import at great expense from other lands. 

20. It will give us likewise an abundance of salt fish ; 
of silk, flax and hemp, because the soil is very fertile and 
the climate very well suited for all those things in particular, 
and for others, as experience has already shown us. The 
officials, as well as the men of experience in all these pro- 
ducts, both of our own and of other nations whom we have 
sent there, promise to try to find out what may be found 
there and to report to us the facts. [And for the mak- 
ing of Pitch Tar, Turpentine, Sope-ashes, Deale, Wainscott, 
and such like, we have alreadie provided and sent thither 
skillful workmen from forraine parts, which may teach and 
set ours in the way, whereby we may set many thousands a 
worke, in these such like services.] 

21. We do not mention here the mines of gold and 
silver, which may be found. Suffice it to say that we have 
that other source of wealth which is more certain, more 
abundant and more permanent, than those which are drawn 
from the bowels of the earth ; because it ever circulates and 


always increases with human industry, like the waters which 
rise and fall and irrigate the soil and make it give its fruit 
at the proper time, without ever coming to an end. This 
is the best mine and the greatest wealth, which a prince can 
possess. We are taught this by what we see among our 
neighbors, the United States. And how much does it add 
to the wealth and the strength of a commonwealth to induce 
and encourage merchants and others to increase navigation 
and to send out ships, if it were possible, to all parts of the 
world, in order to give an outlet to native fruit and to im- 
port those of foreign lands with greater advantage, and even 
to carry the products of other kingdoms from one to the 
other, where there is want of shipping. For in this man- 
ner men of experience will be formed and the power by land 
and by sea will be increased, returning continually honor 
and profit to the source from which they spring. 

22. If we look back we shall see what a novice Eng- 
land was, a hundred years ago, in this commercial inter- 
course with foreign countries, as our people then did not 
know how to obtain nor where to carry anything out of 
their houses, so that the " Hulkas " which brought us drugs 
from Italy were recorded in the Chronicles, and the Han- 
seites of the North and the Lombards of other parts, brought 
us food as to children, and their Agents who lived in Lon- 
don sucked the whole substance of the country. And 
finally take this ever as a rule, that Domestic trade confined 
to the products of any one country alone, brings forth but 
poor results in that commonwealth. 

23. He who should like to compare the beginning of 
the reign of Queen Elizabeth with its end, would be amazed 
to see how Her Majesty, always opening her hand freely to 
succor all the princes and her neighbors in all their neces- 
sities, and maintaining perpetually such large armies and 
fleets in different parts in order to check her enemies, with 
all that, added so much to her revenues and to her power by 
land and by sea, improved the condition of her subjects, 
increasing their wealth to seven times the amount which she 


found, simply by having encouraged and assisted the mer- 
chants and increased their trade and commerce with many 
foreign nations. The advantage springing from this noble 
feature of her character is incredible; everything receives 
its increase from where it had its beginning, and this ought 
to satisfy us and animate all of us, not to be slow in in- 
creasing the causes from which there are produced such 

24. There is another example which puts us to shame 
that we should possess so little industry and management — 
that the Dutch (who have not a single stick of timber of 
their own, and hardly land enough to sow a grain of wheat) 
should have more ships than we have and a greater abun- 
dance of all supplies. The mere mention of the advantage 
which they have in both those things, should make us blush 
and bind us not to remain inferior (in points so very im- 
portant in prudence and good management) to people who 
are so far inferior to us by many degrees in almost every- 
thing else. 

25. And to return to the business : Unless we take 
measures to found new Colonies, the earth will not suffice 
to sustain the overwhelming number of human beings, — 
and this was the opinion of the Goths and Vandals, when, 
in order to relieve their home provinces, they transplanted 
those hosts of people that were in excess, who went and 
took possession of Spain, Italy and other provinces. Thus it 
is neither a new thing, nor an unnecessary one for this Com- 
monwealth, that we recommend. And in this city and in 
this Kingdom there are men of all professions and pursuits 
who will be delighted to establish their homes in those new 
Colonies, so that they and their descendants may remain 
forever in perfect harmony and agreement with the laws, 
the language and the religion of England. 

26. Three classes of people will, however, have to be 
excluded : First those who, under the pretext of serving 
their Prince, are all the time interfering with general inter- 
ests in order to use them for the advantage of the few. 
[/. e. y " Monopolists, the very wrack of Merchandizing."] 

First Baron Cottington 


27. The second are the Papists : Not one of them should 
be admitted, nor any person seasoned with the least taint 
of that leaven ; and if one of them should by oversight get 
there, he ought, as soon as discovered, to be turned out 
and shipped to England ; because such people will never be 
loyal, nor will they cease (if they could) conspiring against 
this enterprise, to impede and disturb this new plantation. 

28. The third, are bad magistrates, and on this step 
rests the very life and the happy success of this great busi- 
ness ; because if they should be Papists or Atheists or 
Demagogues, or ambitious despots who respect no King, or 
vicious men who set a bad example and employ others like 
unto themselves, or covetous men who might sell the offices 
of the commonwealth for their own benefit, the whole affair 
will be ruined and God will refuse us His blessing. 

29. On the whole, men of good character ought to be 
sent, and poor though they may be, the soil will make them 
rich and among other handicrafts the chief ought to be ship- 
wrights, workmen, fishermen, metal founders, and although 
they may have no special knowledge, if they are indus- 
trious, there will be employment for many thousands of 
them — only they must go with this determination that all 
must be busy in some way and not yield to idleness. 

30. In this way, our merchants will no longer sell their 
large ships (as has been done) to foreigners, contenting 
themselves with small vessels, nor will our sailors and other 
seafaring people, for want of work, go to seek employment 
in Tunis, Spain or Florence, when it is so much more advan- 
tageous that this government should employ them, as they 
are the most experienced in this profession that are in the 
world, and men of valor. 

31. We shall thus, by the Mercy of God, soon get from 
Virginia, may be, all that is brought now from the East, 
and there is hope that cochineal will be found and pearls. 
Cloth will always have to be brought from England ; be- 
cause as yet there is no wool there, and thus when the Col- 
onies are well grown and the savages are brought to civili- 

272 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOV*EMBER, 1609. 

zation, they will need a great abundance of Cloth and this 
business will once more flourish in England, with many 
other benefits, which we may promise ourselves from the 
good dispositions of our best sort of Citizens, who willingly 
engage themselves to undertake all new discoveries, as well 
this of the West, as by the Northwest to find out China. 
And unto the East beyond the Cape, into the Red Sea, the 
Gulf of Persia, the Straits of Sunda, and among all the 
Kings of East India, to the great advantage and honor of 
this Kingdom. 

32. Such long voyages are of great importance, in order 
that large ships do not go out of use, because, if we con- 
tinue them, we shall be so powerful that soon the mer- 
chant-fleets will suffice to encounter the fleets and the 
power of any other Monarch, and this Northern corner of 
the world will in a short time be the richest warehouse and 
the greatest customhouse of all kinds of merchandise to be 
found in Europe. 

33. The King, our Master, whilst adding to our privi- 
leges, has appointed eminent men for his Virginia Council, 
which is to govern us. And every planter and adventurer 
will be registered by name in the charter of Privileges. 

34. This foundation being laid we shall send promptly 
all we can send : men, women and children to people the 

35. We call those Planters, who go there in person in 
order to stay there. And those adventurers who contribute 
their money and do not go in person ; and both will be 
alike members of that Colony. 

36. We assess each separate share at five hundred Reales 
[£12 10s.]. 

37. Every individual, man or woman and every child of 
twelve [ten?] years and upwards which may be carried 
there to settle, at the distribution of lands, and of the 
profits of the transaction, will have his share " pro rata " of 
one separate share, or be as if he had actually paid in five 
hundred reales for that purpose. But persons of extraordi- 


nary character, as ministers, governors, state officers and offi- 
cers of justice, knights, physicians and others who are able 
to render very special services to the colony, besides being 
honorably supplied with provisions in proportion to the 
quality of each one, at the expense of the commonwealth, 
will receive each one his share in the distribution of the 
lands, and in the profits, according to the amount at which 
their persons and their services were estimated, which with 
the consent of all parties will immediately be registered in 
a book, so that at all times it may be evident about the 
first settlers — when they went out to settle, and the 
amount at which they were valued. But if any one of 
those who go in person should also wish to deposit a share 
in the hands of the treasurer general appointed for this 
enterprise, in order that it may contribute to its ends and 
purposes, this amount also will be registered and the colo- 
nist will receive his distribution in the aforesaid division, 
both for his person and for the capital which he may have 
handed over conforming to the rates of said register. 

38. All the cost of commencing and supporting this 
Colony and of renewing and improving the settlements, 
which shall occur in the first seven years, after the date of 
this last Charter of Privileges, which His Majesty has 
granted us, will be charged to the account of the same col- 
ony, by the hand of the chief treasurer and all the returns 
of merchandise coming from there will be sold on the same 
account, because it is a very reasonable thing that as we 
send from here, at our own expense, to those said planters 
all that they will need for their support and the conven- 
ience of their persons and to fortify and build for them 
houses, and everything else out of the common treasury 
[" Joint Stock "] so they also ought to return from there 
the fruit and the profit of their labor, to increase the afore- 
said treasury till the end and completion of the aforesaid 
seven years. 

39. Then, by the help of God, commissioners will be 
appointed who will make ths distribution, with all fairness 

274: PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609. 

and justice ; both of what may have been produced by the 
industry of the colonists, and the profits of trade, as of the 
lands which His Majesty has granted us for this colony, in 
conformity with the rates of the aforesaid register, which 
will amount, as a minimum to five hundred " akers " (a 
measure of land, less than a " yguada " of Spain) of land 
for each separate share of five hundred reales. 

40. And if we make an effort to send at the beginning 
a large number of people, well provided, no doubt after the 
second year, the returns that we shall receive from there 
will suffice not only for all the necessary expenses hence- 
forth to sustain and improve the colony, but the capital 
also will be increased in such a manner that the benefit 
which we may expect from it shall not be less than that 
which we get from the other division. 

41. And although land will in the beginning not be spe- 
cially valuable, still it will improve as it is tilled and will sur- 
pass ours in England, being new and having a climate spe- 
cially well suited for many precious products, which England 
does not produce. With the abundance of timber, which 
there is excellent and will long continue, and with every- 
thing else needed (we sending workmen from here), we 
shall have in a few years a hundred " Galeones " employed 
in this trade and commerce yearly, as good as are found at 
sea, and more to sell to others, all which good and much 
more we may lose if we pinch and spare our purses now. 

42. Our ancestors on account of their lack of foresight, 
and their carelessness, lost the first opportunity and the 
first offering of the greatest treasures of the world, and we 
tax their omission for it, yet now the same offering and 
the same trial is made to their children, Divine Providence 
having reserved for us this magnificent region and the dis- 
covery of this great world, which it now offers to us ; and 
since we have arms to embrace it and to hold on to it, there 
is no reason why we should let it escape us. 

43. The reputation and the honor of our nation is now 
very great by his Majesty's means, and we his subjects 


cannot enlarge and sustain it by gazing on and talking of 
what hath been done ; but by doing now what our posterity 
will commend hereafter. If we lose the opportunity we 
shall despoil ourselves as the Romans did when in the days 
of their prosperity they had gathered the spoils of the 
whole world and having brought the goddess Victoria to 
her temple, cut her wings that she should not fly away, nor 
leave them, as she had gone away from other nations, and 
having thus placed her among their other gods, gave 
themselves up to idleness and inactivity, whereupon they 
became effeminate in a few years and lost the reputation 
and the valor which had enabled them to make themselves 
the masters of the world, losing finally their empire and 
becoming subjects of the very same nations almost, over 
whom they had ruled a little while before. 

[" Let not such a prize of hopeful events, so lately pur- 
chased by the hazard of our valiant men, in the deepe Seas 
of forreine dangers, now perish in the Haven by our neg- 
lect, the lives of our friends already planted, and of those 
noble Knights and Gentlemen that entend to goe shortly, 
must lie at our mercy to be releeved and supplied by us, or 
to be made a prey unto others, (though wee feare not the 
subjects of any Prince in amity, that they will offer wrong 
unto us). And howsoever wee heare tales and rumours of 
this and that, yet be not dismaid, for I tell you, if we finde 
that any miscreants have wronged, or goe about to hurt our 
few hundreds there, we shall be ready to right it againe 
with many thousands, like the giant Anteus, whose often 
foiles renued his strength the more. And consider well 
that great work of freeing the poore Indians from the 
devourer, a compassion that every good man (but passing 
by) would shew unto a beast : their children when they 
come to be saved, will blesse the day when first their 
fathers saw your faces."] 

44. If those valiant warriors, our ancestors, who so 
readily sold their possessions in order to recover the Holy 
Land from the Saracens, had seen in their time such an 


open door as this is to the accomplishment of such great 
results by such simple means (as this enterprise promises), 
they would certainly not have left it to us, to carry out the 

45. What a strange thing it is and how deserving of 
admiration, to find all the states and all the princes of 
Europe in so profound a sleep, now for so long a time that 
for the space of a hundred years and more, the riches and 
the treasures of the East and of the West found no outlet 
except into the coffers of one individual ; until they were 
scattered about, as it were for the disquietude of all Europe, 
bringing forth a bad race of monks who have recently come 
to light and who with their cunning, as it were, transfix the 
heart of Christendom and the true religion, in all parts of 
the world. 

["How strange a thing is this that all the States of 
Europe have been a sleepe so long ? That for an hundred 
yeares and more, the wealth and riches of the East and 
West should runne no other current but into one coffer, so 
long till the running over, spread itselfe abundantly among 
a factious crew of new created Friers, and that to no more 
speciall end, than instigating bloody plots to pierce the 
heart of a Christian State and true Religion. 

"It is long since I read in a little treatise, made by Frith, 
an English Martyre, an excellent foretelling touching the 
happinesse of these Northern Hands, and of great wonders 
that should be wrought by Scots and English, before the 
comming of Christ, but I have almost forgotten, and cannot 
readily call it to minde as I would, and therefore I omitte 
it now, Protesting unto you, it would be my grief e and sor- 
row, to be exempted from the company of so many honour- 
able minded men, and from this enterprise, tending to so 
many good endes, and than which, I truely thinke this day, 
there is not a worke of more excellent hope under the Sun, 
and farre excelling (all circumstances wayed) those Noble 
deeds of Alexander, Hercules, and those heathen Monarks, 
for which they were deemed Gods among their posterity. 


" And so I leave it to your consideration, with a memora- 
ble note of Thomas Lord Howard, Earle of Surry, when K. 
Henry the eight, with his Nobles at Dover tooke shipping 
for Turwin and Turney, and bidding the saide Earle fare- 
well, whom he made Governour in his absence : the Story 
sayth, the Nobleman wept, and tooke his leave with teares, 
an admirable good nature in a valiant minde, greeving to 
be left behinde his Prince and Peers in such an honourable 
service. Finis."] 


" On the 4th April 1609, the Mercers Company consid- 
ered a precept of the Lord Mayor [LXXIIL] and the letter 
of the Councell and Company of the honorable plantation 
of Virginia [LXXII.], and agreed to adventure £200. to- 
wards the same voyage of Virginia." 


Court Minutes, Clothworkers' Company, April 4, 1609. 

" This daie also a precept from the Lord Maior directed 
to this company towchinge the voiage and adventure to 
Virginia, a coppy also of a letter sent to the Lord Maior and 
Aldermen by the Councell and Company of the honorable 
plantacon of Virginia were openly redd to the whole as- 
sembly here present, and after the reading thereof some 
speeches were used by the Maister, Mr. Coleby to incourage 
those of the Company then presente to the said adventure. 
But they thereoppon did not shew any forwardnes to that 
adventure Save only Humf rey Hawes who said that hee had 
already adventured xij 1L x 8, (£12. 10 s ) and rather than the 
voiage should not proceede he would adventure xij' 1, x 8, 
more, and the lyke offer was made by Thomas Weekes, 
whereupon bycause it was thoughte fitt by the Table that 
the Company should have some tyme to deliberate uppon 


this matter, — It was declar'd to the whole assembly then 
presente that as many of them as were disposed to be ad- 
venturers in this voiage should within two daies next eom- 
inge repaire to the dwellinge howse of Mr. John Coleby, 
Maister of this Company, and signifie unto him what somes 
of money they purpose to adventure, that returne may be 
made to the Lord Maior of the said precepte together with 
the names of the Adventurers and the severall somes of 
money they are willinge to adventure, accordinge as by the 
said precepte it is required and Commanded." 

[Mem. — April 5 Sir Geo. Carew wrote from Paris to 
Salisbury : — 

" Has been told the French are in hand with the discov- 
ery of a passage into the South Sea, by the North West, 
and that one Poncet, a Knight of Malta, has revealed that 
secret to the King, and is sworn not to tell it any further ; 
that they purpose to build forts upon a strait through which 
that passage lieth, to make themselves masters of it ; and 
that this is one of the causes why the lieutenancy of Nova 
Francia is taken from Mons. De Monts. — For the truth of 
all this you must wait for the lame post."] 


At a Court of the Clothworkers' Company of London, 
held at their Hall, April 12, 1609. 

" This daie it is ordered and agreed by a full consent of 
the maister, Wardens and Assistants here presente that 
there shalbe adventured by this howse in this intended 
voiage towards the plantacon in Virginia the some of C. M ks 
[100 Marks]. 

"This daie also the whole livery was warned hither to 
knowe their mindes what they purpose severallie to adven- 
ture towards the said plantacon and their severall names 
which were willinge to adventure together with their severall 


somes yealded to be adventured were also sett downe and 
recorded." . . . 


Reprinted by Peter Force (vol. iv. No. 1) at Washington, 
D. C, in 1846, and by the Hakluyt Society of London, 
England, in 1851. 

" Virginia richly valued, By the description of the main 
land of Florida her next neighbour : — 

" Out of the f oure yeeres continuall travell and discov- 
erie, for above one thousand miles East and West, of Don 
Ferdinando de Soto, and sixe hundred able men in his 

" Wherin are truly observed the riches and fertilitie of 
of those parts, abounding with things necessarie, pleasant, 
and profitable for the life of man: with the natures and 
dispositions of the Inhabitants. 

" Written by a Portugall gentleman of Elvas, emploied in 
all the action, and translated out of Portuguese by Richard 

" At London. Printed by Felix Kyngston for Matthew 
Lownes and are to be sold at the signe of the Bishop's head 
in Paul's Church yard. 1609." 

" The Epistle Dedicatorie," is " To The Right Honour- 
able, the Right worshipfull Counsellors, and others, the 
cheeref ull adventurors for the advancement of that Christian 
and noble plantation in Virginia. . . . 

" From my lodging in the Colledge of Westminster this 
15. of April 1609. 

" By one publikely and aunciently devoted to God's ser- 
vice, and all yours, in this so good action 

"Richard Hakluyt." 

This tract is a description of the country south of 
Virginia. On June 12, 1609 (CIV.), the companion tract 
describing the country north of Virginia was entered for 


publication. Both tracts were probably published under 
the auspices of the Virginia Company. 

In 1611, " Virginia richly valued &c." was reissued with 
the following title. 

"The Worthye and Famous History of the Travailes, 
Discovery & Conquest of that great Continent of Terra 
Florida, being lively Paraleld, with that of our now In- 
habited Virginia. As, also, the Comodities of the said 
Country, with divers excellent and rich Mynes, of Golde, 
Silver, and other Mettals, etc. Which cannot but give us a 
great and exceeding hope of our Virginia, being so neere 
[and] of one Continent. Accomplished and effected by that 
worthy Generall and Captaine Don Ferdinando de Soto and 
six hundred Spaniards his Followers. London. Printed 
for Matthew Lownes, dwelling in Paules Churchyard, at 
the Signe of the Bishop's head. 1611." 

[Originals of this tract, which are now worth about $250 
each, are preserved in the John Carter-Brown Library and 
in the library of Mr. Kalbfleisch of New York.] 


"At a Court of Assistants at the Hall 24 th April 
1609: — 

" The names of those persons of this Company that have 
before this day adventured to Virginia, viz*. : — 

Mr. Richard Poyntell 
" John Harper 

Martin Freeman 
Otterwell Smith 
John Fletcher . 
John Stoks . 
Thomas Langton 
Arthur Mowse 
Edward Allen . 
James Brierley 

£62. 10/ 
62. 10/ 
62. 10/ 
62. 10/ 
62. 10/ 
62. 10/ 
62. 10/ 

62. 10/ 
62. 10/ 




Mr. William Day, — Adventurer 

with Capt Gosnell, Capt. 


& Timothy Lodg : 


. 12. 10/ 

" The names of those who do now newly ad- 


£ s. d. 

Mr. John Allen . 

• * % 

. 12 10 

" Symon Yeomands 


12 10 

" George Chambers . 


. 12 10 

" Leonard Thomson 

. . 

12 10 

" Thomas Brett . 

• • « 

. 25 

" Edmund Stab 

, . 


" Martin Crane . 

. • • 

. 2. 

" Libias Swann 

. # 


" Thomas Johnson 

• • • 

. 2. 

u Thomas Smartfete 

. . 


" Thomas Toward 

• • . 

. 2. 

" Stephen Crossley 

. * 


" George Pollard 

. . < 

. 2. 

" William Barnes . 

. . 


" WilHam Upkins 

, . 

. 2. 

" John Langley 

• . 


" Robert Poudon 

. . 

. 5. 

" William Mason . 

. .' 


" WilHam Bennett 

. . 

. 25. 

" Warden Widdowspay . 

. . 


" " Tapp and Christ 

r Newgate 

. 12.10. 

" John Dyke 



« Robert Hall . 

. . 

. 2. 

" Walter Riley 

. . 


« Robert Knight 

. . 

. 2. 

" JohnBayfill 



" John Wolverston 

# , 

. 2. 

11 Trysham 

. . 


" Broomsgrave . 


. 2. 

" Bagshaw 




£ S. d. 

Mr. Thomas Quested to adventure, but did not 


Warden Edmund Andrews ... 3. 


Harbrowe ...... 5. 


{ These utterly refuse to pay at all. 



, Thomas Spence, 
Stephen Collet, 
Harry Graveborn, 
Robert Hawes, 



Thomas Atkyns, 
Benjamin Day, 
Matthias Pratt, 


William Budd, 


John James, 


Richard Sanderson, 


Paul Hodge, 
Richard Cole, 



Arthur Jeffreys, 
Edward Oliver, 


Robert Tetsworth, 



Robert Large, 
Robert Gibbs, 


Robert Elliott." 


This sermon, delivered April 25, and entered for publi- 
cation May 4, 1609, was probably the first sermon pub- 
lished for the advancement of the American enterprise. 

May 4, 1609. " Entered at Stationers Hall, by Eleazar 
Edgar, under the hands of Master Etkins. A Sermon 
preached at White Chappel the 25 th of April 1609, by 
Wm. Symonds, Lecturer at Sainte Saviour in Southwarke." 
It was published with the following title-page : — 





Whit e-C happel, in the 

prefence of many, Honourable and 
Worfhipfull, the Adventurers and Plan- 
ters for Virginia. 
25 April, 1609. 


And Vse Of The Colony, Planted, 
and to bee Planted there, and for the Ad- 
uancement of their Chris- 
tian Purpofe. 

By William Symonds, Preacher at Saint 

Saviours in Southwarke, 

I V D E. 22. 23. 

Haue compaffion of fome, in putting of difference i 
And other fave with feare, pulling them out of the fire. 


Printed by I. Windet for Eleazar Edgar, and 
William Welby, and are to be fold in Paules Church- 
yard at the Signe of the Windmill. 


Originals are preserved in the John Carter-Brown Li- 
brary and in the library of Mr. Kalbfleisch of New York. 

I have not noted an original for sale in the last ten 
years. One would probably be worth $150 or more. There 
are some extracts from it in Anderson's "History of the 
Colonial Church," where it is erroneously mentioned as 
having been delivered after Crashaw's sermon (CXX.). 
Extracts are also given in Neill's " English Colonization of 
America," Strahan & Co., London, 1871, pp. 29-31. 

It has never been reprinted. It contains nearly 20,000 
words, and is therefore too long to be reprinted in this 
book ; but in order to illustrate the ideas which obtained in 
the religious element among the advancers of the American 
enterprise I will give extended extracts therefrom. 

The following is the full text of the 


"To the Right Noble and Worthie Advancers of The 
Standart of Christ, among the Gentiles, The Adventurers 
for the Plantation of Virginia, W. S. prayeth that Nations 
may blesse them, and be blessed by them. 

" Right Noble and Worthy, such as do prayse the wor- 
hies, do cloth them with the robes of others that have 
gone before them in vertues of like nature. A thing 
which I cannot doe of your Plantation, seeing neither Tes- 
tament (that I can find) dooth afford us a Parallell in men 
of like qualitie. That great and golden sen- 
tence, The seede of the woman shall breake the 
Serpents head, (the onely subject of all ages) with a part 
of the wisedome that is folded therein, hitherto hath beau- 
tified the world with admirable and pleasant varieties ; 
more rich and delightfull then all the Ornaments of Princes 
palaces, Or the Curtaines of Salomon. Here may we see 
the Flood, the burning of Sodom ; the drowning of Pharoh : 
the subduing" of the Cananites by David and his 

Dan. 2. 35. _ °. .. J . . 

bonnes j the breaking ot Monarchies into cnaire : 


the surprising & conquering of great Nations, by Fisher- 
men, with the sword of the Spirit ; the stamping 
of the Dragon (the Heathen Empire) into peeces 
by Constantine ; the desolation, and nakednesse vita Constan- 
of Anti-Christ, now readie to be cast into the fire. 
Manifest demonstrations of the Serpents bruised head. But 
here is not all. These things were done in a Corner, in 
comparison of that which is in hand, and remaineth to be 
accomplished at the last judgment. Long since R eve . 6. & 
the Gospell of Christ did ride forth conquering 19 ' 
that hee might over-come. And Now, the hostes that are 
in heaven doe follow him on white horses. Now isac. 52. 10. 
the Lord hath made bare his holy arme, in the Reye ' 19 ' 12 ' 
sight of all the Gentiles ; and all the ends of the earth 
shall see the salvation of our God. Now many 

Psal. 47. 9. 

Mighty Kings have set their crownes upon the 

head of Christ. The valiant souldier saith, The shields of 

the world belong to God, the true Nobilitie, have 

upon their horse bridles, holinesse to the Lord, 

And now the wise and industrious Merchant, doth hold the 

riches of the Gentiles too base a fraight for his shippes. 

He tradeth for his wisedome, that saith : Surely 

. Isac 60 9. 

the Isles wait for me (saith the Lord) and the 
shippes of the Ocean most especially : namely to carry the 
Gospell abroad. The people in multitudes like 
strong thundrings, doe say Hallelu-iah. And 
who is wanting in this blessed expedition ? Surely, not any 
tribe, Prayse ye the Lord, for the people that 
offered themselves so willingly. For who can 
with-draw himselfe from concurrence in so good an action : 
especially, when he shall but read, or heare that one sen- 
tence which Deborah did sing : Curse ye Meroz, 
sayd the Angell of the Lord, curse the inhabit- u g ' 
ants thereof: because they came not forth to helpe the 

" This land, was of Old time, offered to Our Kings. Our 
late Soveraigne Q. Elizabeth (whose storie hath no peere 


among Princes of her sexe) being a pure Virgin, found it, 
set foot in it, and called it Virginia. Our most sacred Soveraigne, in whom is the spirit of his great 
Vita Con- Ancestor, Constantine the pacifier of the World, 

stantim. 11*1 • 

and planter of the Gospell in places most remote, 
desireth to present this land a pure Virgine to Christ. 
Such as doe manage the expedition, are carefull to carry 
thither no traitors, nor Papists, that depend on the Great 
Whore. Lord finish this Good worke thou hast begun; 
and marry this land, a pure Virgine to thy Kingly sonne 
Christ Iesus ; so shall thy name bee magnified : and we 
shall have a Virgin or Maiden Britaine, a comfortable 
addition to our Great Britaine. 

" And now Right Worthy, if any aske an account of my 
vocation, to write and Preach thus much ; I answere : that 
although I could not satisfie their request that would have 
me goe ; yet I could not omit to shewe my zeale to the 
Glory of God. If they aske account of my Dedication, I 
answere, your vertue hath exacted it. If any man list to be 
curious, or contentious, wee have no such custome, nor the 
churches of God. Hold on your blessed course and you 
Psai. 72. is. shall receive blessings of Christ : Blessed bee the 
m Lord God ; even the God of Israeli, which onely 

worketh great wonders, and hath put these blessed thoughts 
into your Christian hearts, And blessed be his glorious 
name forever, and let all the earth be filled with his glory, 
Amen, Amen. 

" Yours most heartily affected in the cause of Virginia. 

" William Simonds." 

The following extracts are taken from the sermon as pub- 
lished. There are about 300 words to the page ; the pages 
are noted. Thus the reader can see when the mere heading 
only is given, and when the extract is more at large. The 
first page is given in full. 


"Virginea Britannia. A Sermon Preached At [p. 1.] 

White Chappel, In The presence of many the 

Adventurers, and Planters for Virginia. [From the text] 

" Genesis 12 : 1. 2. 3. For the Lord had said unto Abram, 

get thee out of thy Countrey, and from thy Kindred, and 

from thy father's house, unto the land that I will shew thee. 

" And I will make of thee a great nation, and will blesse 

thee, and make thy name great, and thou shalt be a blessing. 

" I will blesse them also that blesse thee, and curse them 

that curse thee, and in thee shall all the families of the earth 

be blessed. 

" This Booke of Genesis conteineth the story of the Crea- 
tion and Plantation of heaven and earth with convenient 
inhabitants. The heaven hath Angels, the skie 
starres, the aire soules, the water fishes, the earth [p. 2.] 
(furnished with plants and hearbes and beasts) 
was provided for man a while to inhabite, who after was to 
be received into Glory, like unto the Angels. Hereupon 
the Lord (who by his great decree, set downe by his whole 
Trinitie, hath determined that man should rule among the 
creatures) did make man, both male and female, After his 
owne image, that is Jesus Christ, and gave them this bless- 
ing, Bring forth fruit and multiplie, and fill the earth, and 
subdue it &c. . . . 

" Among whome the blessed line of Shem is not onely 
plentifully remembred, but also commended, as 
obedient unto that first and great Law of God : [p. 3.] 
For Terah, the father of Abram, with his family, 
are reported to be found in a Land not theirs, that they 
might fill the earth. 

"The reason why Terah, and his family removed, is 
recorded in these three verses." — He then dwells specially 
on his text under the following pointers : " The Context " — 
" Goe out of " — " To the place which I shall 
shew thee " — " Arguments from promises " — [p. 4.] 
"1. A great Nation"— "2. Blesse thee" — 
" 3. A great name " — " 4. A blessing " — " Arguments 


that concerne other men " — "1. Blesse them that blesse 

thee " — " 2. Curse them that curse thee " — 
[p. 5.] 3. " All Nations blessed in thee." He then dwells 

on the " Doctrines " taught by the text (pp. 5-10). 
To the objection, " The country they say, is possessed by 

owners, that rule, and governe it in their owne 
[p. 10.] right : then with what conscience, and equitie 

can we offer to thrust them, by violence, out o£ 
their inheritance ? " He gives a long answer, largely justi- 
fying the enterprise by former acts of the " Great Princes, 
and Monarkes, of Assyria, Persia, Media, Greece and Rome." 

He also answers various reasons for not going, 
[p. 18.] " I am not ignorant, that many are not willing to 

goe abroade and spreade the gospell, in this most 
honorable and christian Voyage of the Plantation of Vir- 
ginia. Their reasons are diverse according to their wits. 

One saith England is a sweete country. True in- 
[p. 19.] deede, and the God of glory be blessed, that 

wher-as the country was as wilde a forrest, but 

nothing so fruitfull, as Virginia, and the people in their 

nakedness did arme themselves in a Coate of Armor of 

. Wood, fetching their Curets and Polderns, from 

Coin, basons. , 1 i i * -n n 

a Painters shop : by the civnl care ot conquerors 
and planters it is now become a very paradise in comparison 
of that it was. But how sweete soever it be, I am sure it 
cannot compare with Mesopotamia, where Abrani dwelt. 

Look seriously into the land (England), and see whether 
there bee not just cause, if not a necessity, to seek abroad. 
The People blessed be God, doe swarme in the land, as 

young bees in a hive in June ; insomuch that 
[p. 20.] there is very hardly roome for one man to live by 

another. The mightier like old strong bees 
thrust the weeker, as younger, out of their hives." He 

then describes the over-crowded condition of all 
[p. 22.] industries, etc., in England at that time, and 

urges " the younger bees, to swarme and hive 


themselves elsewhere. Take the opportunity, good honest 
labourers, which indeede bring all the honey to the hive, 
God may so blesse you, that the proverbe may be true of 
you, that A May swarme is worth a Kings ransome." 

" The land which wee walked through to search [p. 24.] 
it, is a very good land. If the Lord love us, he Numb 14 7 
will bring us to this land, and give it us." 8 - 

" The land, by the constant report of all that have seene 
it, is a good land, with the fruitfulnesse whereof, and 
pleasure of the Climate, the plentie of Fish and Fowle, 
England, Our Mistresse, cannot compare, no not when she 
is in her greatest pride. It is said of the land 

o r\ i t i i • i , l l 3 Gene - 26 - 12 - 

oi Canaan, that lsaack sowed in that land, and. 

fcmnd in the same yeere, an hundred fold, by estimation : 

and the text addeth, And so the Lord blessed him. But 

here is a greater matter then so : For, if I count a-right, 

this land giveth five hundred fold at one harvest. For the 

eares of Wheate [corn], which I have seene, are ten in 

square, and flftie long : and yet they say, that commonly 

this returne is little better then the third part, 

every stalke bearing, ordinarily three such eares [p. 25.] 

of Wheate. As for the opportunitie of the place, 

I leave it to the grave Polititian : and for the Commodities, 

let the industrious Merchant speake : but for food and 

raiment, here is inough to be had for the labour of mas- 

tring and subduing the soile." 

" The natives were not like i the sonnes of Anak.' 
There are but poore Arbors for Castles, base and 
homely sheds for walled townes. A Mat is their 
strongest Port cullis, a naked breast their Target of best 
proofe : an arrow of reede, on which is no iron, their most 
fearfull weapon of offense, heere is no feare of nine hun- 
dred iron charets. Their God is the enemie of j U( jg. 4. 13. 
mankind that seeketh whom he may devoure." ' e ' 

" Let us be cheerfull to goe to the place that [p. 26.] 
God will shew us to possesse in peace and plentie, 
a Land more like the garden of Eden : which the Lord 
planted, than any part else of all the earth." 


[p. 35.] " Out of these arguments, by which God inticed 
Abram to go out of his Country, such as goe to 
a Christian Plantation may gather many blessed lessons. 
Marrie not God will make him a great Nation. Then must 
with infidels. A Drams posteritie keepe them to themselves. 
They may not marry nor give in marriage to the heathen, 
that are uncircumcised. And this is so plaine, that out of 
this foundation arose the law of marriage among them- 
selves. The breaking of this rule, may breake the necke of 
all good successe of this Voyage, whereas by keeping the 
feare of God, the Planters in shorte time, by the blessing of 
God, may grow into a Nation formidable to all the enemies 
of Christ, and be the praise of all that part of the world, 
for so strong a hand to be joyned with the people here that 

feare God." 
[p. 43.] " I hope out of these words thus generally 
delivered, every true harted Protestant, can frame 
out an answere unto the objection, that is thought much to 
impeach this Plantation of Virginia. The perill, say the 
objectors, is great by the Papist that shall come on the 
backe of us. What Papists doe you feare ? The Princes ? 
Sure, such as are in aliance with your Nation will thinke 
other thoughts, and take better advice. But as for the 
popish Church, an unruly beast." He is very bitter in his 

words of invective against this church, 
[p. 46.] " The onely perill is in offending God, and tak- 
ing of Papists into your Company ; if once they 
come creeping into your houses, then looke for mischiefe : 
if treason or poyson bee of any force : Know them all to 
be very Assasines, of all men to be abhorred, will also send 
you such governours, as will cast out the leaven out of 
your houses : to whom I need say little, because I know 

they need not be nurtured by me." 

[p. 53.] " Againe, if it be Gods purpose that the Gospell 

shall be preached through the world for a wit- 

nesse then ought ministers to be carefull and willing to 

spread it abroad, in such good services as this, that is in- 

First Huron Coventry 


tended. Sure it is a great shame unto us, of the ministry, 
that can be better content, to sit, and rest us heere idle, 
then undergoe so good a worke. Our pretence 
of Zeale, is cleare discovered to be but hypocrisie, [p. 54.] 
when we rather choose to minde unprofitable 
questions at home, then gaining soules abroad. It is a sin- 
gular sin for men to be overcome with evill, it is a shame 
that the Jesuites and Friers, that accompany every ship, 
should be so diligent to destroy souls, and wee not seeke 
the tender lambes, nor bind up that which is broken. 

"But go on couragiously, and notwithstanding the snort- 
ing idlenes of the ministry, suspect not the bless- 

• o r* i a .• A- -i i ,,m , 2. King- 5. 2. 

ing oi l*od. A captive Uirle brought JNaman to 
the Prophet. A Captive woman, was the meanes of con- 
verting Iberia, now called Georgia. Edesius, and Ruffinus 
Frumentius two captive youthes, were the meanes Lib. L Cap! 
of bringing the Gospell into India. God makes 9 ' 10 ' 
the weake things of the world confounde the *• Cor - *• 
mighty, and getteth himselfe praise by the mouth of Babes 
and sucklings. Be cheerfull then, and the Lord of all 
glory, glorifie his name by your happy spreading of the 
Gospell, to your commendation, and his glory, that is Lord 
of all things, to whom be power and dominion for-ever. 



At a Court of the Clothworkers' Company of London, held 
at their Hall, April 26, 1609. 

" This daie also it is ordered, agreed and f ullie assented 
unto by this Courte that with the petty somes yealded by 
divers persons, of this Company to be adventured in the 
plantacon of Virginia, there shalbe adventured by this 
house as muche money as will make upp the petty somes soe 
as aforesaide yealded to be adventured amountinge to xxx 11, 
or thereabouts, the full some of one hundred pounds. 





"M r Bisshopp M r 
M'H. Hooper! 
M r H. Lownes} Wara 


The Copy of the receipte under 
Sir Thomas Smithes hande for the 
Comp mes Adventure into Virginia, 
"Received the 28 th of April 1609 of M r Humphrey 
Hooper and Humphrey Lownes Wardens of The Stationers 
of the Citty of London the sum of one Hundred and twenty 
and five pounds, & is for the said Comp nies adventure in the 
Voyage to Virginia. I said rec d £125. 0. 0. 

"Tho. Smythe. 
" The which sum of £125 was Levyed & disbursed in The 
Comp nie in portions as followeth 


M r Bisshopp M r the Conn/ 18 . 

M r Bonham Norton . 

M r Hooper elder Warden 

M r H. Lownes younger Warden 

M r Harrison the elder 

M r Barker 

M r Mann the elder 

M r John Norton 

M r Dawson . 

M 1 Seton . 

M 1 Leake 

M r Standish 

M r Richard Collins 

M r Keyle . 

M r Adams . 

M r Ockold 

M r Bankworth 

M r John Jaggard 

M r Gylman . 


s d 








































M r Cole 

M r Smithe 

M'Dighte . 

M r Kniglite . 

M r Pavyer . 

M r Edw. Bisshopp 

M r Bill 

M r Cooke 

M r Islip 

M r Kingstone . 

M r Weaver . 

M r Lawe 

M r Cotton . 

Richard Boyle 

M r Swinhowe 



s d 































"Suma. £125. 0.0." 

[This represents the way the sum contributed by the cor- 
poration of stationers was "levyed & disbursed" among the 
members. A good many members of this company were 
also personal adventurers for a considerable amount in the 
American enterprise.] 


The document, it seems, was written by R[obert] G[ray], 
28th April, 1609. 

May 3, 1609. "Entered at Stationers Hall, For Wm. 
Welbye, by Robert Gray. Under the hands of Master 
Richard Etkins and Master Wm. Lownes. A booke called 
A Good Spede to Virginia." 

It was published with the following title-page : — 




to Virginia. 

EsAY 42.4. 

He shall not faile nor be difcouraged till he have 
fet judgement in the earth, and the lies (hall 
wait for his law. 


Printed by Felix Kyngston for PVilliam 

Welbie, and are to be fold at his fhop at the figne 

of the Greyhound in Pauls Church 

yard. 1 609. 


On the 1st of October, 1610, there is the following entry 
in the Register of the Company of Stationers of London : 
"Primo Octobris die Lunae quarter day 1610. . . . 

"Michael Baker: [had] assigned over unto him from 
Master Welby by the consent of the Courte holden this 
day. Good Speed to Virginia." 

At the sale of the Drake Library in March, 1883, an 
original fetched $150. 

Originals are preserved in the John Carter-Brown Li- 
brary, and in the library of Mr. Kalbfleisch of New York. 

LXXXIX. goes over much the same ground as LXVIII ; 
but the latter gives a business view, while the former, look- 
ing from a scriptural standpoint, presents a religious view. 
The tract, I believe, has never been reprinted. It contains 
nearly 9,000 words, and is too long to be reprinted entire ; 
but I give extended extracts, in further illustration of the 
sentiments which then obtained in the premises. 

It was published with the following " Epistle Dedicato- 
rie:" — 

"To The Right Noble and Honorable Earles, Barons 
and Lords, and to the Right Worshipfull Knights, 
Merchants and Gentlemen, Adventurers for the [p. 2.] 
plantation of Virginea, all happie and prosperous 
successe, which may either, augment your glorie, or increase 
your wealth, or purchase your eternitie. 

" Time the devourer of his own brood consumes both 
man and his memorie. It is not brasse nor marble that 
can perpetuate immortalitie of name upon the earth. Many 
in the world have erected faire and goodly monuments, whose 
memorie together with their monuments is long since de- 
faced and perished. The name, memorie and actions of 
those men doe only live in the records of eternitie, which 
have employed their best endeavours in such ver- 
tuous and honourable enterprises, as have ad- [p. 3.] 
vanced the glorie of God, and inlarged the glorie 


and wealth of their Countrie. It is not the house of Salo- 
mon, called the Forrest of Lebanon, that continues his 
name and memorie upon the earth at this day, but his wise- 
dome, justice, magnificence and power, yet do and forever 
shall eternize him. A right sure foundation therefore have 
you (My Lords and the rest of the most worthie Adventurers 
for Virginia) laid for the immortalitie of your names and 
memorie, which, for the advancement of Gods glorie, the 
renowne of his Maiestie, and the good of your Countrie, 
have undertaken so honourable a project, as all posterities 
shall blesse : and Uphold your names and memories so long 
as the Sunne and Moone endureth : Whereas they which 
preferre their money before vertue, their pleasure before 
honour, and their sensuall securitie before heroicall adven- 
tures, shall perish with their money, die with their pleasures, 
and be buried in everlasting forgetfulnes. The 
[p. 4.] disposer of al humane actions dispose your pur- 
poses, blesse your Navie as hee did the ships of 
Salomon which went to Ophie, and brought him home in 
one yeere six hundred threescore and six talents of gold. 
The preserver of al men preserve your persons from all 
perils both by sea and land; make your goings out like 
honest men triumphing for the victorie, and you comings in 
like an army dividing the spoile. And as God hath made 
you instruments for the inlarging of his Church militant 
here upon Earth ; so when the period of your life shall be 
finished, the same God make you members of his Church 
triumphant in Heaven. Amen. 

" From mine house at the North-end of Sithes lane Lon- 
don, April 28. Anno 1609. 

" Your Honours and Worships in all affectionate well 


He takes as a text for his discourse on a " Good Speede 

to Virginia," Joshua 17 chapter, 14 to 18 verses. 

[p. 5.] " Then the children of Joseph spake unto 


Joshua, saying, why hast thou given me but one lot, and 
one portion to inheritie, seeing I am a great people ? 

" Joshua then answered, if thou beest much people, get 
thee up to the wood, and cut trees for thyselfe in the land 
of the Perizzites, & of the Giants, if Mount Ephraim be too 
narrow for thee. 

" Then the children of Joseph said, the Mountaine will 
not be inough for us, and all the Canaanites that dwelt in 
the low countrey, have Charets of Iron as well as they in 
Bethsheam, and in the towns of the same, as they in the 
Valley of Israel. 

" And Joshua spake unto the house of Joseph, to Ephraim 
and Manasses, saying, Thou art a great people, and hath 
great power, and shalt not have one lot. 

" Therefore the mountain shall be thine, for it is a wood, 
and thou shall cut it downe, and the endes of it shall be 
thine, & thou shall cast out the Canaanites though they 
have Iron Charets, and though they be strong." 

The discourse begins: "The heavens saith David, even 
the heavens are the Lords, and so is the earth, but he hath 
given it to the children of men," etc. 

He reviews the past : " In those days this [pp. 6, 7.] 
Kingdome was not so populous as now it is, 
Civell warres at home, and forreine wars abroad, did cut off 
the overspreading branches of our people." 

" But now God hath prospered us with the [p. 8.] 

blessings of the wombe, and with the blessings 
of the breasts, the sword devoureth not abroad, neither is 
there any f eare in our streetes at home ; so that we are 
now for multitude as the thousand of Manasses, and as the 
ten thousands of Ephraim, the Prince of peace hath joyned 
the wood of Israel and Judah in one tree. And therefore 
we may justly say, as the children of Israel say here to 
Joshua, we are a great people, and the lande is too narrow 
for us : so that whatsoever we have beene, now it behooves 
us to be both prudent and politicise, and not to deride and 
reject good powers of profitable and gainef ull expectation ; 


but rather to embrace every occasion which hath any proba- 
bilitie in its future hopes : And seeing there is neither pre- 
ferment nor employment for all within the lists of our 
Countrey, we might justly be accounted as in former times, 
both imprudent and improvident, if we will yet sit with our 
armes foulded on our bosomes, and not rather seeke after 
such adventers whereby the Glory of God may be advanced, 
the teritories of our Kingdome inlarged, our people both 
preferred and employed abroad, our wants supplyed at 
home, his Maiesties customes wonderfully augmented, and 
the honour and renown of our Nation spread and propa- 
gated to the ends of the World." 
[p. 9.] " And therefore for the better satisfying of 

some, and for the encouraging of all sortes of 
people concerning this project for Virginia, let us more 
fully examine the particulars of this discourse betweene 

the children of Joseph and Joshua." 
[p. 10.] " There is nothing more dangerous for the 
estate of Common-wealths, than when the people 
do increase to a greater multitude and number than may 
justly paralell with the largenesse of the place and Coun- 
trey : for hereupon comes oppression, and diverse kindes of 
wrongs, mutinies, sedition, commotion and rebellion, scar- 
citie, dearth, povertie, and sundrie sorts of calamities, which 
either breed the conversion, or eversion, of cities and com- 
[p. 14.] "For they that turne many unto righteous- 
nesse shall shine as the starres for evermore. Dan. 
[p. 15.] 12. 3." He urges that it " is everie mans dutie 
to travell both by sea and land, and to venture 
either with his person or with his purse, to bring the barbar- 
ous and savage people to a civill and Christian Kinde of 
government. ... to trie all meanes before they undertake 

[p. 16.] " The report goeth, that in Virginia the people 
are savage and incredibly rude, they worship the 
divell, offer their young children in sacrifice unto him, wan- 


der up and downe like beasts, and in manners and condi- 
tions, differ very little from beasts, having no Art, nor science, 
nor trade, to imploy themselves, or give themselves unto, 
yet by nature loving and gentle, and desirous to imbrace 
a better condition. Oh how happy were that man which 
could reduce this people from brutishness to civilitie, to re- 
ligion, to Christianitie, to the saving of their souls, . . . 

" Farre be it from the hearts of the English, they should 
give any cause to the world, to say that they sought the 
wealth of that Countrie above or before the glorie of God, 
and the propagation of his Kingdome." 

He reviews and answers several of the objections to the 

" The first objection is, by what right or war- [p. 18.] 
rant we can enter into the lands of these savages, 
take away their rightful inheritance from them, and plant 
ourselves in their places, being unwronged or unprovoked 
by them. 

" Some affirme, and it is likely to be true that [p. 19.] 
these Savages have no particular propertie in any 
part or parcell of that countrey, but only a generall resi- 
dence there, as wild beasts have in the forest, . . . 

" But the answer to the aforesaid objection is, that there 
is no intendment to take away from them by force that 
rightfull inheritance which they have in that countrey, 
for they are willing to entertaine us, and have offered to 
yeelde into our hands on reasonable conditions, more lande 
than we shall bee able this long time to plant and ma- 
nure, ... 

" Secondly, they reason of the future events [p. 20.] 
by those that are alreadie past. And seeing it 
is above twentie yeares agoe since this attempt was begun, 
and yet no good hath come of it, nor little hope of any, 
they holde it an unvised course to set the same 
attempt on foote again : which objection of theirs [p. 21.] 
is very sufficientlie answered in that booke inti- 
tuled Nova Britannia [LXVIII.]. And indeed most child- 


ish is this objection, for neither was the ends of the first 
attempt the same, with the ends of this, nor the meanes, 
nor the managing of the meanes of this attempt semblable 
with the former, . . . The event of this cannot be judged 
by the event of the former. 

"Their second [third?] objection is, that this age will 
see no profit of this plantation. Which objection admit it 
were true, yet it is too brutish, and bewraies their neglect 
and incurious respect of posteritie : we are not borne like 
beasts for ourselves, and the time present only. . . . Pos- 
terity and the age yet ensuing have not the least part in 
our life and labours. What benefit or comfort should we 
have enjoyed in the things of this world, if our forefathers 
had not provided better for us, and bin more carefully re- 
spective of posteritie then for themselves? We sow, we 
set, we plant, we build, not so much for ourselves as for 
posteritie ; We practice the workes of Godlines in this life, 
yet shall we not see the end of our hope before wee in joy 
it in the world to come. . . . They which onely are for 
themselves, shall die in themselves, and shall not have a 
name among posteritie, their rootes shall be dried up be- 
neath, and above shall their branches bee cut down, their 
remembrance shall perish from the earth, and they shall 

have no name in the street. Job. 18. 16. 17." 
[p. 22.] " Others object to the continual!, charges which 

will prove in their opinion very heavie and bur- 
densome to those that shall undertake the said Planta- 
tion. These like the dog in the manger, neither eate hay 
themselves, neither will they suffer the Oxe that would. 
They never think any charge too much that may any way 
increase their owne private estate. They have thousands to 
bestow about the ingrossing of a commoditie, or upon a 
morgage, or to take their neighbors house over his head, 
or to lend upon usurie ; but if it come to a publicke good, 
they grone under the least burden of charges that can bee 
required of them. Tljese men should be used like sponges, 
they must be squeased, seeing they drinke up all, and will 

First Karl of Middlesex 


yeeld to nothing, though it concerne the common good 
never so greatly. But it is demonstratively prooved in 
Nova Britannia, that the charges about this Plantation will 
be nothing, in comparison of the benefit that will grow 
thereof. And what notable thing I pray you can be 
brought to passe without charges ? . . . Without question 
he that saves his money, where Gods glory is to be ad- 
vanced, Christian religion propagated and planted, the good 
of the Commonwealth increased, and the glorious renowne 
of the King inlarged, is subject to the curse 
of Simon Magus, his monie and he are in danger [p. 23.] 
to perish together. Let none therefore find de- 
laies, or faine excuses to withhold them from this imploy- 
ment for Virginia, seeing every opposition against it is an 
opposition against God, the King, the Church, and the Com- 
monwealth. . . . 

"For this present businesse of plantation in Virginia, 
there must bee speciall choice and care had of such persons 
as shall be sent thither. Nature hath emptied herselfe in 
bestowing her richest treasures upon that countrie ; so that 
if Art and Industrie be used, as helpers to Nature, it is 
likely to proove the happiest attempt that ever was under- 
taking by the English. And for as much as of all human 
Artes, Political government is the chiefest, there must be a 
speciall care in the Magistrate, for herein consists the verie 
maine matter of the successe of this businesse. . . . 

And for as much as no policie can stand long [p. 25.] 
without religion, a chiefe care must be had of 
sufficient, honest and sober minded Ministers. . . . 

"Provision must be made of men furnished with Arts 
and trades most necessarie for this businesse." 

" Besides all this, industrie must be also added [p. 26.] 
to helpe Arte and Nature. . . . necessarie sup- [p. 27.] 
plies of livelihoode will be very precious there a 
while : and therefore order had more neede be taken, that 
such provision be not consumed by unserviceable loyter- 
ing companions. 


" Lastly, all degrees and sorts of people which have pre- 
pared themselves for this Plantation must be admonished 
to preserve unitie, love and concord amongst themselves: 
for by concord small things increase and grow to great 
things, but by discord great things soone come to nothing. 
. . . Therefore if any mutinous or seditious person dare 
adventure to moove any matter which may tend to the 
breech of concord and unitie, he is presently to be sup- 
pressed as a most dangerous enemy to the state and govern- 
ment there established. 

" Now all these particulars being already not onely con- 
cluded upon, but also provided for by the godly care of 
the Counsell and Adventurers of Virginia : I have presumed 
onely to advise, being out of doubt that they will be care- 
fully performed, as they are already wisely and religiously 
determined. And thus far have I presumed in my love 
to the Adventurers, and liking to the enterprise, to dealein 
this businesse, praying as much goode successe to them and 
it, as their owne hearts can desire, hoping to see their ex- 
pectation satisfied, and the glory of England as much in- 
creased, by this their honourable attempt, as ever was the 
Romane Empire by the enterprises of her greatest Emperours, 
sorrowing with myselfe that I am not able neither in person 
nor purse to be a partaker in the businesse." 


Extract from the Minutes of a Court of Assistants of the 
Merchant Taylors' Company, dated 29th day of April, 

" This day our Maister, Wardens and Assistants did con- 
sider with the Warden Substitutes and XVI men, concern- 
ing the money proposed to be collected from the common 
stock, at a Courte held on 31 March last, towards the 
honorable plantacon in Verginia. And upon full examy- 
nacon of all that was collected and lately agreed uppon it is 


resolved that the some of Two hundred pounds shalbe pres- 
ently sent to Sir Thomas Smyth, Treasurer of the Verginia 
Company, which cc? wilbe raysed in this manner following 


; Out of the stock of the Company, I * 

Of the free guift of diverse of the ) I 
ly very whose names ensue ) xxiiij 


Of the free guift of the Batchelers } I s d 
Company whose names alsoe ensue, ) liiij. iij. iiij 

Adventurers of the Batchelers Com- 
pany whose names alsoe ensue — 
expecting gayne. 

I s d 
xv. xij. vj 


Supplied by the Batcheler's Com- ) I s 
pany out of theire Treasury ) vl - m j* *J 

f lxxvj 

" And be it remembred that upon examynacon and con- 
ference with diverse of the Company it alsoe appeareth that 
particular brothers of the Company have adventured with 
the Virginia Company in the name of themselves and theire 
friendes or children severall somes whereof this Company 
have knowledge of as much as in the whole doth amount to 
ffyve hundreth fower score and six pounds thirteene shillings 
and fower pence, over and besides the two hundred pounds 
before mentioned, whose names also hereafter f ollowe — 

" And first — 

" The names of such of the Ly very as (of their owne free 
guift) have contributed the severall somes hereafter follow- 
ing to be adventured by this Company towards the hon- 
orable plantacon in Virginia : And have agreed that the 
gayne thereof (if any shalbe) shall from tyme to tyme be 
given and bestowed upon the poore of this Company. 

" Francis Evington, warden. 


John Prowde. 

Andrewe Osborne. 


Richard Tenaunt. 

Edward Atkinson. 


George Sotherton. 

John Wooller. 


William Bond. 

Randle Woolley. 


George Hethersall 

Richard Otway. 


Robert Jenkinson. 

Thomas ffranklyn. 


Thomas Johnson. 

Edward James. 


Thomas Boothby. 




Charles Hoskins. 


Bartholomew Elnor. 


John Harrison. 


Nicholas Bosville. 


William Priestly. 


John Hanbury. 


Jeffrey Prescott. 


Suma : £xxiiij. 

" The names of such of the Batchelers Company (as of 
theire free guift) have contributed the severall somes here- 
after following, to be adventured by this Company towards 
the honorable plantacon in Virginia. And have agreed 
that the gayne thereof (if any be) shall from tyme to tyme be 
given and bestowed upon the poore of the said Batcheler's 

" John Mawditt. 
Thomas Stapleton. 
George Beard. 
George Robson. 
William Reynolds. 
William Crosley. 
William meld. 
Titus Westley. 
John Godwyn. 
Noah Smythe. 
John Dade. 
Andrew Pawling. 
Richard Williams. 
Samuel Bonnyvale. 
Symon Woode & \ 
Phillipp Collam > 
Richard Jenkinson 
& Charles Guy 
Peter Sparks. 
Henry Ashley. 
James Ashley. 
Thomas Holmes. 
Henry Kynnersley. 
William Lane. 
William Parker. 
William Alisbury. 
Robert Perryn. 
Edward Cotton. 
Robert Hayward. 
Nicholas Adams. 
Thomas Woodcock. 
Thomas Plomer. 
John Kirby. 
Thomas Harward. 


Robert Saunders. 




Walter Eldred & > „ 
Samuel Palke J Partners - 



Richard Sparchford. 



Ralph Balser. 



Henry Howson. 



William Greene. 



William Ampleford. 



Hugh Rymell. 



William Hartford. 



John Hawkins. iijs 


vis viijd 

Humffrey Hamond. 



William Stanley. 



Robert Senyor. 


n * - ---^-. _„ 

Roger Marsh. 


Partners, xs 

Robert Dobson. 


r Partners xxs 

Thomas ffretwell. 


William Wright. 



Edward Owen. 



Robert James. 



William ffairebrother. 



William Sales. 



Robert Willoughby. 



Richard Banbury. 



Anthony Juke. 



Nicholas Wynniff. 



Richard Rod way. 



Edward Moody. 



John Brooke. 



Alexander Miller. 



Patrick Blake. 



Mathew Barker. 



William Barnard. 



Thomas Gifford. 



Edward Robinson. 


Martyn Bowden. 


Thomas Heylo. 


John Helme. 


Richard Spencer. 


Griffin Ellis. 


William Benbowe. 


James Cording. 


Thomas Claxton. 


Daniell Pewsy. 


Thomas Hodges. 


John Rowe. 


Michael Steele. 


George Bassett. 


Thomas Harrison. 


Robert Dawson. 


Matthewe Nelson. 


Thomas Bradford. 


Amynadab Cowper. 


Anthony Wilkins. 


William Morrall. 


Thomas Culpepper. 


Henry Overton. 


Robert Gray. 

vis viijrf 

Oswell Hoskins. 


Edward Thorold. 


Myles Gunthrop. 


Christopher Mayott. 


Albian ffrancis. 


Thomas Elwyn. 


Cornelius Wellen. 


Henry Pratt. 


Richard Pierson. 


Roger Sprott. 


Otwell Worsley. 


Henry Ensworth. 


John Downe. 


John Juxon. 


Richard Danyell. 


John Robynson. 


John Pemberton. 


Nicholas Smyth. 


Thomas Wolf. 


John Vicars. 


John Baker. 


William Cole. 


William Short. 

vis \iijd 

John Browne. 


William Sprott. 


Thomas Sparks. 


Nicholas Aldridge. 


Thomas Edge. 


Suma. liiij£ iijs iiijrf 

John Waynewright. 


[When we consider that a shilling then was equivalent 
to more than a dollar of our present money the aforesaid 
" free guifts " will not appear inconsiderable. £1 = $25.] 

" The names of such of the Batchelor's Company as have 
adventured the severall somes hereafter following with this 
Company towarde the honorable plantacon in Virginia. And 
are to have a ratable allowaunce of the gayne (if any shalbe) 
according to their severall adventures. 

" Thomas Santy 
John Key 
Thomas Hamer 

Is ffrauncis Buteridge iij£ ijs virf 

Is William Lane of Pater- } , 


v£ noster rowe 

Suma. xv£ xiis virf 


" The names of such of the Company of the Marchaun- 
tail rs as doe affirme they have adventured with the Virginia 
Company in the name of themselves their children or friends 
these severall somes hereafter following, viz ; — 


" Thomas Henshaw xxv£ 

John Wooller in the name of ~) 
John Hanf ord and Edward f 1£ 
Woller ) 

Ralph Hamer for himself 1£ > , g 

and for his children xxv£ ) 
Thomas Johnson. xxv£ 

Mathewe Springham. xxv£ 

George Wynne in the name ) 
of himself and his sonne r xxv£ 
Edmond Wynne ) 

Otho Mawditt in the name of ) 
himself and his children. > 


Richard Osmotherley. xxv£ 

John Hanbury. xxv£ 
John Marden and George ) 

Johnson. J=j£w 

William ffield. xxv£ 

Gregory Bland. xxv£ 

Robert Johnson. lx£ 
ffrauncis Pendleton. vi£ xlijs iiije? 

John Browne. xxv£ 

John Goff . xii£ xs 

Richard Turner. lx£ 

Stephen Sparrowe. xxv£ 
Suma. v° iiij" vj£ xiijs iiijd." 

[t. e., £586 13s. 4rf.] 

[XC. is the most complete report of one of the guild 
meetings, in the premises, which I have. It will serve as a 
sample, and will aid us in forming our idea of these meet- 
ings. See also XCI. and XCIIL] 


"To the Right honorable S r Humfrey Weld Knight 
Lord Maio r of London. 

"May it please your good Lordshipp, to be advertised 
That wee the Maister and Wardens of the Marchauntailo" 
having (according to your Lordships comaundement) called 
before us the whole generality of our Company, are in- 
formed that diverse of them have already adventured with 
the Virginia Company, and taken severall bills of Adven- 
turers in the name of themselves, theire children or friends, 
amounting to ye some of v c iiij 3 ™ vj £ xiij 8 iiij d as by the par- 
ticulers (if your Lordship please to see the same may ap- 
peare). And some others affirme they have a p'pose to ad- 
venture somes of good value whereof they are not yett fully 
resolved. Therefore wee could not perswade them at this 
tyme to adventure with us soe great a some as wee expected, 
and did earnestly desire. Neverthelesse out of our poore 
stock of our howse, and the good of some breatheren, wee 
have provided a some of two hundreth pounds which wee 
wilbe ready to deliver over to the Virginia Company when 
your Lordship shall appointe. 


" And soe moast humbly rest at your Lordships further 

" From Marchauntailors Hall the third of May 1609. 
Humfrey Streetb, Maister. 
Thomas Henshaw. 
Anthony Holmeade. 
George Liddiott. 
Frauncis Evington. 


[Mem. — " For the Discoverie of a shorter way to Vir- 
ginia and to avoid all danger of quarrell with the subjects 
of the King of Spaine, Capt Samuel Argoll was commis- 
sioned by the Council for Virginia and afterwards sailed 
from Portsmouth on the fifth of May 1609." see CXIV.] 


DAR 10, PAGE 508. 

" Lo : Threr to permitt all goods passing for Virginia to 
be transported free of Cost. 

" After my hartie Comendacons. fforasmuch as his Ma tie 
is pleased that all such Comodities as are shipped from 
hence to Virginia for the use and service of his subjects, 
that doe remaine there should bee free of custome & other 
duties. These are to will and require you (according to his 
Ma tie8 said pleasure) to permitt such persons as are ap- 
pointed for that purpose to shipp and carrie awaye such 
goods and Marchandizes as are provided onely for the use 
aforesaid, without demaundinge anie Custome Impost or 
other duties for the same. And in soe doing this shalbe 
your Warrant. 

" From Whitehall 3. May 1609. 

" Your loving ffreind. 

"R. Salisburie." 

" To my Loving ffreinds the Officers & ffarmers of his 


Ma: tieB Customes in the Porte of London, & to evrie of 
them whome it maie eoncerne." 



Copy of the Bill of adventure, being sealed with a greate 
Seale, having the armes of England with this writing 
about the same, viz., " Pro Consilio Suo Virginia " and 
being subscribed with the name of Richard Atkinson, 
the Clarck of the Virginia Company. 

"Whereas the Master and "Wardens of the Merchant- 
tailors of the ffraternity of St John Baptist, in the cittie 
of London, have paid to Sir Thomas Smythe Knt. Th'ror 
for Virginia, the sum of two hundred pounds for their 
adventure towards the voyage to Virginia. It is agreede 
that for the same they, the said Master and Wardens, and 
their successors for the tyme being, shall have ratably, 
according to their adventure, theire full parte of all such 
lands, tenements, and hereditaments as shall from tyme to 
tyme be there recovered, planted and inhabited. And of 
all such mines and minerals, of gould, silver and other met- 
als or treasure, pearles, precious stones, or any kind of 
wares or marchaundizes, Comodities, or profitts whatsoever, 
which shalbe obteyned or gotten in the said voyage accord- 
ing to the porcon of money by them employed to that use, 
in as ample a manner as any other adventurer therein shall 
receave for the like some. 

" Written this fourth of May 1609. 

"Richard Atkinson." 


From the Harleian MS., and published by the Rev. Edward 
D. Neill, in his " Virginia Vetusta," pp. 42, 43. 

" After our hartie commendacons, whereas divers honour- 


able personnages, Knightes and others have undertaken to 
settle a Collonie or Plantation in Virginia as well for the 
Publishinge of a Ch*rian faith among those barbarous 
nations, as for the enlargement of his Ma ties dominions, and 
for their better encouragement in so honorable an action 
are to have a grant of that Countrie by his Majesties letters 
pattente with which the names of the principalle Adventur- 
ers are particularly to be inserted, forasmuch as it is not 
unlikely but that the Lords, Knights and Doctors as well of 
dignitie [divinity?], as of lawe and Phisick might conceave 
dislike and displeasure, if they should not be so placed, 
marshalled as their severall worths and degrees do require, 
We have thought good to let you know that our desire is 
that you call with you the Colledge of Herauldes, or so 
many of them as you shall thinke fit, and by their advise 
you marshall and sett in order the names of such noblemen, 
Knightes, and doctores, as you shall receave herewith in 
there due places and ranke and send them unto us fayre 
written on paper, with your hande and names subscribed, 
with as much expedience as you can, and these shall be 
your Warrants in that behalf. From the Court this 9 th of 
May 1609. " Your Loving Friends. 

E. Worcester. 
[Edward Somerset, Earl of Worcester.] 
[Henry Howard] H. Northampton. [The royal 
[Thomas Howard] T. Suffolk. arms are here 

To The Colledge of Heraulds." appended.] 


" Here f oiloweth the copy of the bill of Adventure under 
Seale, to the Stationers Company. 

" Whereas the M r & keepers or Wardens & Comonalty of 
the Mysterie or Art of Stacioner of the citty of London 
have paid in ready money to Sir Thomas Smythe Knight, 
Treasurer for Virginia the sum of one Hundred & twenty 
ffive pounds for their adventure towards the said Voyage. 


It is agreed that for the same they the said M r & keepers or 
Wardens and their successors (for the time being) shall 
have ratably according to their adventures their full part of 
all such lands, tenements and hereditaments as shall from 
time to time be there recovered, planted and inhabited : 
And of all such mines & minerals of Gold Silver & other 
metalls or treasure, pearls, precious stones or any other 
Kind of Wares or merchandise, comodities or prof&tte what- 
soever which shall be obtained or gotten in the said Voyage 
according to the porcion of money by them imployed to 
that use in as ample manner as any other adventurer 
therein shall receive for the like sum. 
"Written this 10 th daye of Maye 1609. 

" Richard Atkinson." 


VOLUME 2587, FOLIO 29. 

Copy of an extract from a deciphered letter of Don Pedro 
de Zufiiga to H. M. dated Iguet (Highgate) May 20, 

"Sire — 

" The Soldiers who were gathered here for Virginia, 
have been on the point of departure and have been de- 
tained here, because the orders which they carried did not 
appear good, and now they remain here waiting for others 
before they leave." 

[Mem. — Chiefly through Sir Thomas Smythe's influ- 
ence, in lieu of the privileges conferred by Queen Elizabeth, 
a new charter was obtained from James I., conferring upon 
the East India Company " the whole entire and only trade 
and traffic to the East Indies forever and a day," no one 
being allowed to have any share in that branch of com- 
merce without license from the company (May 11, 1609). 
See H. R. Fox Bourne's " Famous London Merchants."] 




VOLUME 2571, FOLIO 277. 

Copy of an extract from a rough draft of a letter of H. M. 
to Don Pedro de Zuniga, dated San Lorenzo, May 14, 
[Received in England probably about May 14, English 


" All that you say touching Virginia is well understood 
here and attention is paid to what may be proper to do in 
this matter — and it is well that you should act with great 
precaution with the Baron of Arundel, since it may be, that 


VOLUME 2571, FOLIO 281. 

Copy of an extract from a rough draft of a letter from 
Philip III. of Spain to Don Pedro de Zuniga, dated 
Aranguez, May 25, 1609. 
[Possibly received in England about May 25, 0. S. ?] 

" Concerning what you say of the progress made there in 
fortifying Virginia, and the great number of people whom 
they wish to send there, you must be on the look out, to 
report when those will depart who are to settle that country, 
with what forces they go, and what route they will have 
to take in their voyage thither — so that here, such orders 
may be given as will be necessary." [For intercepting them, 
I suppose.] 








And to the Incitement of all that per- 
secute Christ with a reproofe, 
of those that traduce the Honoura- 
ble Plantation of 

Preached in a Sermon Commanded at 
Paule Crosse, vpon Rogation Sunday, be- 
ing the 28th of May, 

By Daniel Price, Chaplaine in ordinarie 

to the Prince, and Master of Artes 

of Exeter Colledge in 



Printed for Matthew Law, and are to be sold in Pa,uls 

Church yard, neere unto Saint Austines Gate at the 

Signe of the Foxe. 1609. 


There is an original in the Carter-Brown library. It 
has not been reprinted. The following extract is taken 
from " Virginia Vetusta," by Rev. Edward D. Neill, pp. 
45-50. I have never seen an original offered for sale, and 
I have no idea as to the value of one. 

The text was Acts, 9th chapter, 4th verse : " Saul, Saul, 
lohy persecutest thou me ? " 

[The conclusion was denunciatory of several classes of 
persons, especially those who did " traduce the honourable 
Plantation of Virginia."] 

" If there be any that have opposed any action intended 
to the glory of God, and saving of souls, and have stayed 
the happy proceeding in any such motive, let him know 
that he is a persecutor and an adversary of Christ. 

"In which Quasre give me leave to examine the lying 
speeches that have injuriously vilified and traduced a great 
part of the glory of God, the honour of our Land, Joy of 
our Nation and expectation of many wise, and noble Sena- 
tors of this Kingdom, I mean in the Plantation of Virginia. 
When the discovery of the Indies was offered to that 
learned and famous Prince, Henry the Seventh, some idle, 
dull and unworthy sceptikes moved the King not to enter- 
tain the motion. We know our loss by the Spaniards gain ; 
but now the souls of those dreamers do seem by a Pithagori- 
call transmigration to be come into some of those scandalous, 
and slanderous detractors of that most noble voyage. Surely 
if the prayers of all good Christians prevail, the expectation 
of the wisest and noblest, the knowledge of the most experi- 
mented, and learnedest, the relation of the best traveled and 
observant be true, it is like to be the most worthy voyage 
that ever was effected, by any Christian in discovering any 
country of the World, both for the peace of the entry, for 
the plenty of the Country, and for the climate. Seeing 
that the Country is not unlike to equalize (though not India 
for gold, which is not impossible yet) Tyrus for colours, 
Basan for woods, Persia for oils, Arabia for Spices, Spain 
for Silks, Narsis for shipping, Netherlands for fish, Pomona 


for fruit, and by tillage, Babylon for Corn, besides the 
abundance of mulberries, minerals,, rubies, Pearls, gems, 
grapes, deer, fowle, drugs for pbysic, Herbs for food, roots 
for colours, ashes for Soap, timber for building, pastures for 
feeding, rivers for fishing, and whatsoever commodity Eng- 
land wanteth. The Philosopher commendeth the tempera- 
ture ; the politician, the opportunity ; the divine, the piety 
in converting so many thousand souls. The Virginian de- 
sireth it, and the Spaniard envieth us, and yet our own 
lazy, drowsy, yet barking countrymen traduce it, who should 
honour it, if it was but for the remembrance of that Virgin 
Queen of eternal memory, who was the first Godmother to 
that land and nation. As also that Virgin Country may 
in time prove to us, the farm of Britain, as Sicily was of 
Rome, or the garden of the World as was Thessaly, or the 
argosy of the World as is Germany. 

" And besides the future expectation, the present encour- 
agement is exceeding much, in that, it is a voyage counte- 
nanced by our gracious King, consulted on by the Oracles 
of the Council, adventured in by our wisest and greatest 
Nobles, and undertaken by so worthy, so honourable and 
religious a Lord, and furthered not only by many other 
parties of this Land, both clergy and laity, but also, by 
the willing liberal contribution of this Honourable city, 
and as that thrice worthy Dean of Glocester, 1 not long since 
remembered his Majesty and Nobles, that it is a voyage 
wherein every Christian ought to set his helping hand, see- 
ing the Angel of Virginia crieth to this Land, as the Angel 
of Macedonia did to Paul, ! Come and help us. There 
is a fearful woe denounced against those that came not to 
assist Deborah. Whosoever they be that purposely with- 
stand or confront this most Christian, most honorable voy- 
age, let him read that, and fear. Hath God called this land 
Ad summum munus Apostolicum, to that great work of 
apostleship, that whereas, this was one of the first parts of 

1 Dr. Thomas Morton. I have not not know the date of its delivery be- 
found a copy of his sermon, and I do fore " his Majesty and Nobles." 


Christendom that received the Gospel, so now, it is the first 
part that ever planted and watered the Gospel in so great, 
fair, fruitful a Country, nor shall skeptical humorists be a 
means to keep such an honor from us, such a blessing from 
them ? No, my Beloved, to the present assurance of great 
profit, and this future profit, that whosoever hath a hand 
in this business, shall receive an unspeakable blessing, for 
they that turn many to righteousness shall shine as the 
stars for ever and ever. You will make Plutarch's novyj- 
ponofag Athenocus ovpavonoTug, a savage country to become 
a sanctified country; you will obtain the saving of their 
souls, you will enlarge the bounds of this kingdom, nay the 
bounds of Heaven, and all the angells that behold this if 
they rejoice so much at the conversion of one sinner, ! 
What will their joy be at the conversion of so many. 

" Go on as you have begun, and the Lord shall be with 
you ; go, and possess the Land, it is a good land, a land 
flowing with milk and honey, God shall bless you, and 
those ends of the World shall honor him. 

" I will end with one word of exhortation to this City ; 
many excellent things are spoken of this as sometimes, of 
the City of God. Hither the Tribes came, even the Tribes 
of the Lord, herein, is the Seat of Judgment, even the seat 
of the house of David. Peace be within thy walls, plen- 
teousness within thy palaces. 

" You remember how manifold infections hence, as from 
a fountain, issued out; all the tricks of deceiving, the 
divers lusts of filthy living, the pride of attire, the cause of 
oppression, gluttony in eating, surfeit in drinking, and the 
general disease of the fashions. ... It should be Jerusalem 
the City of God, and it is become Murder's slaughterhouse, 
Thefts refuge, Oppressor's safety, Whoredom's stewes, 
Usury's bank, Vanity's stage, abounding in all kind of 
filthiness and profaneness. ! remember that sins have 
been the pioneers of the greatest cities, and have not left 
one stone upon another. 

" My Honourable Lord Mayor, I need not to remember 


you in this behalf. The last Sabbath* you re- *HisMa- 
ceived a letter though not from the Cross, yet Jesty's 

° . speech the 

from the Crown by our Royal Ecclesiastes, prac- 2ist of May, 

. . - J . J . . . . . r . to the Lord 

tice that lesson both concerning the infection ot Mayor and 
the body and the infection of the soul of the Greenwich* 


"Instructions given to Capt. Thomas Holcroft whom we 
authorise to negotyate the business of the Virginia Com- 
pany with his Majesties subjects in the Free States of the 
United Provinces. 

" It hath pleased his Majesty to grant his Letters patents 
under the Great Seal of England unto divers Earls, Barons, 
Knights, gentlemen and others his highness subjects under 
his protection and favour to plant in the parts of America 
that he between 34 and 45 degrees of Northerly Latitude 
and to deduce Colonies of such people of all Arts and trades 
as shall willingly offer themselves thereunto. 

"In which Letters patents his Majesty hath given and 
granted all the lands, Islands, harbours, Rivers, mines, pro- 
fits whatsoever within the precincts aforesaid of latitude 
and of longitude from sea to sea. To the undertakers in 
purse and planters in person, and to their heirs forever, 
reserving unto himself and his heirs divers regalities and 
parts in royall mines only. 

" For the establishment and government of this Colony 
transplanted by the said letters patents, his majesty hath 
ordained and appointed a Council to be resident in his City 
of London. To whom he hath given authority and power 
to elect nominate and constitute as well Governors and 
officers of peace or war, as to alter, change and establish 
any form of government in their discretions, that may best 
conduce to the good and vancement of the Plantatyon and 
settling thereof, with divers powers and liberties to confirm 
them into a corporation of themselves and such only as 
they shall admit. 


"By vertue whereof there hath been three years since 
100 men sent thither under conduct of Capt. Newport, to 
begin this Noble work, who have seated themselves upon a 
goodly Navygabell River 140 miles into the main and hath 
been yearly supplyed with the like number, whose weak 
and feeble endevours consisting of so few persons, who have 
been most part employed in providing for the necessities of 
life, have yet given such assured testimony of a most rich 
fertile and wholesome soil, abounding in mines of Copper, 
Steele and Iron, and full of goodly timber for building and 
mastage of ships, of divers rich dyes, drugs and gums, the 
Fir and pich tree, woods for soap-ashes and clapboard, vines, 
and materials for sweet oil, hemp, flax, and hops; Rich 
furres and skins, fishing for pearl, cod and Sturgeon within 
the bay and of all those Rich marchandyse which with 
great charge and pains are sought in the North Eastern 

" Upon which assurance the undertakers having made 
one common and joint stock to continue undivided until 
the advancement thereof shall be able to make the supplyes : 
have this present May set forth 8. ships and a pynace under 
the conduct of Sir Thomas Gates Knight and Governor of 
Virginia with 600 men, to undertake more roundly, the 
plantation. And considering these numbers are yet too 
few, either to defend themselves against an enemy that 
daily threatens, or to send back a present return, that may 
answer the expectation of such a business, or to make any 
great progress either into plantation or discovery. A new 
resolution is taken to prepare ten ships and 1000 men to 
attend the Lord De la Warr in the end of August next for 
the better expedition and execution whereof we desire to 
Invite unto us and our Company so many of his Majesty's 
subjects or others that be willing or desirous to join their 
purses or persons in this present supply, who shall be as 
free to all liberties and privileges as if they had begun the 
first year and shall have ratible according to their adven- 
tures of money, or according to the value of his person, 


that shall go, or of his art or service proportionally, his 
equal divident both of land to plant upon and of all mines 
and other profits whatsoever therein, as also freedom of 
Trade after the first Divident and his part respectively 
out of the joint stocke or Treasury of London, of all mer- 
chandyes and goods whatsoever that shall be receaved. 
For assurance whereof he shall have, upon his money de- 
livered to the Treasurer resident in London, a bill of free- 
dom and adventure under our Seal. 

" May the 29. 1609. Signed under neth. 

" Henry. Southanton. Penbroc. L. Lisle. 

Tho. La Warre. Tho Smythe. 

The lord Mountagell. Robert Mansfeld. 

Tho. Gates. Walter Cope. 

Tho: Roe." 

" The above document was copied by me from an origi- 
nal paper in the collection of the Marquis of Bath, at 
Longleat, Co. Wilts, being No. 34 in vol. i. of the Series 
called the 'Whitelocke Papers.' 

" John Edward Jackson, F. S. A. 
" Rector of Leigh Delamere, near Chippenham, 
and Hon. Canon of Bristol Cathedral. 
"28 July, 1886." 

In his letter accompanying this, and other papers sent, 
Canon Jackson says : " I am glad you found the extracts I 
sent you interesting. The Marquis of Bath laughingly 
told me that I should be sure to hear from you again, with 
further wants ; and, to be prepared for that, he bade me 
take the Virginia papers home with me, as he might not 
happen to be at Longleat again for some little time. So 
that I am able now at once to send you copies of the 
Whitelocke documents. . . . 

" No. 34 is in a very quaint old hand and the ink faded ; 
but I think I have got it all right, except one word. ... I 
cannot make out whether the name is * Cap teyne Port,' or 


1 Capt Newport. 1 You may perhaps be able to settle the 
point, through your familiarity with the names of the early 
people who went out. . . . 

"I was in some little doubt whether the signatures to 
No. 34 are the original writing of the parties themselves or 
not ; but the ink of the signatures is so precisely the same 
in one and all as that of the document itself, that I now 
consider the names to be merely imitated from the original 
document. Still, the document is not headed as a copy (as 
No. 38 is) [see CXXL], so that it may after all be the real 
original, and the signatures, bona fide, those of the parties 
themselves. If they are not the real signatures, they are 
an admirable imitation, as I know most of them perfectly 
well, especially that of the old Earl of Pembroke, who 
in many letters and papers that I have seen adopted the 
form of Pewbroc. 

" My elder brother happens to be the vicar of St. Sepul- 
chre's Church in London, in which (or rather in a former 
church on the same site, which perished in the great fire of 
London in Charles II.'s reign) Capt. J. Smith of Pocahontas 
fame was buried. Some years ago, some visitors from Vir- 
ginia came to his church anxious to find any memorial of 
the captain, but his monument had perished in that fire. 
My brother used to point out a fragment of gravestone, 
supposed to be for Captain Smith, as it had upon it three 
Turks' heads : and such heads I believe occur upon the 
coat of arms of a Smith family. But Colonel Chester, a 
well known London genealogist (now dead), explained to my 
brother that the heads as arranged on the stone were not in 
the right heraldic order for Smith's arms, so my brother's 
good intentions of finding Captain Smith's monument came 
to naught. One of the Virginian visitors to his church 
(not to have to leave the spot without some relic or other) 
appropriated, greatly to my brother's amusement, a little 
root of ivy that was growing against the church wall. I 
hope it found a welcome and congenial encouragement in 
the soil of Virginia. ... J. E. Jackson." 



" To The Right Honorable, the Earle of Salisbury 1 Lord 

Highe Treasurer of England my singular good Lord 

and Maister. 

"Right honorable my most humble dutye Remembred. 
By Sir Walter Cope's direction I have presumed to send 
these letters 2 unto your Lordshipp by the packett poste. 
The matter concerneth the Virginia business. Where with 
I doubt not but he will acquaint you more at large. 

" The coming hither of Sir Thomas Gates is much de- 
sired to the end the shipps may be speedelye dispatched 
from hence considering the great charges which now the 
adventurers are at with their Companies. 

" Sir George Sommers hath bene heere this two daies, and 
the shipps if wheather serve God willing shalbe readye this 
next daie. Their people God be thanked are all in health 
and well. And soe beseching the Almightie for the encrease 
of your Lordshipps happiness, I take my Leave and Rest. 

" Your Lordshipps Servant most humbly at Commaund. 

"Will. Stallenge." 

[Mem. — June 2, the fleet under Gates, etc., set sail to 
sea from Plymouth, "but crost by South West windes 
tney put into Faulemouth and there staying till the eight 
of June they then gate out to sea." See CX. 

Gates carried " certain Martial Laws (CIL), with severall 
commissions sealed successively to take place one after 
another, considering the mortality and uncertainty of 
humaine life," and other documents now unknown. The 
" severall commissions " have not been found, but an idea 
of their contents will be found in CXIV.] 

1 The date of this letter is not 2 These letters are now lost, I fear, 
given, but it was about the last of 
May, 1609. 




These laws sent by Gates were afterwards printed in 
1611 (see CXC), and they will be found in Force's reprint, 
in vol. iii., Laws, etc., pp. 9-28. 


UME III. PAGES 254-256. 

June 8, 1609. Tobias Matthew, archbishop of York, to 
the Earl of Shrewsbury. 

" But why do I so long discourse with your Lordship of 
inordinate Pascoe. Let me rather intreat your Lordships 
honourable advertisement, when I shall be somewhat nearer 
you in Nottinghamshire, what in earnest they do at Venice, 
yea in Austria and Bohemia, for toleration of our religion 
in those parts, whereof much is bruited, more possible than 
probable; as likewise what quarter is kept between the 
King of Denmark, with Sweden, or Polonia j for of Vir- 
ginia there be so many tractales, divine, human, historical, 
political, or call them as you please, as no further intelli- 
gence I dare desire. . . . 

"At Cawood Castle, June 8 th 1609. 

" Your Lordship's assured to be commanded. 

"Tobias Eboracen." 


This tract describes the country north of Virginia, and 
may be called a companion to LXXXIV. 

June 12, 1609, Master George Bisshop entered at Sta- 
tioners' Hall for publication, " A booke called Nova ffran- 
cia, or the Description of yat parte of Newe ffrance which 


is one continent with Virginia. Translated out of ffrench 
into Englishe." [By P. Erondelle.] It was published with 
the following title : — 

" Nova Francia, or the Description of that part of New 
France which is one Continent with Virginia. Described in 
the three late Voyages and plantation made by Monsieur de 
Monts, Monsieur de Pont-Grave, and Monsieur de Poutrin- 
court, into the countries called by the Frenchmen La Cadie, 
lying to the South West of Cape Breton. Together with 
an excellent treatise of all the commodities of the said 
countries, and maners of the naturall inhabitants of the 
same," etc. 

The preface is as follows : — 

" Gentle reader, the whole volume of the navigations of 
the French nation into the West Indies (comprised in three 
bookes) was brought to me to be translated, by Mr. Richard 
Hackluyt, a man who for his worthy and profitable labours, 
is well known to most men of worth, not only of this King- 
dome, but also of f orrain parts, and by him this part was 
selected and chosen from the whole worke, for the particular 
use of this nation, to the end that comparing the goodnesse 
of the lands of the northern parts heerein mentioned, with 
that of Virginia, which (though in one and the selfe same 
continent, and both lands adjoining) must be far better by 
reason it stands more Southerly neerer to the Sunne ; 
greater encouragement may be given to prosecute that gen- 
erous and goodly action in planting and peopling that coun- 
try to the better propagation of the Gospel of Christ, the 
salvation of innumerable souls, and general benefit of this 
land, too much pestred with over many people. ... If a 
man that sheweth foorth effectually the zealous care he 
hath to the wellfare and common good of his country de- 
serveth praises of the same, I refer to the judgement of 
them that abhor the vice of ingratitude (hatefull above 
all to God and good men) whether the said M r Hakluyt 
(as well for the first procuring of this translation, as for 
many workes of his set out by him for the good and ever- 


lasting fame of the English nation) deserveth not to reape 

It is dedicated " To the Bright Starre of the North, 
Henry Prince of Great Britaine," and the " Epistle Dedica- 
torie " exalts him for permitting the translation to be dedi- 
cated to him, thus to assist in converting the Savages of 

The book of some 125,000 words is a translation of 
Books IV. and VI. of Lescarbot's " Histoire de la Nouvelle- 
France," first edition, Paris, 1609, and with the book was 
issued a copy of the French map of New-France. It has 
not been reprinted in modern times ; but copies of the orig- 
inal are to be found in the following libraries in the United 
States, viz : Massachusetts Historical Society, New York 
Historical Society, Congressional at Washington, D. C, 
Harvard College, and Carter-Brown. 1 An original in the 
Bolton Corney sale (England) in 1871 brought £37. 

Lescarbot says, " It is well to live in a mild climate, since 
one is perfectly comfortable and one has the choice; but 
Death pursues us every where, I have been told by a pilot 
from Havre de Grace, who was with the English in Vir- 
ginia, 24 years ago [1585 ?] that after their arrival there, 
36 of them died in three months ; and yet Virginia is 
placed between the thirty-sixth, thirty-seventh and thirty- 
eighth degree of latitude, which is considered a happy posi- 
tion for a Country. . . . 

"It is of the greatest importance in such a country to 
have from the beginning domestic cattle and fowle of every 
kind and to take there large numbers of fruit-trees, so as to 
have soon the variety and refreshment necessary for the 
health of those who wish there to fill up the earth." 

The sixth book of Lescarbot, containing the manners, 
customs and ways of living of the West Indians of New 
France, gives something of the religion, language, customs, 
etc., of the Virginia Indians, also, something of the com- 

1 " I have two copies of Nova Francia, one slightly imperfect." — Charles 
H. Kalbfleisch. 


modities, trees, birds, animals, and country of Virginia, 
taken chiefly from " an English Historian who has himself 
lived there," that is Hariot. 


VOLUME 2587, FOLIO 37. 

Copy of a deciphered letter of Don Pedro de Zuniga to the 
king of Spain, dated Highgate, July 5, 1609. 
" Sire. Captain Gach [Gates] has sailed for Virginia 
with the men and women of whom I wrote to Y. M. and 
apparatus for building ships and forts ; and the Lord de 
la ( Wari ' will sail with a goodly number of people in the 
Spring. I have a paper which ' Vata ralas ' * [Walter 
Ralegh] wrote, who is a prisoner in the Tower, and it is he 
who discovered that land and whom they consider here a 
very great personage. The Members of the Council of Vir- 
ginia follow this paper ; it ought to be translated because 
it is the original which he had and when it is finished we 
shall compare it with the chart 2 which they have caused to 
be made, and by it, the way which they take will be under- 
stood ; where they are fortifying themselves and all the rest 
that Y. M. commands to be known. The Lord of Arundel 
may be held in suspicion on account of the mean satisfac- 
tion which he has given, but in this I think he speaks with 
a desire that they should order those people to go away 
from there, because to him, as a Catholic, they did not con- 
fide this business. May God preserve Y. M." etc. 

[Mem. — July 1, 1609, the Lord Mayor of London 
issued his precepts to the companies, accompanied by a 

1 The name of Sir Walter Ralegh found this paper, which was evidently 
has been spelled in very many different a very important document, 
ways ; but it will be seen that Zuniga 2 Neither have I found this very 
has been able to spell it in an entirely important chart, but I have not given 
original manner. I have not yet up all hope of finding both "the 

paper " and " the chart." 


copy of certain " Motives and Reasons " to induce the citi- 
zens of London to undertake the new planting and peopling 
with Protestants, the crown lands in the Province of Ulster, 
in the north of Ireland, particularly in the county of Derry. 
See March 29, 1613.] 


July 25, 1609. County Dorset. 

Two petitions of Andrew Buckler of Wyke-Regis, to 
Salisbury, to be admitted to tenements in the manor of 
Wyke-Regis, parcel of the Queen's jointure, which had 
descended to him whilst he was absent in Virginia, states 
that two years past he went an adventurer to Virginia, and 
is about to return thither, with reference and report thereon. 

These petitions are No. 50 in vol. xlvii., Domestic Cor- 
respondence James I., and the following, without date, is 
No. 10 in vol. lix., " Petition of Andrew Buckler to Salis- 
bury, that his tenement in the manor of Wyke Regis, Dor- 
setshire, may be resettled on himself and his intended wife." 


August, 1609. Sir Richard Moryson to the Earl of Salis- 

" Should his Lordship please to allow of them [the Irish 
pirates] to be employed in the intended plantation of Vir- 
ginia, which he has not yet motioned to them, he thinks 
good use might be made of them for the present there, both 
in defending them now in the beginning, if they be dis- 
turbed in their first settling, and in relieving their wants 
from time to time." 

See also Mr. Neill in the "Pennsylvania Magazine of 
Hist, and Biog.," No. 2 of vol. ix. p. 156, note. 


[Mem. — October 18, letters were read to the East India 
Company from the Lord Mayor of London and Lord Treas- 
urer, intimating that His Majesty, having lately made a 
treaty with the French king, is inclined to establish a com- 
pany of English merchants there ; part of those present 
consent to be of the French company. — From Minutes 
E. I. Co. This French company was afterwards chartered, 
and Sir Thomas Smythe was the governor; but I have 
never seen a copy of the charter and do not know the date.] 


" Relacion del Viage " (June-September, 1609) of Ecija 
the Spanish Pilot-Major of Florida, who was sent to Vir- 
ginia to find out what the English were doing there. Mr. 
John Gilmary Shea, LL. D., mentions this Relation in (t The 
Narrative and Critical History of America," vol. ii. pp. 285, 
286, and I have made every effort to obtain it for publica- 
tion and preservation in this work, but without success. It 
is one of the manuscripts collected by the late Buckingham 
Smith, and is now in the library of the New York Histori- 
cal Society. 

The will of Buckingham Smith which governs the dispo- 
sition and use of his historical MSS. is as follows : " My 
manuscripts of historical character I give to the New York 
Historical Society with this reservation, that during the life- 
time of John Gilmary Shea they be for his consultation and 
use and none other, and for such use may be withdrawn 
from the custody of the Society, any of them, two months 
at a time." 

The interpretation put by Dr. Shea on this is that he has 
no power to allow the paper or a translation to be included 
in this work. 

I tried, but without success, to find a copy in Spain. If 
I had found it there I could have given it here, as to the 
last moment I have hoped to be able to do. 



" October 28. 1609. Henry Hudson in the Half e-Moone 
arrived at Dartmouth, in England whence he informed his 
employers, the directors of the Dutch East India Company 
of his voyage." A full account of the voyages of " Henry 
Hudson, The Navigator," will be found in the Hakluyt 
Society volume for 1860. In this voyage, March 27 to 
October 28, 1609, he had hoped to find a passage through 
America in about the latitude of 40°. "This idea 1 had 
been suggested to him by some letters and maps which his 
friend Captain Smith had sent him from Virginia, and by 
which he informed him that there was a sea leading into 
the Western Ocean (the Pacific) by the north of the South- 
ern English Colony. Had this information been true (ex- 
perience goes as yet to the contrary), it would have been a 
great advantage as indicating a short way to India." 

[Mem. — Captain Samuel Argall, who left Virginia about 
the first of September, probably reached England late in 
October, 1609, and probably brought with him the follow- 
ing letter (CX.) from Captain Gabriel Archer, and Captain 
Smith's " True Relation of the Causes of our def ailments," 
which has not been found and of which we know nothing 
save what Smith tells us himself. For some reference to 
this voyage of Captain Argall's see CXIV.] 

1 With " this idea," Hudson ex- son River. " Sailed [in his ship] up 

plored our coast from about 37° 15' the river as far as 42° 40'. Then their 

to 44°. August J he was off the coast boat went higher up," oo?ob«l r24 sailed 

of Virginia. August J| he entered from New York and reached Dart- 

and explored the Delaware Bay. In mouth as aforesaid, S^mL* 2 ?* 1609. 
September he was exploring the Hud- 



This document was printed in 1625 in " Purchas his Pil- 
grimes," vol. iv. pp. 1733, 1734. It was one of the manu- 
scripts preserved by the Rev. Richard Hakluyt, which came 
into the hands of Purchas. It was reprinted in 1884, by 
Mr. Arber, in his Introduction to Captain John Smith's 
Works, at Birmingham, England ; but I believe it has never 
been printed in this country. It was thought worthy of 
preservation by Hakluyt. It is much to be regretted that 
Purchas has suppressed a part of it. The bent of the mind 
of Purchas was towards religious customs, etc., of people, 
rather than to historical facts. 

A Letter of M. Gabriel Archer, touching the voyage of the 
fleet of ships which arrived at Virginia, without Sir Tho. 
Gates and Sir George Summers, 1609. [Aug. 31, 1609.] 
" From Woolwich the fifteenth of May 1609, seven saile 
weyed anchor, and came to Plimmouth the twentieth day, 
where Sir George Somers, with two small vessels consorted 
with us. Here we tooke into the Blessing (being the ship 
wherein I went) sixe mares and two Horses ; and the Fleet 
layed in some necessaries belonging to the action : In which 
businesse we spent time till the second of June. And then 
wee set sayle to sea, but crost by South-west windes, we put 
into Faulemouth, and there staying till the eight of June, 
we then gate out. Our Course was commanded to leave the 
Canaries one hundred leagues to the Eastward at least, and 
to steere away directly for Virginia, without touching at 
the West Indies, except the Fleet should chance to be sep- 
arated, then they were to repaire to the Bermuda? thereto 
stay seven dayes in expectation of the Admirall ; and if they 
found him not, then to take their course to Virginia. 

" Now thus it happened ; about sixe dayes after we lost 
the sight of England, one of Sir George Somers Pinnasses 2 

1 This should he " the Baruada "in a The Virginia, which had not aiv 
the West Indies. rived when this letter was written. 


left our Company, and (as I take it) bare up for England ; 
the rest of the ships, viz ; The Sea Adventure Admirall, 
wherein was Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers, and 
Captaine Newport : The Diamond, Vice- Admirall, wherein 
was Captaine Ratcliffe and Captaine King; The Falcon, 
Rare- Admirall, in which was Captaine Martin and Master 
Nelson : The Blessing, wherein I and Captaine Adams 
went: The Unitie, wherein Captaine Wood and v Master 
Pett were : The Lion wherein Captaine Webb remained : 
And the Swallow of Sir George Somers, in which Captaine 
Moone, and Master Somers went. In the Catch went one 
Matthew Fitch, Master : and in the Boat of Sir George 
Somers, called the Virginia, which was built in the North 
Colony, went one Captaine Davies and one Master Davies. 
These were the Captaines and Masters of our Fleet. 

" We ran a Southerly course from the Tropicke of Can- 
cer, where having the Sun within sixe or seven degrees 
right over our head in July, we bore away West ; so that 
by the fervent heat and loomes breezes, many of our men 
fell sicke of the Calenture, and out of two ships was 
throwne over-boord thirtie-two persons. The Vice-Admi- 
rall was said to have the plague 1 in her ; but in the Blessing 
we had not any sicke, albeit we had twenty women and 

" Upon Saint James day, being about one hundred and 
fiftie leagues distant from the West Indies, in crossing the 
Gulfe of Bahoma, there hapned a most terrible and vehem- 
ent storme, which was a taile of the West Indian Horacano ; 
this tempest separated all our Fleet one from another, and 

1 From this it seems that both the fact that the yellow fever committed 

calenture or yellow fever, and the great havoc among the early emi- 

plague were taken to Virginia in this grants to Virginia, being bred aboard 

fleet ; other accounts say it was the ship in the long voyage through the 

calenture only ; while others still say tropic ; it was taken there at this time 

it was the plague only. The plague and these terrible scourges were the 

was raging in London from 1603 to chief causes of the following miseries 

1611, and it is almost certain that in the colony, which was already in a 

cases of this disease were taken to miserable condition. 
Virginia, while it is a well established 


it was so violent that men could scarce stand upon the 
Deckes, neither could any man heare another speake, being 
thus divided every man steered his owne course, and as it 
fell out about five or sixe dayes after the storme ceased 
(which endured fortie foure houres in extremitie) The Lion 
first, and after the Falcon and The Unity got sight of our 
shippe, and so we lay away directly for Virginia, finding 
neither current nor winde opposite, as some have reported, 
to the great charge of our Counsell and Adventurers. The 
Unity was sore distressed when she came up with us, for of 
seventy land men, she had not ten sound, and all her Sea- 
men were downe, but onely the Master and his Boy, with 
one poore sailer, but we relieved them, and we foure con- 
sorting fell into the King's River haply the eleventh of 
August. In The Unity were borne two children at sea, 
but both died, being both Boyes. 

" When wee came to James Towne, we found a ship 
which had bin there in the River a moneth before we 
came ; this was sent out of England by our Counsels leave 
and authority, to fish for Sturgeon, and to goe the ready 
way, without tracing through the Torrid Zoan, and shee 
performed it : her Commander was Captaine Argoll (a good 
Mariner, and a very civill Gentleman) and her Master one 
Robert TindalV 

" The people of our Colonie were found all in health (for 
the most part) howbeit when Captaine Argoll came in, they 
were in much distresse, for many were dispersed in the 
Savages Townes, living upon their almes for an ounce of 
Copper a day, and fourscore lived twenty miles from the 
Fort, and fed upon nothing but oysters eight weekes space, 
having no other allowance at all, neither were the people of 
the Country able to relieve them if they would. Where- 
upon Captaine Newport and others have beene much to 
blame to informe the Counsell of such plenty of victuall in 

1 Smith says the master's name dall, who made the first maps of Vir- 
was Thomas Sedan. Smith, for some ginia. 
reason, avoids mentioning Robert Tin- 

First Earl of Bristol 


this country, by which meanes they have beene slacke in 
this supply to give convenient content. Upon this you 
that be adventurers, must pardon us, if you find not returne 
of Commodity so ample as you may expect, because the law 
of nature bids us seeke sustenance first, and then to labour 
to content you afterwards. But upon this point I shall be 
more large in my next Letter. 1 

" After our f oure ships had bin in harbour a few dayes, 
came in the Vice-admirall, having cut her maine Mast over 
boord, and had many of her men very sicke and weake ; 
but she could tell us no newes of our Governour, and some 
three or f oure dayes after her, came in the Swallow, 2 with 
her maine Mast over boord also, and had a shrewd leake, 
neither did shee see our Admirall. 

" Now did we all lament much the absence of our Gov- 
ernour, for contentions began to grow, and factions and 
partakings, 3 &c. 

" Inso much as the President,* to strengthen his authority, 
accorded with the Mariners, and gave not any due respect 
to many worthy Gentlemen, that came in our Ships : Where- 
upon they generally (having also my consent) chose Master 
West, my Lord de la War's brother, to be their Governor, 
or president de bene esse, in the absence of Sir Thomas 
Gates, or if he miscarried by sea, then to continue till we 
heard newes from our Counsell in England. This choice 

1 This letter was probably sent in 4 " The President " was Capt. John 
October, by the returning fleet. Smith. Purchas, while omitting Ar- 

2 Six ships had now arrived. The cher's account, adds his own criticism 
Sea Venture was wrecked on the Ber- in this side-note: " Hinc illce lachrymce. 
mudas, a catch went down at sea, and Hence from the Malecontents which 
the Virginia had not yet come in. had beene in Virginia before enemies 

3 Purchas gives here the following to the President ; raising now ill re- 
side-note : " Some things partly, false ports at their comming of him arose 
rumors, partly factious suggestions, these stirs, and the following miseries 
are here left out." For cogent reasons, in which this Author with almost the 
Purchas took sides with Smith in the whole Colony perished." 
controversy. He was not impartial, We shall find few things, even in 
and suppresses the statements of Captain Smith's works, more unjust 
Smith's opponents. and misleading than this side-note. 


of him they made not to disturbe the old President during 
his time, but as his authority expired, then to take upon him 
the sole government, with such assistants of the Captaines, 
as discreetest persons as the Colonie afforded. Perhaps you 
shall have it blazoned a mutenie by such as retaine old 
malice ; but Master West, Master Percie and all the re- 
spected Gentlemen of worth in Virginia, can and will testifie 
otherwise upon their oathes. For the King's Patent we 
ratified, but refused to be governed by the President that 
now is, after his time was expired, and onely subjected our- 
selves to Master West, whom we labour to have next Presi- 

" I cannot certifie you of much more as yet, untill we 
grow to some certaine stay in this our State, but by the 
other ships you shall know more. 

" So with my hartie commendations I cease. 

" From James Towne this last of August 1609." 


VOLUME 2587, FOLIO 49. 

Copy of a deciphered letter of Don Pedro de Zuiiiga to the 
King of Spain, dated Highgate, November 23, 1609. 

"Sire: — The vessel of a fisherman 1 has arrived here 
from Virginia and he says that there the English took from 
him his fish, because they were short of provisions; and 
that of the nine ships which I reported to Y. M. as having 
sailed from here, seven had arrived [in Virginia], but that 
they heard the Admiral's ship and the Captain's ship have 
been lost. He also says that the cattle which they have 
sent there have increased very much. Those who here 
maintain that Colony wait for some of the ships that are 
over there to return and then, I think, they will send more. 

"'Watawales' [Walter Ralegh] who is in the Tower 

1 This was really Captain Argall. 

ZUfrlGA TO PHILIP in. 333 

has left his fortune so that the King may give it to a Scotch- 
man, who thereupon will give him 1200 ducats. Thus he 
expects to regain his liberty and that the King will banish 
him to Guiana, where he left some people and wishes to 
send more. 

" May Our Lord " etc. 

[Mem. — Late in November, the remnant of Sir Thomas 
Gates his fleet, returning from Virginia, reached England. 
" Two of the Ships returning home perished upon the point 
of Ushant, in one of which [the Diamond] Capt. W. King 
was master, and one man alone was left to bring home news 
of their perishing." " The rest of the fleet came ship after 
ship, laden with nothing but bad reports and letters of 
discouragement : and which added the more to our crosse, 
they brought us newes that the Admirall Ship, with the two 
Knights and Captaine Newport were missing, severed in a 
mightie storme outward, and could not be heard of — which 
we therefore yeelded as lost for many moneths together ; 
and so that Virgine Voyage, which went out smiling on 
her lovers with pleasant lookes, after her wearie travailes, 
did thus returne with a rent and disfigured face : for which 
how justly her friends tooke occasion of sorrow, and others 
to insult and scoffe, let men of reason judge." Capt. John 
Smith, who had been sent back from Virginia, arrived in 
one of these ships, and he never returned to Virginia 
again. They also brought CXII. and many other docu- 
ments, now unknown. They were " laden with nothing but 
bad reports and letters of discouragement ; " they left the 
colony in Virginia in the most deplorable condition ; at war 
with the Indians ; a terrible disease raging at Jamestown ; 
and the colonists without sufficient provisions or comforts 
of any kind. Two vessels were wrecked in the terrible 
tempest met in the voyage outward, and two more were lost 
in the return voyage. The hand of God was heavy on the 
enterprise, " and the hand of God reacheth all the Earth," 
" who can avoid it, or dispute with him ? "] 



Published in the Proceedings of the American Antiqua- 
rian Society (Worcester, Mass.) for October, 1870, pp. 

Indorsed : " Captaine John Radcliffe to my Lo : from 

Addressed : "To the Right Ho ble the Earle of Salisburye 1 
Lord high Treasurer of England, deliver these." 

"Right honorable, according to your gratious favour 
being bound, I am bold to write the truth of some late acci- 
dentes befalne his Majesties Virginia Collonye. 

"Sir Thomas Gates and Sir George Summers Captaine 
Newport and 180 persons or ther about are not yet arrived 
and we much feare they are lost and alsoe a small pinnace. 
The other Shipps came all in, but not together ; we were 
thus separated by a storme, two shipps had great loss of 
men by the Calenture and most of them all much weather 
beaten. At our arrivall We found an English shipp riding 
at Jamestowne and Captaine Argoll her Commander. We 
heard that all the Counsell were dead, but Captain Smith, 
the President, who reigned sole governor, without assistantes 
and would at first admitt of no Councell but himself e. This 
man is sent home to answere some misdeamenors, whereof 
I perswade me he can scarcely clear himself e from great 
imputation of blame. Mr. George Pearcye, my Lord of 
Northumberlandes brother is elected our President, and Mr. 
West (my Lord la War's brother) of the Councell, with 
me and Captaine Martine ; and some few of the best and 
worthyest that inhabitie at Jamestowne are assistantes in 
their advise unto us. Thus have we planted 100 men at the > 

1 The fact that this letter is not England gives additional strength and 
written to some unknown person, but importance to the document, 
to one of the most powerful men in 


falls and some others upon a champion, the President is at 
Jamestowne, and I am raysing a fortification upon Point 
Comfort — also, we have been bold to make stay of a small 
shipp for discoverye and to procure us victuals whereof we 
have exceedinge much need, for the country people set no 
more then sumceth each familye a yeare, and the wood is 
yet so thick, as the labor to prepare so much ground as 
would be to any purpose is more then we can afford ; our 
number being soe necessarylie dispersed : so that if I might 
be held worthye to advise the directors of this business : I 
hold it fitt there should be a sufficient supply of victualls for 
one year, and then to be sparinge, it would less hinder the 
Collonye. Thus fearinge to be too offensive in a tedious 
boldness I cease, wishinge all hapinees to your Honnor, yea, 
wear it in the expense of my life and bloud. 

" From Jamestowne this 4 th of October 1609. 

" Your Honnors in all obedience and most humble dutye. 

"John Radclyeffe ™ ,.. 
comenly called." L ■" 



The long period of the crucial test, which the undaunted 
council met " with a constant and patient resolution, untill 
by the mercies of God " they overcame every obstacle. 
The most trying time of this period was from the return of 
Lord De la Warr in June, 1611, to the return of Argall in 
July, 1614. To incidental trials and the continual struggle 
with Spain was added the controversy with France and the 
Netherlands, yet a few constant adventurers under the lead 
of Sir Thomas Smythe " were never discouraged ; but faith- 
fully yielded their purses, credit and Counseil to uphold the 
plantation." This was " the darkest hour before the break 
of day." 


VOLUME 2587, FOLIO 52. 

Copy of an original letter of the Embassador Don Pedro de 
Zuiiiga to the King of Spain, dated " Iguet " (High- 
gate?), December 10, 1609. 

" Sire. From Dover I have received a letter in which I 
am told that three vessels of those which sailed from here 
to Virginia have returned to the Downs. They confirm 
what I have written Y. M. that the Captain's ship was lost 
with the most distinguished people who went, and the orders 
[commissions] according to which they were to govern in 
that part. They tell me that the sailors are not well pleased 


because they suffer much from hunger there, and do not 
bring a thing of importance in their ships. After all I 
think they will have to send again people because no doubt, 
the one reason why they wish to hold that place is because 
it appears to them well suited to send out pirates. I shall 
continue to give an account of all I may hear to Y. M., 
whose Catholic Person Our Lord preserve as all Christen- 
dom needeth. At Highgate, Dec r 10. 1609. 

"Don Pedro de Quniga." 


December 14, 1609, entered at Stationers' Hall, by John 
Stepney, under the hands of Lord De la Ware, Sir Thomas 
Smith, Sir Walter Cope, Master Waterson, "A True and 
sincere declaration of the purpose and ends of the Planta- 
tion," etc. It has never been reprinted, I believe. Orig- 
inals are in Harvard College Library and in the library of 
Mr. Kalbfleisch of New York. 

In June, 1885, Messrs. Puttick and Simpson, literary and 
fine art auctioneers, 47 Leicester Square, London, sold an 
original by auction to Mr. Quaritch for £4:5. I suspect 
that it was bought for Mr. Kalbfleisch. The Hon. John 
R. Bartlett of the Carter-Brown Library wrote me in July, 
1885, that "he had sought the book in vain for many 

I give the whole of this tract from a copy made for me 
at the British Museum in 1883. It is the first tract bear- 
ing the indorsement : " Set Forth by the authority of the 
Governors and councillers established for that planta- 
tion" and, I believe, contains more historical information 
regarding our foundation than any other publication of the 
authorities, or authorized by them. 

The manifold disasters (although evidently beyond hu- 
man control) of the last voyage made some public explana- 
tion necessary, and the managers of the Virginia Company 
made the following wonderful appeal to the public in be- 

338 PERIOD in. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

half of the enterprise. Portions of the tract are really pro- 
phetic. The way in which Smith and his authors have 
turned the disasters of these times — which were the acts 
of God — into arguments for Smith is unpardonable. 
The date, " 1610," on the title-page has led some authors 
to suppose that the tract did not issue from the press " until 
after March 25, 1610 ; " but it was then " the custom of 
the London printers to begin the year on their books at 
Michaelmas, so that after September 29, 1609, they will 
date them at the bottom of the title-page, 1610." The 
tract is very short it was entered for publication 14th De- 
cember, 1609, and was probably published very soon after 
that date with the following title-page : — 

" A True and Sincere declaration of the purpose and ends 
of the Plantation begun in Virginia of the degrees which 
it hath received ; and meanes by which it hath beene ad- 
vanced : and the resolution and conclusion of Sis Majes- 
ties Councel of that Colony for the constant and patient 
prosecution thereof, untill by the mercies of God it shall 
retribute a fruitful harvest to the King dome of heaven, 
and this Common-Wealth. 

" Set Forth by the authority of the Governors and 
Councellors established for that Plantation. 

" A word spoken in due season, is like apples of gold, 
with pictures of Silver. — Prover. 25. 11. 

"Feare is nothing else but a betraying of the succors 
which reason offereth. — Wis. 17. 11. 

" At London. — Printed for J. Stepneth, and are to be 
sold at the signe of the Crane in Paules Churchyard. 

The tract begins with a repetition of the first part of the 
title : " A true and sincere declaration of the purpose . . . 
to this Commonwealth," and then continues as follows : — 


" It is reserved and onely proper to Divine Wisdome 
to foresee and ordaine, both the endes and wayes of every 
action. In humaine prudence it is all can be required, to 
propose Religious and Noble and Feasable ends ; and it 
can have no absolute assurance, and infalliblenesse in the 
waies and meanes, which are contingent and various, per- 
haps equally reasonable, subject to unpresent circumstances, 
and doubtfull events, which ever dignifie or betray the 
CouncelVs from whence they were derived. And the higher 
the quality, and nature, and more removed from ordinary 
action (such as this is of which we discourse) the more per- 
plexed and misty are the pathes there-unto. 

66 Upon which grounds, We purpose to deliver roundly 
and clearly, our endes and wayes to the hopef ull Plantations 
begun in Virginia : and to examine the truth, and safety 
of both, to redeeme ourselves and so Noble an action, from 
the imputations and aspertions, with which ignorant rumor, 
virulent envy, or impious subtilty, daily callumniateth our 
industries, and the successe of it : — Wherein we doubt 
not, not only to satisfie every modest and wel-affected heart 
of this Kingdome ; but to excite and Kindle the affections 
of the Incredulous, and lazy ; and to coole and asswage the 
curiosity of the jealous and suspitious ; and to temper and 
convince, the malignity of the false and treacherous. The 
Principal and Maine Endes (out of which are easily derived 
to any meane understanding infinitlesse, and yet great ones) 
-werejirst to preach and baptize into Christian Religion, and 
by propagation of the Gospell, to recover out of the armes 
of the Divell, a number of poore and miserable soules, wrapt 
up unto death, in almost invincible ignorance; to endeavour 
the fulfilling, and accomplishment of the number of the 
elect, which shall be gathered from out all corners of the 
earth; and to add our myte to the Treasury of Heaven, 
that as we pray for the coming of the Kingdome of Glory, 
so to expresse in our actions, the same desire, if God, have 
pleased, to use so weak instruments, to the ripening and 
consummation thereof. 

340 PERIOD ill. NOVEMBER, 1603-JULY, 1614. 

" Secondly, to provide and build up for the publike Hon- 
our and Safety of our gratious King and his Estates (by 
the favor of our Superiors even in that care) some small 
Rampier of our owne, in this opportune and general sum- 
mer of peace, by transplanting the rancknesse and multi- 
tude of increase in our people ; of which there is left no 
vent, but age ; and evident danger that the number and 
infinitenesse of them, will out-grow the matter, whereon to 
worke for their life and sustentation, and shall one infest 
and become a burthen to another. But by this provision 
they may be seated as a Bulwarke of defence, in a place of 
advantage, against a stranger enemy, who shall in great 
proportion grow rich in treasure, which was exhausted to a 
lowe estate ; and may well indure an increase of his people 
long wasted with a continual war, and dispersed uses and 
losses of them : Both which cannot chose but threaten us, 
if we consider, and compare the ends, ambitions and prac- 
tices of our neighbour countries, with our owne. 

" Lastly, the appearance and assurance of Private com- 
modity to the particular undertakers, by recovering and 
possessing to themselves a fruitfull land, whence they may 
,. Co r furnish and provide this Kingdome, with all such a 
iron, steel, necessities and defects under which we labour, 
ships, yards, and are now enforced to buy, and receive at the 
age 3 , Jope- curtesie of other Princes, under the burthen of 
ashes. great Customs, and heavy impositions, and at so 

high rates in trafique, by reason of the great waste of them 
from whence they are now derived, which threatens almost 
an impossibility long to recover them, or at least such losse 
in exchange, as both the Kingdome and Merchant, will be 
weary of the deerenesse and peril. These being the true, 
and essential ends of this Plantation, and corresponding to 
our first rule, of Religious, Noble and Feasable, two of 
which are not questioned, the third easie, and demonstrable 
in the second limme, when we shall examine the causes of 
some disaster and distemper in the wayes unto them : These 
being admitted of, for such as we pretend them to be, and 



standing yet firme and safe in themselves, we hope easily to 
justifie the first part of our undertaking, and presume to 
averre, that in this branche there ariseth to no peaceable man 
any scruple or doubt, to suspect the issue, or to with drawe 
his affection and assistance or to Callumniat the Project, or 
our choise of it. 

" In discussion and examination of the Second part, which 
is the wayes, by which we hope to arrive at these ends, and 
in which no humaine reason can so provide but that many 
circumstances and accidents, shall have as great a stroake 
in the event, as any Councell shall have; We must first 
briefly deliver the course of this Plantation, from the Infan- 
cie thereof ; and then let us equally consider, whether from 
so small a roote, it hath not had a blessed and unexpected 
growth. Next, we will call before us all the objections, 
and conf esse ingenuously all the errors and discouragements, 
which seeme to lye so heavie, as almost to presse to death 
this brave and hopef ull action ; and releeve it, we doubt 
not, from that, which with reasonable men, can at most be 
but a pause, and no entire desertion, and restore it to the 
Premarie estate, life and reputation. 

"In the yeare 1606, Captaine Newport, with three 
ships, discovered the Bay of Chessiopeock in the height 
of thirty-seven degrees of Northerly latitude, and landed a 
hundred persons of sundry qualities and Arts, in a River 
falling into it ; and left them under the Government of a 
President 1 and Councell, according to the authority de- 
rived from, and limited by his Majesties Letters Pattents. 
His returne gave us no hope of any extraordinary conse- 
quence, yet only upon report of the JSfavigablenesse of the 
Piver, pleasure, fertility and scituation of the land, to our 
projected ends, we freshly and cheerefully sent in the next 
yeare a like number : and yet also receiving nothing new, 2 
we had courage and constancie to releeve them the third 

1 He left June 22, 1607, when Cap- May and July, 1608. Captain Rat- 
tain Wingfield was president of the cliffe was president of the council 
council. when they left Virginia. 

2 Newport and Nelson returned in 

342 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

time, with one hundred more : at which returne s experience 
of error in the equality of Governors, and some out-rages, 
and follies committed by them, had a little shaken so tender 
a body ; after consultation and advise of all the inconven- 
iences in these three supplies, and finding them to arise out 
of two rootes, the Forme of Government, and length and 
danger of the passage, 2 by the southerly course of the 
Indyes : — To encounter the first, we did resolve and ob- 
tain, to renew our Letters Pattents, and to procure to our- 
selves, such ample and large priviledges and powers by 
which we were at liberty to reforme and correct those 
already discovered, and to prevent such as in the future 
might threaten us ; and so, to set and furnish out under 
the conduct of one able and absolute Governor, a large 
supply of five hundred men, with some number of families, 
of wife, children and Servants, to take fast holde and roote 
in that land, and this resolution was with much alacritie 
and confidence. And to meete the Second Inconvenience 
we did also prepare to set out, one small ship, for discovery 
of a shorter way, and to make tryall of the Fishing within 
our Bay and River. 

" Hitherto, untill the sending of this Avisall for experi- 
ence, and Fleete for setling the Government, appeares no 
distaste, nor despaire; for every supply in some respect, 
was greater than other, and that in preparation greater 
than them all in every respect, and must in reason hold 
Anologie and proportion with our expectations and hopes 
at the dis-inboging of it. So that what-so-ever wound or 
Palsie this Noble action hath gotten and the sick-ness under 
which it seemes to faint, must needs arise out of the suc- 
cesse of these two : which wee will now examine apart with 
all Equitye and Cleernesse, and waigh, whither there be any 
such reason, to desist from the prosecution thereof, in recti- 

1 Newport returned from Virginia 2 The danger was twofold : first of 

the third time in January, 1609. taking the yellow fever ; second of 

When he left Virginia Captain Smith being taken by the Spaniards in or 

was president of the council. near the West Indies. 


fied judgement, or to fall so lowe in our resolutions, and 
opinions of it, as rumor and ignorance doth pretend we do, 
or have cause to do. 

" For the Discoverie, Captaine Argoll received our com- 
mission under Our Seale, with instruction (to avoide all 
danger of quarrell with the subjects of the King of Spaine) 
not to touch upon any of his Dominions actually possessed, 
or rightly entituled unto, and to shape his course free from 
the roade of Pyrates, that hang upon all streights and 
skirts of lands ; and to attempt a direct and cleare passage, 
by leaving the Canaries to the East, and from thence, to 
run in a streight westerne course, or some point neere there- 
unto. And so to make an experience of the Windes and 
Currants which have affrighted all undertakers by the 
North. By which discovery, there would growe to us 
much securitie, and ease, and all occasion of offence re- 
moved, and we should husband and save a moyetie of the 
charge in victuall and freight, which was expended, and 
lost in the Southerne passage. To these endes he set sayle 
From Portsmouth the fift day of May ; and shaping his 
course South-South-West to the height of thirty degrees, 
leaving the Canaries a hundred leagues to the East, he 
found the windes large, and so tooke his course direct 
West, and did never turne nearer the South : and being in 
the longitude of the Barmudos he found the winde a little 
scant upon him, yet so that on the thirteenth of July he 
recovered our harbor : and in tryall found no currant, nor 
any thing else which should deter us from this way. He 
made his journey in nine weekes, and of that was becalmed 
fourteen dayes whereupon he hath divers times since his 
returne publikely avowed, and undertaken to make this 
passage within seven weeks : and that the windes in all this 
course, are as variable, as at other places, and no apparant 
inconvenience in the way. So that the maine end of this 
advise hath succeeded almost beyond our hopes. The sec- 
ond for fishing, proved so plentiful, especially of sturgion, 
of which sort he could have loaded many ships, if he had 

344 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

He that -went had some man of skill to pickell and prepare it 
pose (fyefin f or Keeping ; whereof he brought sufficient tes- 
theway. timony both of the flesh and Caveary, that no 
discreet man will question the truth of it — so it appears 
cleerely that from hence there can be derived no cause to 
suspect or desist from our first endes, but so contrary, that 
in this project both our purposes and wayes were happy 
and successfull even to our desires. But from this Ship 
ariseth a rumor of the necessity and distresse our people 
were found in/ for want of victual of which though the 
noise have exceeded the truth, yet we doe confesse a great 
part of it ; But can lay aside the cause and fault from the 
dessigne, truely and home upon the misgovernment of the 
Commanders, by dissention and ambition among themselves, 
and upon the Idlenesse and bestiall slouth, of the common 
sort, who were active in nothing but adhearing to factions 
and parts, even to their owne ruine, like men almost desper- 
ate of all supply, so conscious, and guilty they were to 
themselves of their owne demerit and lasinesse. But so 
soone as Captaine Argoll arrived among them, whose pres- 
ence and example gave new assurance of our Cares, and 
new life to their indeavors, by fishing onely in few days, 
they were all recovered, growne hearty, able and ready to 
undertake every action : so that if it bee considered that 
without industry no land is sufficient to the Inhabitants : 
and that the trade to which they trusted betrayed them to 
loose the opportunity of seed-time, and so to rust and weare 
out themselves : for the Naturals withdrew from all com- 
merce and trafficke with them, cunningly making a war 
upon them [the colonists], which they [the Indians] felt 
not, who durst no otherway appear an enemy. And they 
being at division among themselves, and without warrant 
from hence, could not resolve to inforce that, which might 
have preserved them, and which in such a necessity is most 
lawfull to doe, every thing returning from civil Propryety 

1 When Argall arrived in July, distress, Smith was still president of 
1609, and found the colony in great the council. 


to Naturall, and Primary Community : — Lastly if it be 
remembred, that this extremitie in which they were is now 
relieved, (which is as happy in the presage of God's future 
blessing as in his present providence and mercy) was but an 
effect of that, we did fore-see in the first Government, and 
for which the forme was chaunged, and the new in project, 
and therefore cannot be objected as any just exception to 
the successe of this, but as a consequent considered, and 
digested in the former. It is then I say evident, that in all 
the progresse of this discovery, or anything accidental to 
it, there cannot be rack'd nor pressed out any confession, 
either of error in the ends, or mis-carriadges in the waxes 
unto them. 

" To the establishment of a Government, such as should 
meete with all the revealed inconveniences ; We gave our 
Commission to an able and worthy Gentleman, Sir Thomas 
Gates, whome we did nominate and appoint sole and abso- 
lute Governor 1 of that Colony, under divers limitations and 
instructions expressed in writing : and with him we sent 
Sir George Summers Admirall, and Captaine Newport 
vice-Admirall of Virginia, and divers other persons of 
rancke and quality, in seven ships and two pinnaces, with 
several commissions sealed, successively to take place one 
after another, considering the mortality and uncertainty of 
human life, and these to be devided 2 into several ships. 

" Our fleet weighed anchor from Falmouth the eight of 
June, the winde being fair, they shaped a course for the 
height of the Canaries ; within few days sail, the Governor 
calling a Councel of all the Captains, Masters and Pilots, 
it was resolved, they should run southerly unto the Tropic, 
and from thence bear away West : (which error will take up 
all the objections of sickness, the sun being then in it, 3 was 

1 Gates was the first sole and abso- 2 See also A True Declaration 

lute governor of the colony. It had (CXL.), Force's Reprint, p. 9, in expla- 

been on the tapis to make Lord De la nation of certain defects. 

Warr lord governor and captain gen- 8 The sun being in the tropic was 

eral and send him over, but the idea supposed to cause an infection then 

was not carried out until February, known as " the calenture," now as the 

1610. yellow fever. 

346 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

the cause of all the infection, and disease of our men). At 
this consultation, was delivered an instruction under seale 
to every Master, with a provision what course should be 
taken, if the fleet were separated ; which was that if the 
windes scanted or were contrary, or that any lost sight of 
the Admiral, they should steer away for the West Indies, 
and make the Baruada an Hand to the North of Dominico, 
and there to have their Rendevous, and to stay seven days 
one for another. 

" In this height and resolution, short of the West-Indies 
150 leagues, on St. James day a terrible tempest overtook 
them, and lasted in extremity 48 hours, which scattered 
the whole fleet, and wherein some of them spent their 
masts, and others were much distressed. Within three 
days four of the fleet met in consort, and hearing no news 
of their Admiral and the winds returning large for Vir- 
ginia, and they wearied and beaten, it was resolved among 
them, to bear right away for Our Bay, and to decline their 
commission, which within few days they made and arrived 
in the King's River, on the eleventh of August : In this 
passage, fourteen degrees to the south-ward of Virginia, 
ran no current with them, which should hinder or make 
difficult that in Proposition by the North-West. Within 
six days after came in one, and within five, another of our 
fleet, the Masters of both having fallen upon the same 
Councel by the opportunity of the wind, not to seek the 
Baruada, but to steer away for our Harbor. Which doubt- 
less the Admiral himselfe did not observe, but obeyed his 
own directions and is the true or probable cause of his 
being cast so for into suspition ; where perhaps bound in 
with wind, perhaps enforced to stay the Masting or mend- 
ing of some-what in his ship, torn or lost in this tempest ; 
we doubt not, but by the mercy of God he is safe, with the 
Pinnace which attended him, and shall both, or are by this 
time, arrived at our Colony. 

" Not long after these, another of our small Pinnaces, yet 
also unaccounted for, recovered the River alone; and now 


seven of our fleet being in, they landed in health neer 
four hundred persons ; who being put ashore without their 
Governor, or any order from him (all the Commissioners 
and principal persons being aboard him) no man would 
acknowledge a superior nor could from this headless and 
unbridled multitude, be anything expected but disorder and 
riot, nor any Councel prevent, or fore-see, the successe of 
these wayes. 

" Now if wee compare the disasters of this supply, with 
the main ends, it will appear they have weakened none of 
them ; but that they still remain safe and feasable, for 
anything ariseth in objection out of them. For that these 
accidents and contingencies, were ever to be expected, and 
a resolution was to be put on at first, armed against the 
probability of them. Who can avoid the hand of God, or 
dispute with him ? Is he fit to undertake any great action, 
whose courage is shaken and dissolved with one storm? 
Who knows, whither he that disposed of our hearts to so 
good beginnings, be now pleased to try our constancy and 
perseverence, and to discerne between the ends of our 
desires, whither Piety or Covetousness carryed us swifter? 
For if the first were the principal scope, hence ariseth 
nothing to infirm or make that impossible : But as it fall- 
eth out in business of greatest consequence, sometimes the 
noblest ends, upon which wee are most intense, are furthest 
removed from the first steps made unto them, and must by 
lesser and meaner be approched ; Plantation of religion 
being the main and cheefe purpose, admits many things of 
less and secondary consequence of necessity to be done 
before it : for an error or miscarriage in one of which, to 
desist or stagger, were to betray our principal end cow- 
ardly and faintly, and to draw upon ourselves just scorne 
and reprehension. 

" Whither we shall discourse out of reason or example ; 
that every action hath Proportional difficulties, to the great- 
ness thereof, such as must necessarily be admitted from 
the first conception, and such as even in the passage dignify 

348 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

both the actors and the work, if with prudence they foresee 
all the hazards, and with Patience and Constancy meet 
and encounter them. It must either be confessed, that it 
was folly from the Origin and first Step, not to have been 
prepared for such as these ; or that it is none now ; not to 
quit it, for them, but the greatest of all to say, Who would 
have expected this ? If we cast our eye upon the Spanish 
Conquest of the Indyes, how aboundant their stories are 
of Fleets, Battailes, and Armies lost : eighteen upon the 
attempt of Guiana, and more than seventy in both the In- 
dyes, and yet with how indefatigable industry, and pros- 
perous fate, they have pursued and vanquished all these, 
their many Armies maintained in Europe, can witnesse, 
with too lamentable an experience. 

" If we compare the beginnings, they were meaner than 
ours, and subject to all the same and much more uncer- 
tainty. If the Religion, which shall crown the success, it 
admits no controversy nor comparison, among those to 
whom we write : if the Commodities, they, which we have 
in assurance and knowledge, are of more necessity, and 
those in hope equally rich and abondant. 

" But to come home to our purpose : that which seems to 
disharten or shake our first grounds in this supply ; ariseth 
from two principal sources, of which one was cause of the 
other ; First, the Tempest : and can any man expect an 
answer for that? next the absence of the Governor, an 
affect of the former, for the loss of him is in suspence, and 
much reason of his safety against some doubt ; and the 
hand of God reacheth all the Earth. Now if these two 
only be the main Crosses, which stagger the feasableness, 
consider that of three voyages before, no man miscarried in 
the way, and that all other depend on these, as the misgov- 
ernment of our men, their illness, their want, and the 
empty returne of our fleet, wherein if we recover and cor- 
rect the cause, we vanquish all things consequent unto it, 
and yet in appearance, if with these we compare the advan- 
tages which we have gotten, in the shortness and security 


of the passage, in the intelligence of some of our Nation 
planted by Sir Walter Raleigh, yet a live, within fifty mile 
of our fort, who can open the womb and bowels of this 
country ; as is testified by two of our colony sent out to 
seek them, who, (though denied by the savages speech with 
them) found crosses and Letters the Characters and 
assured Testimonies of Christians newly cut in the barks 
of trees : if we consider the assuredness of the Commodi- 
ties, Wines, Pitch, Soap-ashes Timber for all * with every 
uses, Iron, steel, Copper, Dyes, Cordage, silk- S^Tw 
grass, Pearl, which (though discolored and ied ui, h f 3 
softened by fire, for want of skill in the naturals they beieeve 
to pierce them) was round in great abundance in dieth richest, 
the house of their sepultures.* 2E?£ia 

" If we consider I say, and compare these cer- ha PP iest - 
tainties and truths, as less ends to strengthen and produce 
our first and principal, with those casual and accidental mis- 
adventures and errors, which have befallen us, before every 
equal and resolved heart, they will vanish and become 
smoke and air, and not only keep upright but raise our 
spirits and affections, and reconcile our reasons to our 

" If any object the difficulty of keeping that we shall 
possess ; if this discourse could admit a disputation of it, it 
should easily appear, that our confidence against any enemy, 
is built upon solid and substantial reason : And to give 
some taste thereof ; Our enemies must be either the Natives 
or Strangers ; Against the first the war would be as easy 
as the argument. For the second ; a few men may dispute 
the possession of any place wherein they are fortified, 
where the enemy is so much a stranger, as that he must 
discover and fight at once ; upon all dis - advantages of 
streights, Fords, and Woods ; and where he can never march 
with horse, nor with ordinance without them ; nor can abide 
to stay many months, when all his releefe must be had from 
his shipps, which cannot long supply a number competent 
to besiege. Neither is it possible to block us up, by plant- 

350 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

ing between us and the sea, the Rivers being so broad, 
and so many out-lets from them into the Bay. Besides the 
protection and privilege of subjects to so Potent a King, 
whome any wise estate will be wary to affront or provoke. 

" We doubt not, but by examination of what is said, our 
First ends are yet safe, and the ways unto them in no sort 
so difficult, as should more affright and deter us now, than 
at the first meditation of them. But if these be not suffi- 
cient to satisfy, and encourage, every honest affection we 
will not so desist ; but urge the necessity of a present sup- 
ply, to redeem the defects, and misadventures of the last : 
that seeing all the dangers and sicknesses have sprung from 
want of effecting our purpose of sending an able Gov- 
ernor : "We have concluded and resolved to set forth the 
Right Honor : the Lord de la Warr by the last of Janu- 
ary, and to give him all the liberties and priviledges, which 
we have power to derive upon him, and to furnish him with 
all necessaries fit for his quality, person, and the business 
which he shall undergo, and so by God's grace to persist 
untill we have made perfect our good and happy begin- 

" If these shall not yet suffice to resolution, that a Baron 
and Peere of this Kingdome (whose Honour nor Fortune 
needs not any desperate medicine) one of so approved cour- 
age, temper, and experience, shall expose himself for the 
Asadoore common-good to all these hazards and paines 
turneth upon which we f eare and safely talke of, that sit idle 

his hinges, ^ 

so doth a at home ; and beare a great part upon his own 
upSfhisbed. charge, and revive and quicken the whole by 
Prov. 26. 14. jj'g exam pi e? constancy, and resolution ? 

" If you have no implicite faith nor trust in us, that gov- 
erne this businesse ; to whom there must be some advantage 
granted in our practise, and intelligence (especially in this) 
above ordinary persons ; that we have no will nor intent, 
to betray our poore country-men, nor to burthen our owne 
consciences, nor to draw so just scorne and reproach upon 
our reputations ? If our Knowledge and constant persua- 



sion, of the faithfulnesse and wholesomnesse of this Land, 
and of the recompense it shall in time bring to this King- 
dome, and to every particular member of this Plantation, 
be of no authority ? If this seem not to you some argu- 
ment, that every man returned is desirous to go back to 
that which they account and call their owne home : and 
do upon their lives justify, which else they wilfully betray ; 
that if the Government be settled, and a supply of victual 
for one year sent, so that they may have a seed time and 
Harvest before them, they will never need nor expect to 
charge us with more expense for any thing of necessity 
to man's life ; but they will have leasure and power, to ret- 
ribute with infinite advantage all the cost bestowed upon 
them : If all these be yet too weake to confirm the doubt- 
full, or awake the drousie, then let us come nearer, and 
arise from their reasons and affections to their soules and 
consciences : remember that what was at first but of con- 
veniency, and for Honor is now become a case of necessity 
and piety : let them consider, that they have promised to 
adventure and not performed it ; that they have encouraged 
and exposed many of Honorable birth, and which is of 
more consequence 600. of our Bretheren by our common 
mother the Church, Christians of one Faith and one Bap- 
tisme to a miserable and inevitable death. Let not any 
man flatter himself, that it concernes not him, for he that 
forsakes whome he may safely releeve, is as guilty of his 
death, as he that can swim and forsakes himself by refusing, 
is of his owne. Let every man looke inward, and disperse 
that cloud of avarice, which darkeneth his spiritual sight 
and he will finde there, that when he shall appeare before 
the Tribunall of Heaven, it shall be questioned him what 
he hath done ? Hath he fed and clothed the hungry and 
naked? It shall be required, what he hath done for the 
advancement of that Gospell which hath saved him ; and 
for the releefe of his makers Image, whome he was bound 
to save : let there be a vertuous emulation betweene us 
and the Church of Rome, in her owne Glory, and Treas- 

352 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

ury of Good Workes ! And let us turne all our contentions 
upon the common enemy of the Name of Christ. How 
farre hath she sent out her Apostles and thorough how 
glorious dangers f How is it become a marke of Honor 
to her Faith, to have converted Nations, and an obloquie 
cast upon us, that we having the better Vine, should have 
worse dressers and husbanders of it ? 

" If Piety, Honour, Easinesse, Profit nor Conscience 
cannot provoke, and excite (for to all these we have applyed 
our discourse). Then let us turne from hearts of stone and 
Iron, and pray unto that mercifull and tender God, who 
is both easie and glad to be intreated, that it would please 
him to blesse and water these feeble beginnings, and that 
as he is wonderfull in all his workes, so to nourish this 
graine of seed, that it may spread till all people of the earth 
admire the greatnesse, and seeke the shades and fruite 
thereof : That by so faint and weake indevors his great 
Councels may be brought forth, and his secret purposes to 
light, to our endlesse Comforts and the infinite Glory of his 
Sacred Name. 


Appendix. — " To render a more particular satisfaction 
and account of our care, in providing to attend the Right 
Honourable the Lord de la Warr, in this concluded and 
present supply, men of most use and necessity to the Foun- 
dation of a Commonwealth ; And to avoyde both the 
scandall and peril of accepting idle and wicked persons; 
such as shame, or fear compels into this action ; and such as 
are the weedes and ranknesse of this land ; who being the 
surfet of an able, healthy, and composed body ; must needes 
be the poison of one so tender, feeble, and as yet unformed : 
And to divulge and declare to all men, what Kinde of per- 
sons, as well for their religion and conversations, as Facul- 
ties, Arts and Trades, we propose to accept of : — We have 
thought it convenient to pronounce that for the first pro- 
vision, we will receive no man that cannot bring or render 



some good testimony of his religion to God, and civil 
manners and behaviour to his neighbour, with whom he 
hath lived ; And for the second, we have set downe in a 
Table annexed, the proportion, and number we will enter- 
taine in every necessary Arte, upon proofe and assurance, 
that every man shall be able to performe that which he 
doth undertake, whereby such as are requisite to us may 
have knowledge and preparation, to offer themselves, and 
we shall be ready to give honest entertainment and content, 
and to recompence with extraordinary reward every fit and 
industrious person, respectively to his Paines and quality. 

" The Table of such as are required to This Plantation. 

Foure honest and 



learned Ministers. 



2. Surgeons. 


Coller-makers for 

2. Druggists. 


10. Iron men for the Fur- 



nace and Hammer. 



2. Armorers. 



2. Gun - Founders. 



6. Blacksmiths. 



10. Sawyers. 


Sope-ashe men. 

6. Carpenters. 


Pitch Boylers. 

6. Ship-wrights. 


Minerall men. 

6. Gardeners. 


Planters of Sugar- 

4. Turners. 


4. Brickmakers. 



2. Tile-makers. 


Pearle Drillers. 

10. Fishermen. 



6. Fowlers. 



4. Sturgeon dressers and 



preservers of the Caveary. 


354 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 


" A Publication by the Counsell of Virginea, touching the 
Plantation there. 

" Howsoever it came to passe by God's appointment, that 
governes all things, that the fleete of 8 shippes, lately sent 
to Virginea, by meanes the Admirall, wherein were shipped 
the chiefe Governours, Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George 
Sommers and Captaine Newport, by the tempestuous windes 
and forcible current, were driven so farre to the Westward, 
that they could not in so convenient time recover Cape 
Henrie, and the Port in Virginea, as by the return of the 
same fleete to answer the expectation of the adventurers in 
some measure. 

" By occasion whereof, some few of those unruly youths 
sent thither, (being of most leaud and bad condition) and 
such as no ground can hold for want of good directions 
there, were suffered by stealth to get aboard the ships re- 
turning thence, and are come for England againe, giving 
out in all places where they come (to colour their own mis- 
behaviour, and the cause of their returne with some pre- 
tence) most vile and scandalous reports, both of the Country 
itselfe, and of the Cariage of the businesse there. 

"Which hath also given occasion that sundry false 
rumours and despightfull speeches have beene devised and 
given out by men that seeme of better sort, being such as 
lie at home, and doe gladly take all occasions to cheere 
themselves with the prevention of happy successe in any 
action of publike good, disgracing both the actions and 
actors of such honourable enterprises, as whereof they 
neither know nor understand the true intents and honest 

" Which howsoever (for a time) it may deterre and keepe 
backe the hands and helpe of many well disposed men, yet 
men of wisdome and better resolution doe well conceive and 
know, that these devices infused into the tongues and 


heades of such devisors (by the Father of untruths) doe 
serve for nothing else, but as a cloke to cover the wretched 
and leaud prancks of the one sort, and the stupidity and 
backwardnesse of the other, to advance any commendable 
action that taxeth their purse, and tendeth not wholly to 
their owne advantage. 

" And therefore those of his Maiesties Counsel in this 
honourable Plantation, the Lords, Knights, gentlemen, and 
merchants interested therein (rightly considering that as in 
all other good services (so in this) much losse and detriment 
may many waies arise and grow to the due meanes and 
manner of proceeding, which yet no way toucheth nor em- 
peacheth the action itselfe, nor the ends of it, which do still 
remaine entire and safe upon the same grounds of those 
manifold Christian duties whereon it was first resolved,) are 
so farre from yielding or giving way to any hindrance or 
impeachment of their cheeref ull going on, that many of them 
both honourable and worshipfull have given their hands 
and subscribed to contribute againe and againe to new sup- 
plies if need require. 

"And further, they doe instantly prepare and make 
ready a certain number of good shippes, with all necessaries, 
for the right honourable Lord de la Ware, who intendeth 
God assisting, to be ready with all expedition to second the 
foresaid Generals, which we doubt not are long since safely 
arrived at their wished port in Virginea. 

" And for that former experience hath too dearely taught, 
how much and manie waies it hurteth to suffer Parents to 
disburden themselves of lascivious sonnes, masters of bad 
servants and wives of ill husbands, and so to clogge the 
businesse with such an idle crue, as did thrust themselves 
in the last voiage, that will rather starve for hunger, than 
lay their hands to labor. 

" It is therefore resolved, that no such unnecessary person 
shall now be accepted, but onely such sufficient, honest and 
good artificers, as 

" Smiths, Shipwrights, Sturgeon-dressers, Joyners, Car- 

356 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

venters, Gardeners, Turners, Coopers, Salt-makers, Iron- 
men for Furnasse & hammer, Brickmakers, Brick-layers, 
Miner all-men, Bakers, Gun-founders, Fishermen, Plough- 
wrights, Brewers, Sawyers, Fowlers, Vine-dressers, Sur- 
geons and Physitions for the body, and learned Divines 
to instruct the Colonie, and to teach the Infidels to Worship 
the true God. Of which so many as will repaire to the 
house of Sir Thomas Smith, Treasurer of the Company to 
proffer their service in this action, before the number be 
full, and will put in good sureties to be readie to attend the 
said honourable Lord in the voyage, shall be entertained 
with those reasonable and good conditions as shall answere 
and be agreeable to each man's sufficiency in his severall 

" Imprinted at London by Thomas Haveland for William 
Welby, and are to be sold at his shop in Paul's Church- 
yard at the signe of the Swanne. 1610." 

CXIV. and CXV. were evidently published about the 
same time. I am inclined to think that the Broadside was 
really published before the tract. I only know of one orig- 
inal of this Broadside, and that is No. 122 of the collection 
of the Society of Antiquaries of London. It has never been 
reprinted in this country. 


Henry Earl of Southampton to the Earl of Salisbury. 

" My Lord : — Upon Wedensday morninge [December 
13] I went to New Markett and before the Kinge went to 
dinner I delivered unto him what I receaved from your 
Lordship, concerninge &c. 

" Your Lordships most assuredly to do you service. 

"H. Southampton. 
the 15. of December." 


To this letter Southampton adds this P. S. : " Talkinge 
with the King by chance I tould him of the Virginia Squir- 
rills which they say will fly, wherof there are now divers 
brought into England, and hee presently and very earnestly 
asked me if none of them was provided for him and whether 
your Lordship had none for him, sayinge that hee was sure 
you would gett him one of them. I would not have troub- 
led you with this but that you know so well how hee is 
affected to these toyes, and with a little enquiry of any of 
your folkes you may furnish yourself to present him att 
his comminge to London which will not bee before Wens- 
day next : the monday before to Theobals, and the Saterday 
before that to Royston." 


VOLUME 2587, FOLIO 59. 

Copy of a letter of Don Pedro de Zuniga to the King of 
Spain dated December 31, 1609. (Original.) 

" Sire. I have reported to Y. M. that two [three ?] 
vessels had come from Virginia, [CXIIL] and that they 
did not come well satisfied. Since then four * others have 
come, and in a storm the two others have been lost on the 
French coast, with which I think they will have to be quiet 
for the present. But now they hasten the Lord de la Ware 
to take his departure, and they tell me he will do so in a 
month or a month and a half. And they have assured him, 
that after him they will send this summer a thousand men. 

" In like manner there will sail for Guiana two small ves- 
sels with small crews, but I hear that if any of the people 
which ' Watawales ' [Walter Ralegh] left there, should be 
found, they will send more, because they praise that country 
very much and say that Gold and Silver are found there, 
and it is thought that they will take * Watawales ' out of 

1 He has probably been misinformed, as it seems only four returned in all at 
this time, Argall and three others. 

358 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

the Tower, that he may go there. May our Lord preserve 
and guard the Catholic Person of Y. M. as all Christendom 
needeth. From Highgate, December the last, 1609. 

"Don Pedro de Cuniga." 

[Mem. — Henry Hudson had proposed to the Dutch 
East India Company that he should remain (during the 
winter 1609-10) in England, and again sail on a north- 
west voyage from Dartmouth in March, 1610 ; which pro- 
posal was not agreeable to them, and in January, 1610, 
they ordered him to return to Holland, with the Half Moon 
and crew as soon as possible. " But when they were going 
to do so, Henry Hudson and the other Englishmen of the 
Ship were commanded by government there, not to leave 
England but to serve their owne Country. . . . and it was 
then thought probable that the English themselves would 
send ships to Virginia, to explore the river found by Hud- 
son." — Van Meteren. See also CIX.] 


VOLUME 2587, FOLIO 66. 

Copy of an original letter of Don Pedro de Zuniga to the 
King of Spain dated at " Iguet," January 28, 1610. 

" Sire. Lord de la War with three hundred men and 
large stores will certainly be sent from here at the begin- 
ning of April ; and somewhat later one thousand men will 
go, a fact which shows very clearly the advantages they 
hope to derive from over there, since with such very great 
losses as they have suffered, and of which I have informed 
Y. M., they still show so much courage. 

" The two vessels which, as I have reported to Y. M. are 
going to Guiana, will sail within eight days. 

" May our Lord preserve the Catholic Person of Y. M. as 
all Christendom needeth. From Highgate, January 28, 1610. 

"Don Pedro de Quniga." 


[Mem. — February 2, 1610. W. Folkingham's "Feu- 
digraphia. The Synopsis or Epitome of Surveying metho- 
dized. Anatomizing the whole Corps of the Facultie &c. 
Intimating all the Incidents to Fees and Possessions, &c. 
Very pertinent to be perused of all those, whom the Right, 
Revenewe, Estimation, Farming, Occupation. . . . Prepar- 
ing and Imploying of Arable, Medow, Pasture, and all 
other Plots doe concerne. And no lesse remarkable for all 
Under-takers in the Plantation of Ireland or Virginia, for 
all Travailers for Discoveries of forraine Countries, &c. 
London Printed for Richard Moore &c. 1610." It is dedi- 
cated to Lord Compton. The address to the reader is 
dated from " Helpringham neere to Folkingham the second 
of Februarie, 1609." 

The title conveys a fair idea of the contents of the black 
letter tract. 

February 9, 1610. " Certaine articles and reasons touch- 
ing a plantation to be made in Newfoundland, exhibited by 
certain Marchants of London and Bristol, unto the Lords of 
His Majesty's Privie Counsell, and by them referred to the 
consideration and reporte of the Master, Wardens and 
Assistants of The Trinity House. 

"It prays for a patent of a small part of the Country 
never inhabited by Christians." 

" The Master and Wardens of The Trinity House made a 
favourable report thereon." 

There were many voyages made to Newfoundland, as the 
reader knows, which I have not attempted to mention.] 


Commons Journal — 14 February 1609-10. On the 
question whether Sir George Somers' seat in Parliament 
would be made vacant by his going to Virginia. 

" Sir George Moore in the course of the discussion 
remarked, " That Sir George Sommers ought not to be re- 

360 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

moved. No disgrace, but a Grace to be Governour in Vir- 

Chalmers states in his " Political Annals of Virginia," 
p. 27, that " Sir George Somers being a Member of Parlia- 
ment, the Commons declared his seat vacant ; because by 
accepting a Colonial office, he was rendered incapable to 
execute his trust : and this, it should seem was the first 1 
time that Virginia was noticed in Parliament." He, also, 
adds in his Appendix, p. 41 (where he cites his authority 
for the above, as Commons Journal, iv. pp. 2, 3), that " the 
common law disability, which was declared by this resolu- 
tion, was not probably adverted to at a subsequent day, 
when it was enacted by 6. An. c. 7. s. 25, that no gov- 
ernor, or deputy governor, of any of the Plantations, shall 
be elegible to Parliament." 


This sermon was preached February 21, 1609 (0. S.), 
that is, 1610, and was entered at Stationers' Hall for pub- 
lication on the 19th of March following. Anderson in his 
" History of the Colonial Church," under the erroneous 
impression that it was the first sermon before the Virginia 
Company, gives extended extracts therefrom. Mr. Neill, in 
his " Virginia Company of London," 1869, and in his 
"English Colonization of America," London, 1871, also 
gives extracts. 

Originals are in the library of Congress at Washington, 
and of Mr. Kalbfleisch of New York. 

I have not noted an original for sale in the last ten years. 
One would probably be worth about $200. CXX. has 
never been reprinted ; it contains about 27,000 words, and 
of course is too long to be reprinted entire here. It is evi- 
dently a very carefully prepared discourse, illustrating the 
ideas of the ministers of the Church of England, and there- 
fore I give extended extracts from the sermon as published, 
noting the pages extracted from. 

1 See Biography of Lord Bacon, February 17, 160?. 



"A Sermon Preached in London before the [p. 1.] 
right honourable the Lord Lawarre, Lord Gov- 
ernour and Captaine Generall of Virginea, and others of his 
Maiesties Councell for that Kingdome, and the rest of the 
adventurers in that plantation. [On the text] 

"Luke. 22 chapter 32 verse. But I have praied for 
thee, that thy faith faile not : therefore when thou art con- 
verted strengthen thy brethren. 

" Four places of scripture are abused by the Papists 
above the rest. First those words of Christ 
Upon this Rocke I will build my Church : Sec- 
ondly, his words at his last Supper, This is my 
bodie : Thirdly, his speech to Peter after his resurrection, 
Feede my sheep : Lastly, these to Peter afore his John 21 
passion, I have praied for thee that thy faith 
faile not. These last Bellarmine likes so well, that ten times 
he allegeth them in one of his Tomes, and makes them 
serve not for one, but many purposes." He then has some- 
thing to say of the Pope and Bellarmine. He 
next says, "as the body, so the soule stands in [p. 2.] 
need of three sorts of physicke." First purgative, [p. 3.] 
second restorative and thirdly perservative ; and [pp. 3, 
he treats of each of these separately. He then 4.] 
divides his text into two parts : first, " Christs [p. 5.] 
Mercy " and second, " Peter's dutie." First dwel- 
ling on " Christ's mercy," and not forgetting the [pp. 5 
Pope and the Papists ; and then (still remember- to 15.] 
ing the Papists) on "Peter's duty," and under [pp. 15 
this head he has much to say of the Virginia to 83.] 
enterprise. " Wee here see the cause why no [p. 18.] 
more come in to assist this present purpose of plan- 
tation in Virginia, even because the greater part [p. 19.] 
of men are unconverted & unsanctified men, and 
seeke merely the world and themselves, and no further. 
They make many excuses, and devise objections ; but the 
fountaine of all is, because they may not have present 
profit. If other voiages be set afoot, wherein is certaine 


and present profit, they run, and make meanes to get in : 
but this, which is of a more noble and excellent nature, and 
of higher and worthier ends, because it yeelds not the pres- 
ent profits, it must seeke them, and with much difficultie 
are some brought in, and many will not at all. Tell them 
of getting XX. in the C. Oh how they bite at it, oh how it 
stirres them ? But tell them of planting a Church, of con- 
verting 10.000. soules to God, they are senselesse as stones : 
they stirre no more then if men spoke of toies and trifles " 

[p. 21.] He speaks on the lawfulness, the excellency 
and goodness, " and indeed the plaine necessity of 
this present action for Virginia : the principall ends thereof 
being the plantation of a Church of English Christians 
there, and consequently the conversion of the heathen from 
the divel to God," etc. Dwelling especially on the conver- 
sion of the savages. 
[p. 25.] " It is not only a lawfull, but a most excellent 
and holie action, and so necessarie that I hold 
every man bound " " to assist this voyage in f oure things : " 
" Countenance, Person, Purse, and Prayer." To 
[pp. 25— each of which he has somewhat to say. " I 
27.] make my conclusion, that the assistance of this 

businesse is a duty that lies on all men." 
[p. 28.] " But now (right Honorable and beloved) see- 
ing we are assembled peculiarly for this businesse, 
even to consecrate this enterprise to the Lord of heaven : 
and to send away our honorable Governor and his associates 
and attendants in the name of the Lord ; give me leave 
(not as calling once into question the lawfulnesse of so 
noble an action, but) for the further cleering of the truth 
to them that know it not, for the justification of our course 
against the adversaries of all excellent exploits, for the stop- 
ping of the mouthes of the malignant, and for the better 
satisfaction and encouragement of ourselves, who either in 
purse or person, or both, are ingaged in the action, to de- 
scend a little more particularly into consideration of the true 


state here of. All I have to say I will reduce to two heads, 
namely, to lay downe truly, (first) The discouragements, 
(and secondly) The encouragements in this businesse." 

These he treats under the following headings : 
"First the discouragements, in this action laid [p. 29.] 
downe and removed." " The first discourage- 
ment: Question of the lawfulness," answered, 1 
" Christians may trafficke with the heathen." [p. 30.] 
"We will take from them only that they may 
spare us. First, their superfluous land. Secondly, 
their superfluous commodities." " The commodi- [p. 31.] 
ties certainly known to be in Virginia — Timber, 
Crystall, Masts, Wine, Copper, Iron, Pitch, Tarre, Sopeashes 
and Sassafras." " We give to the Savages what they most 
need. 1. Civilitie for their bodies. 2. Christianitie 
for their soules." " Religion and the knowledge [p. 32.] 
of the true God." He refers to the sermon of 
M. Simonds (LXXXVL), and to the "Sincere 
declaration " (CXIV.). " The second discour- [p. 33.] 
agement : difficulty of plantation." 1. " By dis- 
tance." answer " How neere Virginia is to England." " 2. 
For hard passage." answer, "How faire, safe 
and easie, the passage to Virginia is." " 3. The [p. 34.] 
climate." Answers, "The climate in Virginea 
temperate." " The true position of Virginea." [p. 35.] 
" Their skins not blacke." " Our men there com- 
plaine not of the climate." " The third discouragement : 
smallness of our beginnings, and povertie of our 
proceedings." " For answere, I say, many greater [p. 36.] 
States (then this is like to prove) had as little 
or lesse beginnings then this hath : " — " Compare Deut. 
10. 22. with Exod. 12. 37." " Looke at the beginning of 
Rome, how poore, how meane, how despised it was ; and 
yet on that base beginning grew to be the Mistresse of the 

1 In order to give an idea of the references to the discourse, and not 
sermon in the most condensed form, I the discourse proper, 
frequently quote the original side-note 

364 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

" Oh but those that goe in person are rakte up out of the 
refuse, and are a number of disordred men, unfit to bring 
to passe any good action : So indeed say those that lie and 
slander. But I answere for the generalitie of them that 
goe, they be such as offer themselves voluntarily, for none 
are pressed, none are compelled : and be like (for ought 
that I see) to those are left behind, even of all sorts better 
and worse. But for many that goe in person, let these 
objecters know, they be as good as themselves, and it may 

be, many degrees better. But as for mockers of 
[p. 37.] this business, they are worthie no answere : " Yet 

he continues his answer at length, quoting Nehem. 
[p. 38.] 1, 7, 8, chap. 4. 1, 2, ibid. vers. 3, chap. 2. 10, 
[p. 39.] chap. 4. 4, 5, etc., 1 Sam. 22. 2. He shows that 

" God brings to passe great matters on small be- 
ginnings." 1. In matters naturall. 2. In matters human. 
3. In matters spirituall, " and 4. In matters politike." 
[p. 40.] " Objection. We send base and disordered 

men." Answer. "The basest and worst men 
trained up in severe discipline, under sharpe lawes, a hard 
life and much labour, do prove good members of a Com- 
[p. 42.] " Better government and discipline in small 

then in great States, and in those that are newly 

[p. 43.] " The Fourth discouragement : ill reports of 

the countrey, by them that come from thence." 
"I answere, it is not true, in all, nor in the greater or 
better part ; for many there be and men of worth who have 
been there, and report so well of it, that they will not be 
kept from going thither againe, but hold it and call it, their 
home and habitation, nor can all the pleasures, ease, delights 
and vanities of England allure them from it. But that 
some, and it may be many of the vulgar and viler sort, who 
went thither only for ease and idlenesse, for profit and 
pleasure, and some such carnall causes, and found contrari- 
wise but cold entertainment, and that they must labour or 


else not eate, and be tied within the bounds of sharp laws, 
and severe discipline ; if such base people as these, doe 
from thence write, and here report, all evill that can be out 
of that countrie, we doe not marvell, for they do but like 
themselves, and we have ever found that all noble exploites 
have been so maligned and misreported by the greater part 
(which generally is the worse part) of men." He 
then refers to and dwells upon Numb. chap. 13, [pp. 44, 
verses 3, 32, 33; chap. 14, verses 7, 8, 10, 24, 45.] 
27, 30, 37. 

" A comparison of searching of Canaan and [p. 46.] 
Virginia, and of the reports thereof made." — 
Matth. 12. 34, Rom. 13. 19. 

" The Fifth discouragement : miseries of them [p. 47.] 
that goe in person." "Answere 1. No great 
thing atchieved without induring miseries." " The 
more excellent because difficult." " Answere 2. [p. 48.] 
This objection raiseth from basenesse and cowardize 
of spirit." " The ancient valour and hardnesse of [p. 49.] 
our people." " How the Low-Countrie men were 
altered within these 100 yeares." " A good thing [p. 50.] 
in a state for people to be inured to hardnesse." 
" Answere 3. The miseries and wants that have [p. 51.] 
been sustained, came accidentally by the absence 
of our governours." * "And to conclude, seeing it is 
knowne to all, that know anything in this matter, that the 
principal (if not the only) wound in this businesse hath 
beene the want of governement ; there is now care taken, 
that (by the blessing of God) there never shall be want of 
that againe." 

" The sixth discouragement : uncertaintie of [p. 52.] 

1 Crashaw continues here, " Which staine blemish the beautie of so faire a 
was caused by the hand of God, and businesse ? Shall one particular mis- 
force of tempest, which neither hu- carriage, overturne the fame, or con- 
mane wit could forsee, nor strength demne the substance of the whole 
withstand. Or suppose something was action ? Surely wisdome and good 
miscarried by negligence ; haste or reason will not admit it." 
other humane infirmitie ; shall one 

366 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

profit, and the long stay for it." "Answere 1. Profit is 
the least and last end aimed at in this voyage." 
[p. 53.] " Ans. 2. The voiage will be assuredly profitable 
in short time." " The cause why the profit can- 
[p. 54.] not be presently expected, is because that contin- 
ual! supplies are still to be sent." " The high 
and principall end being plantation, of an English Church 
and Common-wealth, and consequently the Conversion of 

[p. 55.] " The seventh discouragement : multitude and 
might of our enemies." "What enemies? they 
answer first the Spaniard, I answere, deceive not your- 
selves, we have him not our enemies : for first, he is in 
league with us. ... we hope they bee too wise and worthie a 
nation to breake their league and falsifie the oath 
[p. 56.] of God which they have made." He reviews and 
answers the claims of Spain. " This bull of 
Pope Alexander the sixth is extant Verbatim amongst the 
Constitutions of the Popes, set out by Peter Matthew at 
Lions 1588. and is to be found at page 150." 
[p. 57.] " What enemies ? The French ? Nay they are 
rather inclined to follow our example, and to plant 
in another Countrey not far from ours : the same also might 
I speake of other Christian Nations. The Savages ? Nay 
they invite us," etc. " This enterprize hath only three 
enemies. 1. The Divell, 2. The Papists, and 3. 
[pp. 58- The Players." And to each of these the Rev. Mr. 
63.] Crashaw pays his respects. " The evill and base 

reports that have been scattered of this enterprize 
came originally from some Papists." "As for 
[p. 63.] Plaiers : (pardon me right Honourable and be- 
loved, for wronging this place and your patience 
with so base a subject,), they play with Princes and Poten- 
tates, Magistrates and Ministers, nay with God and Reli- 
gion, and all holy things : nothing that is good, excellent 
or holy can escape them : how then can this action ? But 
this may suffice, that they are Players : they abuse Virginea, 


but they are but Players : they disgrace it : true, but they 
are but Players, and they have played with better things, 
and such as for which, if they speedily repent not, I dare 
say Vengeance waites for them." " The divell hates us, 
because wee purpose not to suffer Heathens, and the Pope 
because we have vowed to tolerate no Papists : so doe the 
Players, because wee resolve to suffer no Idle persons in 
Virginea, which course if it were taken in England, they 
know they might turne to new occupations." 

II. " The encouragements in this businesse are [p. 64.] 

"The first Encouragement, the excellency of 
the designe, in itself, being, 1. a most lawfull [p. 65.] 
action." " 2. An honorable action, both in re- 
gard of the ends and undertakers." " 3. A holy [p. 66.] 

" The second Encouragement : The friends of 
this action." " 1. Friend God himself e." "Tes- [p. 67.] 
timonies that God is our friend." " 1st. In our 
King and Prince." " 2nd. In the Undertakers." [p. 68.] 
" 3rd. In them that goe in person." " It is God 
that moves men to go thither." " 4th. In the [p. 69.] 
Savages." "5th. In the multitude of contribu- 
tors." " 6th. In moving all good men to pray [p. 70.] 
for it." " 2. Friends Gods Angels." "3. Friend [p. 71.] 
The praiers of Gods Church." " A comparison [p. 72.] 
of the friends and enemies of this enterprise." [p. 73.] 

" The third encouragement to this businesse [p. 74.] 
is the due consideration of the true ends of this 
action." " 1. Accidentall ends." " 2. True ends. 
— principall — in regard of the Savages their con- [p. 75.] 
version." " 2. In regard of God." " 1st. To ap- 
pease him, because justly offended." " 2nd. To 
honor him, being by us dishonoured." " 3. In [p. 76.] 
regard of our religion." " 4. In regard of our- 
selves." " 5. Ends subordinate." " Hereby we shall hon- 
our ourselves and strengthen ourselves by propagating our 

368 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

owne religion : hereby we shall mightily advance the hon- 
ourable name of the English nation, the honor whereof we 
ought every one to seek : hereby we shall mightily inrich 
our nation, strengthen our navie, f ortifie our kingdome, and 
be lesse beholding to other nations for their commodities : 
and to conclude, hereby we shall rectifie and reforme many 
disorders which in this mightie and populous state 
[p. 77.] are scarce posibly to be reformed without evacua- 
tion : and consequentlie when we have atchieved 
all these ends, we shall eternize our owne names to all ensu- 
ing posteritie as being the first beginners of one of the 
bravest and most excellent exploits that was attempted since 
the Primitive times of the Church. 

" And to adde one word more (but it is of much moment), 
we shall hereby wipe off the staine that stickes upon our 
nation since, (either for idlenesse or some other base feares, 
or foolish conceits) we refused the offer of the West Indies, 
_ , . made unto us by that famous Christopher Colum- 

ln the time *_ L 

of Henry bus, who upon Englands refusal, tendered it the 
Prince that now enjoieth them. And thus I 
have given you a tast of the roiall Encouragements which 
naturally and infallibly doe attend this blessed businesse : 
You see the discouragements how base and idle and imag- 
inary they bee ; contrariwise, the encouragements how real, 
solide and substantiall : Now therefore let us all bee ex- 
The eonciu - horted and encouraged to the effectuall prosecu- 
Ki ""' tion of this enterprise unto the end. 

" And you first of all, right honourable and worshipfull 

of the Counsell, and the rest of the undertakers 

honorable * na * ^ ve nere > D y whose wisedome the action is 

Counsell & to be directed, and by whose purses maintained, 

undertakers. i • 

consider what you have entered into, even upon 
an action of that nature and consequence as not only all 

nations stand gazing at, but even heaven and hell 
[p. 78.] have taken notice of it, the holy Angels hoping, 

and the divells swearing what will be the issue. 
Therefore let all nations see, to their amazement, the divela 


to their terror, the Angels to their joy, and especially Our 
God to his glorie, and the honor of his truth, that the Eng- 
lish Christians will not undertake a publike action which 
they will not prosecute to perfection. Let us then beleeve 
no tales, regard no slanders (raised or spred by Papists or 
Epicures) feare no shadowes, care for no oppositions, respect 
no losses that may befall, nor bee daunted with any dis- 
couragements whatsoever; but goe forward to assist this 
noble action with countenance and counsell, with men and 
money, and with continuall supplies, till wee have made our 
plantation and Colonie able to subsiste of itselfe, and till 
there be a Church of God established in Virginea, even 
there where Satans throne is. Thus shall we honour our 
God, our religion, our Nation, and leave that honour on our 
names, which shall make them flourish till the worlds end, 
and (which is all in all) lay up that comfort for our soules 
which shall stand by us at our deaths, & speake for us to 
the great Judge at the last and great day. 

" And to you (right honourable and beloved) who ingage 
your lives, and therefore are deepliest interested _ 
in this businesse, who make the greatest ventures, that goe in 
and beare the greatest burdens ; who leave your 
ease and pleasures at home, and commit yourselves to the 
Seas and winds for the good of this enterprise ; 
you that desire to advance the Gospell of Jesus [p. 79.] 
Christ, though it be with the hazard of your lives, 
goe forward in the name of the God of heaven and earth, 
the God that keepeth covenant and mercie for 
thousands ; goe on with the blessing or vrod, 
Gods Angels and Gods Church ; cast away feare, and let 
nothing daunt your spirits, remembring whom you goe unto, 
even to the Englishmen your brethren, who have broke the 
ice before you, and suffered that which with God's blessing 
you never shall ; remembring what you goe to doe, even to 
display the banner of Christ Jesus, to fight with the divell 
and the old dragon, having Michael and his Angels on your 
side : to eternize your owne names both heere at home & 

370 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

amongst the Virgineans (whose Apostles you are) and to 
make yourselves most happy men whether you live or die : 
if you live, by effecting so glorious a worke ; if you die, by 
dying as Martyrs or Confessors of God's religion : and re- 
membring lastly whom you leave behinde you, even us your 
brethen, of whom many would goe with you that yet may 
not, many will follow you in convenient time, and who will 
now goe with you in our hearts and praiers, and who will 
second you with New & fresh supplies, & who are resolved 
(by the grace of that God in whose name they have under- 
taken it) never to relinquish this action ; but though all the 
wealth already put in were lost, will againe & againe renue 
and continue their supplies, untill the Lord give the hoped 

harvest of our endevors. 
[p. 80.] "And thou most noble Lord, who God hath 

stirred up to neglect the pleasure of England, and 

Particular with Abraham to goe from thy country, and for- 

honorabie sake thy kindred and thy fathers house, to goe 

' ' to a Land which God will shew thee, give me 

leave to speake the truth : Thy Ancestor many 

At the battle i i i -t , ■, , , t 

with the hundred yeeres ago gained great honour to thy 
black Prince. i 10Uge . 5 U £ by this action thou augmentist it. 

He tooke a king prisoner in the field in his owne Land : 
but by the godly managing of this businesse, thou shalt 
take the divell prisoner in open field, and in his owne king- 
dome : Nay the Gospell which thou carriest with thee shall 
binde him in chaines, and his Angels in stronger 
fetters then iron, and execute upon them the 
judgement that is written : Yea it shall lead Captivity Cap- 
tive, and redeeme the soules of men from bondage. And 
thus thy glory and honour of thy house is more at the last 
then at the first. 

" Goe on therefore, and prosper with this thy honor, 
Admonitions which indeed is greater then every eie discernes, 
and advices even such as the present ages shortly will enioy, 

to our Gen- * © J o J > 

eraii and his and the f uture admire : Goe forward in the 
strength of the Lord thy God, and make men- 



tion of his righteousnesse only. Looke not at the gaine, 
the wealth, the honour, the advancement of thy house that 
may follow and fall upon thee : but looke at those high and 
better ends that concerne the Kingdome of God. Remem- 
ber thou art a Generall of English men, nay a Generall of 
Christian men ; therefore principally looke to religion. You 
goe to commend it to the heathen, then practice 
it yourselves : make the name of Christ honour- [p. 81.] 
able, not hatef ull unto them. Suffer no Papists ; 
let them not nestle there ; nay let the name of the Pope 
or Poperie be never heard of in Virginea. Take heed of 
Atheists the Divels Champions : and if thou discover any, 
make them exemplarie. And (if I may be so bold as to 
advise) make Atheisme and other blasphemie Capitall, and 
let that bee the first law made in Virginia. Suffer no 
Brownists, nor factious Separatists : let them keepe their 
conventicles elsewhere: let them goe and convert some 
other Heathen, and let us see if they can constitute such 
Churches really, the Idaes whereof they have fancied in 
their branes : and when they have given us any such exam- 
ple, we may then have some cause to follow them. Till 
then we will take our paterne from their betters. Espe- 
cially suffer no sinfull, no leaud, no licentious men, none 
that live not under the obedience of good lawes : and let 
your lawes be strict, especially against swearing and other 
prophanenesse. And though vaine swearing by Gods 
name be the common and crying sinne of England, and no 
morrall, but a veniall sinne in Popish doctrine, yet know 
that it is a sinne under which the earth mournes : and your 
land will flourish if this be repressed. Let the 
Sabboth be wholly and holily observed, and pub- 
like praiers daily frequented, idlenesse eschewed, and muti- 
nies carefully prevented. Be well advised in making lawes : 
but being made, let them be obeyed, and let none stand for 
scarre-crowes ; for that is the way to make all at 
last to be contemned. This course taken, and you [p. 82.] 
shall see those who were to blame at home, will 

372 PERIOD HI. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

proove praise-worthy in Virginea. And you will teach us 
in England to know (who almost have forgotten it) what an 
excellent thing execution of lawes is in a common-wealth. 
But if you should aime at nothing but your private ends, 
and neglect religion and God's service, looke for no bless- 
ing, nay looke for a curse, though not on the whole action, 
yet on our attempt ; and never thinke that we shall have the 
honour to effect it. Yet thinke not that our sinne shall 
hinder the purpose of God : for when this sinf ull genera- 
tion is consumed, God will stirre up our children after us, 
who will learne by our examble to follow it in more holy 
manner, and so bring it to that perfection which we for our 
sinnes and prophanenesse could not doe. But you (right 
honourable) have otherwise learned Christ, and (we hope) 
will other-wise practise him, and will declare by your manag- 
ing of this action the power of that true religion you have 
learned in England. Thus shall heaven and earth blesse 
you, and for this heroicall adventure of thy person and 
state in such a godly cause, the God of heaven will make 
thy name to bee remembred thorowout all generations : and 
thousands of people shall honour thy memorie, and give 
thankes to God for thee while the world endureth. 
A salutation a ^nd thou Virginea, whom though mine eies 

on Virginea. i i 1 

see not, my heart shall love ; how hath God hon- 
[p. 83.] oured thee ! Thou hast thy name from the wor- 
thiest Queene that ever the world had : thou hast 
thy matter from the greatest King on earth : and thou shall 
now have thy forme from one of the most glorious Nations 
under the Sunne, and under the conduct of a Generall of 
as great and ancient Nobility as ever was ingaged in action 
of this nature. But this is but a little portion of thy hon- 
our : for thy God is coming towards thee, and in the meane 
time sends to thee, and salutes thee with the best blessing 
heaven hath, even his blessed Gospell. Looke up therefore, 
and lift up thy head, for thy redemption draweth nie : and 
he that was the God of Israel, and is still the God of Eng- 
land, will shortly I doubt not bring it to passe, that men 


shall say, Blessed be the Lord God of Virginea ; and let all 
Christian people say. Amen. 

" And this salutation doth my soule send thee, Vir- 
ginea, even this poore New-yeeres gift, who though I be 
not worthy to be thine Apostle, yet doe vow and devote 
myselfe to be in England thy faithf ull factor and solicitor, 
and most desirous to do thee any service in the Lord Jesus 
Christ our Saviour and thine : whom we beseech for his 
standard amongst you, and that you may once crie for your- 
selves as we do now for you, Even so come Lord Jesus." 

I believe that I have given a fair outline of this sermon- 
Mr. Grosart says " there is no nobler sermon than this of 
the period." 

" March 19, 1610. Entered at Stationers' Hall (for pub- 
lication) by Master Welby, under the handes of Master 
Doctor Mockett, Sir Thomas Smithe and Mr. Warden 
Water. [Waterson ? ] A Sermon preached by Master Cra- 
shaw intitled a Newe yeres Gifte to Virginia." It was pub- 
lished with the following title : " A Sermon preached in 
London before the right honorable the Lord La Warre Lord 
Governour and Captaine Generall of Virginia, and others of 
his Maiesties Counsell for that Kingdome, and the rest of 
the Adventurers in that Plantation. At the said Lord 
Generall his leave taking of England his Native Countrey, 
and departure for Virginea, Febr. 21. 1609. By W. Cra- 
shaw Bachelar of Divinitie, and Preacher at the Temple. 

" Wherein both the lawfulnesse of that action is main- 
tained and the necessity thereof is also demonstrated, not so 
much out of the grounds of Policie, as of Humanity, Equity 
and Christianity. Taken from his mouth, and published by 

" Daniel 12. 3. They that turne many to righteousnesse, 
shall shine as the starves for ever and ever. 

" London, Printed for William Welby, and are to be sold 
in Pauls Churchyard at the Signe of the Swan. 1610.' ' 

374 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

It was dedicated : — 

" To The Thrice Honorable, Grave, Religious, The 
Lords, Knights, Burgesses, now happily assembled in Parlia- 
ment : L. D. 1 humbly considering the union of their interest 
in all endeavours for the common good, together with the 
zealous, costly, care of many of them, to advance the propa- 
gation of the Gospell ; Doth consecrate this sermon, spoken 
and published for incouragement of Planters in Virginea." 

" To The Printer 

" My earnest desire to further the Plantation in Virginea 
makes me perhaps too bolde with Mr. Crashaw, thus with- 
out his leave to publish his Sermon : But the great good 
I assure myselfe it will doe, shall merit your paines and my 

"You may give it what Title you will: Only let this 
inclosed Dedication to the Parliament be fairely prefixed, 
and the Booke for your credit truly printed : to the care 
whereof I leave you. 

"Your friend L. D." 

It was printed with the headline " A New-yeeres Gift to 
Virginea," and at the end were the following texts, viz. : — 


The Kingdome of God shall be taken from you* and given to a 
Nation that shall bring foorth the fruits thereof. 
* Too true 

fortlle GOD TO ENGLAND. 

greater part 

is owerrunne But I have praied for thee that thy faith f aile not : there- 

either with f ore w h en tj 10u ar t converted strengthen thy brethren. 
Tureismor o j 

Poperie. Luke 2,2. 62. 


Lord heere I am : Send me. Esay. 6. 7. 


Hee that walketh in darknesse, and hath no light, let him trust in the 
name of the Lord, and stay upon his God. Esay. 50. 10. 

1 L. D. probably the initials of Lancelot Dawes. 



God be mercifull to us, and blesse us, and cause the light of thy coun- 
tenance shine upon us : let thy waies bee knowen upon Earth, and thy 
saving health among all Nations. Psal. 67. 1, 2. 


Behold I bring you glad tidings : Unto you is borne a Saviour, even 
Christ the Lord. Luk. 1. 


How beautif ull are the feet of them that bring glad tidings, and pub- 
lish salvation ! Es. 52. 7. 


Come children, hearken unto me : I will teach you the feare of the 
Lord. Psal. 34. 11. 


Blessed bee hee that commeth to us in the name of the Lord. Psal. 118. 

[Mem. — 1610. " February 24th Sir Thomas Roe, a wor- 
thy young Knight and right valiant gentleman, set sayle 
from Plimmouth, for the discovery of Guyana, in a shippe 
and a pinace, builded at his own and his friends charge." — 
Howes' Chronicle. 

February 26 (N. S.), Poutrincourt sailed from France 
for Port Royal, New France. A leading purpose of this 
voyage was the conversion of the natives, some of whom 
had previously been instructed in the Catholic faith.] 


" Feby 28 th . The Lord La Warre had his Pattent sealed 
by that Company [the Virginia Company] the twenty-eight 
day of February this yeare. He went accompanied with 
knights and gentlemen of qualitie." — Howes' Chronicle. 
It is the first commission to a lord governor and captain- 
general of an English colony in America, and as such it is 
a very interesting and valuable document. It has never 
been printed before. 

376 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

" The Coppie of the Commission granted to the right hon- 
orable Sir Thomas West, Knight, Lord La Warr. 

" To All unto whome theis presents shall come, We the 
Lords and others of his Majesties Councell for the Company 
of Adventurers and Planters of the first Collonie in Vir- 
ginia, resident in England, and We the Treasurer and 
Companie of the said Adventurers do send greeting in our 
Lord God Everlasting. — Whereas the King's most royall 
Majesty, that now is, by his Highnes Letters Pattents under 
the Great Seale of England, bearing date at Westminster 
the three and twentith day of May now last past, before the 
date of these presents, hath given unto us his Majesties said 
Councell full power and authority as well at this present 
tyme as hereafter from tyme to tyme, to nominate make 
constitute ordaine and confirme by such name or names, 
stile or stiles as to us his Majesties said Councell shall seeme 
good, and likewise to revoke discharge, change and alter all 
and singular Governors, Officers, and ministers, which have 
been made, as also, which should be by us his Majesties said 
Councell there after thought fitt and needfull to be made 
and used for the Government of the said Collonie and Plan- 
tation, and the same at all tymes thereafter to abrogate, 
revoke or change, not only within the precincts of the said 
Collonie but also upon the Seas in going and coming to and 
from the said Collonie, as we the said Councell in our dis- 
cretions shall thinke to be fittest for the good of the 
Adventurers and Inhabitants there. 

" And Whereas his Majestie by his said Letters Pattents 
hath declared that for divers reasons and considerations 
him thereunto especially moveing, his will and pleasure is, 
and by his said letters patents he hath ordained, that im- 
mediately from and after such tyme that any Governor, or 
principall Officer so to be nominated by us his Majesties 
said Councell for the government of the said Collonie afore- 
said, shall arrive in Virginia and give notice unto the Col- 
lonie there resident of his Majesties pleasure in this behalf, 


the Government, power and authoritie of the President and 
Councell then to be there established and all Laws and 
Constitutions by them formerly made shall utterlie cease 
and be determined, and all officers, Governors and ministers 
formerlie constituted or apointed shalbe discharged any- 
thing in any of his Majesties Letters Pattents concerning 
the said Plantation contained in anywise to the contrary 

" And Whereas, also his said Majestie by his said Let- 
ters Pattents hath ordained and graunted that such Gov- 
erners, officers and ministers as by us his Majesties said 
Councell shall be constituted and apointed, according to the 
natures and limitts of their severall offices and place respec- 
tivelie should and might from tyme to tyme forever there- 
after, within the precincts of Virginia or in the way by the 
sea thither and from thence, have full and absolute power 
and authoritie to correct, punish, pardone, governe and 
Rule, all such the subjects of his Majestie, his heirs and 
successors in any voyage thither, or that should at any 
tyme there inhabite in the precincts and Territorie of the 
said Collonie, as is aforesaid, according to such ordinances, 
orders, directions, constitutions and Instructions, as by us 
his Majesties said Councell for the tyme being shalbe estab- 
lished, and in defect thereof in case of necessitie according 
to the good discrecions of the said Governors and Officers 
respectively, as well in cases Capitall and Criminall as civill, 
both Marine and others, so allwaies as the said statutes, 
ordinances and proceedings as neere as convenientlie maybe, 
be agreeable to the Laws, Statutes, Government and Policie 
of this his Majesties Realme of England. 

" And Whereas likewise his said Majestie hath by his 
said Letters Pattents, graunted, declared and ordained that 
such principall Governors as from tyme to tyme should 
dulie and lawfullie be authorized and appointed in manner 
and forme as by the said Letters Pattents be expressed, 
should in cases of Rebellion and Muteny have power and 
authoritie to use and exercise Marshall Law in as large and 

378 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

ample manner and forme as his Majesties Lieftenants in Ms 
highnes counties within the Realme of England, have or 
ought to have, by force of their Commissions of Lieftenan- 
'cie, as in and by the said Letters Pattents amongst other 
things in them contained more at large doth and may 

" Now Know yee that We his Majesties said Councell 
upon good advise and deliberation and upon notice had of 
the Wisedome, valour, circumspection, and of the virtue 
and especiall sufficiencie of the Right Honourable Sir 
Thomas West, Knight Lord La Warr to be in principall 
place of authoritie and Government in the said Collonie, 
and finding in him the said Lord La Warr propensness and 
willingness to further and advance the good of the said 
Plantation, by virtue of the said authoritie unto us given 
by the said Letters Pattents have nominated, made, or- 
dained and apointed and by these presents do nominate 
make ordaine and apointe the said Sir Thomas West, Knight 
Lord La Warr to be principall Governor, Commander and 
Captain Generall both by Land and Sea over the said Col- 
lonie and all other Collonies planted or to be planted in 
Virginia or within the limitts specified in his Majesties 
said Letters Pattents and over all persons, Admiralls Vice- 
Admiralls and other Officers and Commanders whether by 
sea or land of what quallitie soever for and during the term 
of his natural life, and do hereby ordaine and declare that 
he the said Lord La Warr during his life shall be stiled and 
called by the name and title of Lord Governor and Cap- 
tain General of Virginia and of the Collonie and Collonies 
there now planted or to be planted, and do by these pres- 
ents revoke and change all and all manner of former con- 
stitutions, ordinancies, apointments and authorities by us 
his Majesties said Councell or any of us given, made, nom- 
inated, constituted ordained or apointed to any to be Presi- 
dent, Chief Governor or principal Officer in Virginia afore- 
said or to use or exercise the authority jurisdictions or 
offices herein limitted graunted or apointed or mentioned to 


be graunted or apointed to the said Lord La Warr and of 
and from the same and everie of them do hereby discharge 
all and everie persone and persones heretofore authorized, 
nominated or apointed to use execute or exercise the same 
or any of them and that the said Lord La Warr, Lord Gov- 
ernor and Captain Generall as is aforesaid in all cases of Re- 
bellion and Mutenie happening or which shall happen, 
either within the precincts of Virginia limited or specified 
in his Majesties said Letters Pattents or in the present in- 
tended passage and expedition thither, shall have such 
power and authoritie to use, exercise and put in execution 
Marshall Law as in the said Letters Pattents is mentioned, 
and upon all other cases as well Capitall as Criminall and 
upon all other accidents and occasions there happening, to 
rule, punish, pardone and governe according to such direc- 
tions orders and instructions as by his Majesties said Coun- 
cell, or the greater part thereof here resident in England 
shall from tyme to tyme, be in that behalf made and given 
with the consent of Henrie Earle of Southampton, William 
Earl of Pembroke, Philip Earle of Mountgomerie, Robert 
Lord Viscount Lisle, Theophilus Lord Howard of Walden, 
Edmond Lord Sheffield and George Lord Carew, or any 
two of them, and in defect of such informations he the said 
Lord Governor and Captain Generall shall and may rule 
and governe by his owne discretion or by such lawes for the 
present government as he with such councell as he shall 
take unto him, or as he the said Lord Governor and Captain 
Generall shall think fitt to make and establish for the 
advancement of the publique weale and good of the said 
Collonie with as full and absolute power authority and 
commaund as either we by virtue of his Majesties said Let- 
ters Pattents have power to derive and graunt to him or as 
he the said Lord Governor and Captain Generall by his 
Majesties said Letters Pattents in any sort is authorized to 
use and exercise. 

" And Further Know yee that we his Majesties said 
Councell by these presents as much as in us lieth do give 

380 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

and graunt full power and authoritie to the said Lord Gov- 
ernor and Captain Generall, of his free will and pleasure to 
call unto his assistance and to choose for Councellors such 
and so many persons of the said Collonie now planted in Vir- 
ginia or hereafter to be planted there as he shall think fitt 
and meete, and to displace such from being Councellors whose 
demerit he shall conceive to give cause thereof. And like- 
wise to place for Councellors and Officers such persons as 
he from tyme to tyme during his government there shall 
think fitt. And also at all tymes at his will and pleasure, to 
discharge, displace and put from the execution of all, every 
or any such Officer or Officers as he shall think meete, such 
personns as now be there in office, or which shall hereafter 
be in any Office in the said Collonie now planted or here- 
after to be planted in Virginia during his life as he the said 
Lord Governor and Captain Generall shall deeme worthie 
to be displaced or put from any such his office or place, 
which any such person doth or shall so hould : The Office of 
Lieftennant Governor, Marshall, Admirall and Vice-Admi- 
rall, and all governors of Provinces and Townes which shalbe 
made or constituted by us, the said Councell resident here 
in England, allwaies excepted, which said officers and gov- 
ernors so excepted, it shall and may nevertheles be lawfull 
to and for the said Lord Governor and Captain Generall to 
suspend and put from the execution of all and everie their 
said office and offices and governments, and others in their 
places, offices and governments to constitute and apoint at 
his pleasure, untill further order shalbe therein taken by us 
his Majesties said Councell resident here in England. And 
in like manner we his Majesties said Councell, Treasurer 
and Companie do by these presents as much as in us lieth, 
give and graunte full power and authoritie to the said Lord 
Governor and Captain Generall at his will and pleasure from 
tyme to tyme, and at all tymes hereafter during his life, by 
or with any office or place in Virginia aforesaid, for increase 
of any man's person, by bill of adventure for land, onelie 
not to exceede a four fould proportion of the first rate 

First Baron Ellesmere 


of his adventure, or of the Office which he shall beare, 
unless the same be by expresse consent of the said Councell 
and Companie, here resident, of Virginia and under their 
Seale, to reward and recompense the good and well deserv- 
inge of any person or personns what soever under his Gov- 
ernment according as he the said Lord Governor and Cap- 
tain Generall shall in his wisedome and discretion think such 
persons to have merited and deserved. To have, hould, use 
and exercise the stile and title of Lord Governor and Cap- 
tain Generall of Virginia and all other the jurisdictions, 
powers and authorities aforesaid, to him the said Sir Thomas 
West, Knight, Lord La Warr, for and during the tearme of 
his naturall life, without any revocation or restraint by us 
the said Councell or any of us in any wise to be made 
otherwise than before is excepted : — 

" And Know yee further that we his Majesties said Coun- 
cell have made, ordained and constituted and by these 
presents do make, ordaine and constitute the said Lord La 
Warr, Admirall of the whole Fleete of such shipps and 
other vessels as are apointed and by the Grace of God shall 
be imploied and passe in this present intended expedition to 
Virginia aforesaid, giving him the said Lord La Warr full 
power and authoritie to exercise and put in execution in all 
cases and upon all occasions and accidents, upon all persons 
passing in the said Fleete full and absolute power, authori- 
tie and command in this behalf as by his Majesties Letters 
Pattents we or any of us, have power to derive and graunt 
unto him : And for the more securitie and safetie as well 
of the said Fleete in their present passage as of the said 
Collonie and Plantation We his Majesties said Councell by 
virtue of the authoritie unto us in this behalf given or 
graunted Do hereby give full power and authoritie to the 
said Lord La Warr, at all tymes during his naturall life, to 
encounter, expulse, repell and resist by force of Arms, and 
by all wayes and meanes whatsoever, all manner of persons 
that shall at any time either by sea or land, enterprise or 
attempt the destruction, invasion, hurt, detriment or anoy- 

382 PERIOD in. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

ance of the said Fleete, Collonies, or Plantation. We also 
hereby and in his Majesties name strictlie command and 
require, all and everie person and persons now inhabiting 
or which shall hereafter inhabite within the precincts of 
the said Collonie, and which shall passe in the said Fleete 
thitherward, in all things and upon all occasions, to yield 
unto the said Lord Governor and Captain General! all due 
honour and respect, and dulie and willinglie to obey and 
execute the directions and commands of the said Lord 
Governor and Captain Generall according to the author- 
itie to him limited and given, as also to be unto him upon 
all occasions, to their powers and liabilities, aiding and 
assisting, as they will to their utmost perills answere the 

" And Lastlie We his Majesties said Councell for us, and 
We the said Treasurer and Companie respectivelie, by these 
presents as much as in us or any of us lieth or shalbe, do 
respectivelie promise and graunt to the said Lord La Warr, 
Lord Governor and Captain Generall of Virginia, that if it 
shall hereafter apeare to his Lordship that it shall be meet 
for him to have any other Articles or Clauses to authorise 
him more then in these premises is mentioned, to rule, gov- 
erne, do or execute any Act or Acts, thing or things, which 
may tend to the furtherance or benefite of the said Collo- 
nies or Plantations, or the good government thereof, or the 
rewarding of any persons as aforesaid, that then upon 
notice thereof and request made by or from his Lordship : 
to us the said Councell, Treasurer and Companie, and the 
successors of us the said Councell, Treasurer and Companie, 
for the tyme being, We his Majesties said Councell, Treas- 
urer and Companie for the tyme being, shall and will, from 
time to tyme do our utmost Indeavour and as much as 
in us or any of us lieth, by graunt or otherwise to enlarge 
the same and to satisfie his Lordships reasonable desire 
therein. And lastlie, we his Majesties said Councell do 
condescend and agree, to and with the said Sir Thomas 
West, Knight, Lord La Warr, that in cases of necessitie, or 


upon any other occasion which shall happen, he may with- 
draw himself from being resident with or in the said Collo- 
nie or Collonies in Virginia and that it shall and may be 
lawfull to and for him the said Lord La Warr, to nominate, 
make, constitute, depute and apoint, such person or persons 
as he shall think meet to be his Deputie or Deputies and 
Lieftennant Governor in his absence to rule and governe 
the said Collonie and Collonies in Virginia, for, by and dur- 
ing the space of one whole year next after the said Lord 
La Warr his being absent from the Collonie and his deput- 
ing of any person or personns so to be by his Lordship 
constituted, deputed or apointed, for no longer tyme, unlesse 
authoritie and further warrant therein shalbe given unto 
such deputie and deputies by and from us his Majesties 
said Councell, under our Councell Seale and sent to him 
as a warrant for his or their continueing Deputie or Depu- 
ties or Lieftennant Governor over the said Collonie or Collo- 
nies : which Deputie or Deputies so to be made, constituted 
or apointed by the said Lord La Warr for the space of 
such whole yere as aforesaid shalbe in the absence of the 
said Lord La Warr Governor of the said Collonie or Collo- 
nies, and shall have such power and authoritie by and with 
all our consents, agreements and apointments to do and 
execute all things touching the said Government, as the said 
Lord La Warr shall unto such Deputie or Deputies, assigne, 
limitt and appoint. 

"In wittness wherof we his Majesties said Councell, 
apointed by his Majesties Letters Pattents, for so much in 
these presents as concerneth us and our graunt herein men- 
tioned, by mutuall consent and agreement have sett here- 
unto our hands and the seale of us the said Councell : And 
likewise We the said Treasurer and Company for so much in 
these presents as concerneth us and our graunts herein 
mentioned, by mutuall consent and agreement have here- 
unto sett the seale of Our Corporation. 

" Given at his Majesties cittie of London aforesaid the 
28 th day of February in the 7 th yere of his Majesties 

384 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

raigne of England, France and Ireland and of Scotland 

the 43. 

" Southampton. Pembroke. 

Philip, Mountgomerie. Theophilus Howard. 

Edward Cecill. William Waad. 

Walter Cope. Edward Conoway. 

Thomas Smith. Baptist Hicks. 


Christopher Brook. William Romney." 

Indorsed : " The Coppye of my Lord De la Wares Com- 
mission into Verginia." 

" The above was copied by me from an original docu- 
ment in the collection of papers at Longleat in Wilts, 
belonging to the Marquis of Bath, and forms No. 38, 
Whitelocke Papers, vol. i. 

" John Edward Jackson, F. S. A. 
Rector of Leigh Delamere near Chippenham, 
and Hon. Canon of Bristol Cathedral. 
"28 July, 1886." 

"... No. 38 is written in a very minute hand ; almost 
requiring a magnifying glass ; but as I am accustomed to 
old writing, I had no difficulty about it, . . . 

" John Edward Jackson." 


"Instructions for such things as are to be sente from 
Virginia. 1610. 

" 1. Small Sassafras rootes to be drawen in the winter 
and dryed and none to be medled with in the Sommer, and 
it is worthe £50. and better per Tonne. 

" 2. Baye berries are to be gathered when they turne 
blacke, to be layde abroade and dryed and then putt in 
sackes or Caske, or for wante of bothe to be tourned into 
the houlde, and is worthe per Tonne £12. 


" 3. Poccone to be gotten from the Indians and put up 
in Caske is worthe per Tonne. £100. 

" 4. Galbrand groweth like f ennell in fashion, and there 
is greatest stoare of it in Warriscoes Country, where they cut 
walnut tree laste. You must cut it downe in Maye or June, 
and beinge downe it is to be cut into small peeces, and 
brused and pressed in your small presses which were sent 
over for oyle, or any other like presses, the juice thereof is 
to be saved and put into casks, which wilbe worthe here per 
Tonne, .£100. at leaste. 

" 5. Sarsapilla is a Roote that runneth within the grounde 
like unto Licoras, which beareth a small rounde leafe close 
by the grounde, which beinge founde the Roote is to be 
pulled up and dryed and bounde up in bundles like Fag- 
gotts, this to be done towards the ende of Sommer before 
the leafe fall from the stalk ; and it is worthe here per 
Tonne, £200. 

" 6. Wallnutt oyle is worth here £30. per Tonne, and 
the like is chesnutt oyle and chechinkamyne oyle. 

" 7. Wyne a hoggeshead or two sower as it is, should be 
sent for a sample, and some of the grapes packed in Sande. 

"8. Silke grasse, accordinge to a Note formerlye given 
my Lord, 1 should be sent in good quantitye. 

" 9. Bever codd is likewyse to be cutt and dryed and 
will yealde here 5s. per lb. 

" 10. Bever skynnes beinge taken in Winter tyme will 
yealde good profitt, the like will Otter Skynnes. 

" 11. Oake and Wallnut tree is best to be cutt in the 
winter — the oake presentlye to be cleaven into clapboorde ; 
but the wallnut tree to be lett lye. 

" 12. Pyne trees, or firre trees are to be wounded within 
a yarde of the grounde, or boare a hole with an Agar the 
thirde parte into the tree, and let it run into any thing that 
may receive the same, and that which issues out wilbe Tur- 
pentine worthe £18. per Tonne. When the tree beginneth 
to run softly it is to be stopped up agayne for preserving 
the tree. 

1 This note not found. 

386 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

" 13. Pitche and Tarre hath been made there, And we 
doubt not but wilbe agayne, and some sent for a Sample, 
your owne turnes being first served. 

" 14. Sturgion which was last sent, came ill conditioned, 
not beinge well boyled, if it were cut in small peeces, and 
powdred put up in caske, the heads pickled by themselves, 
and sente hither it would doe farre better. 

" 15. Rowes of the said Sturgion make Cavearie according 
to instructions formerly e given. 

" 16. Soundes of the said Sturgion will make Isinglasse 
according to the same instructions. Isinglasse is worthe 
here £6. 13s. 4d. per 100 pounds, and Cavearie well condi- 
tioned is worthe £40. per 100 pounds." 

Indorsed : " Virginia Comodities." 

CXXn. is No. 23 (pp. 10-11) of Mr. Salisbury's Calen- 
dar of State Papers, Colonial, 1574-1660. It has never 
been printed before. It was sent by Lord De la Warr to 
Virginia in MS. Mr. Salisbury's next No. 24, with the 
questionable date 1610, is a broadside which was issued by 
the council in 1621. 


VOLUME 2587, FOLIO 75. 

Copy of an original letter of Don Pedro de Zuiiiga to the 
king of Spain, dated " Higete," March 11, 1610. 

" Sire — Within three weeks Lord de la Ware will sail 
for Virginia. He takes three ships laden with supplies, and 
also a hundred old soldiers, good people, and a few knights. 
Two months later four more ships will follow him, with a 
larger number of people. 

" May our Lord guard the Catholic Person of Y. M. as 
all Christendom needeth. From Higete, March 11. 1610. 

"Don Pedro de Quniga." 


[Mem. — Don Alonso de Velasco was appointed by the 
court of Spain to go ambassador to England in January, 
1610. He probably arrived there in April or May. About 
the same time (January, 1610) Sir John Digby was appointed 
to represent England at the court of Spain, and he set out 
for Madrid " about the 20 th of March," or " the beginning 
of April." The marriage between England and Spain had 
long been dallied with. Both governments were now pre- 
paring to play the game more seriously. The foregoing 
letter (CXXIII.) is the last one which I have as yet found 
from Zuiiiga at this time. Birch says he returned to Spain 
from his embassy in England about April or May, 1610. 
However, Velasco seems to have filled his place in England 
very well. My first letter from Velasco (CXXX.) is dated 
June A 1610. 

Most unfortunately I have not been able to find the dis- 
patches of His Majesty, Philip III. king of Spain, for the 
years 1610 and 1611, and I am very much afraid that these 
very interesting documents, for those years, are now lost. 
They were possibly taken from Simancas by Napoleon I., 
and may be in France.] 


Court Minutes of the Grocers' Company. 

" Die Mercurii iiij Martii 1609 [O. S.]. 7. Jas. 

" [Present.] 

" Sir Stephen Soame, Sir Tho 8 Middleton K* 

" M r Nicholas Stile, M r Geo. Bolles. Alder : 

"M r Humfrey Walcott, M r Robert Bowyer and M r 
Richard Cocks, Wardens. 

" M r Richard Hall, M r Geo. Holman, M r John Newman, 
M r Hugh Gould, M r Rob fc Cox, M r John West, M r Giles 
Parsloe, M r Rich* Fyott, M r W m Dale, M r Richard Aid- 
worth, M r Robert Sandy, M r Edmond Pashall, M r Anthony 
Soda, M r Robert Morer and M r Wm Millett. 

388 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

" This daye the demande of M r . . . Leveson for certen 
moneys by him supposed to have been promised by this 
Companye to be payd toward the plantacon in Virginia is 
respited to be considered at the next Courte of Assistants. 

" And it is ordered that M r Wardens in the meane tyme 
shall have conference with Sir Humphrey Weld K* concern- 
ing the same." 

[Mem. — April 1, Lord De la Warr sailed from England 
for Virginia. See CXXXIII. and CXXXIV. 

" April 18 th Henry Hudson sailed from London in The 
Discovery, on a voyage for the discovery of the North West 
Passage set forth by Henry, Earl of Northampton, Charles, 
Earl of Nottingham, Thomas Earl of Suffolk, Henry, Earl 
of Southampton, William Lord Cranborne, Theophilus 
Lord Walden, Sirs Thomas Smythe, Robert Mansell, Wal- 
ter Cope, Dudley Digges, and Jas. Lancaster ; Rebecca 
Lady Romney, Francis Jones alderman, John Wolsten- 
holme, John Eldred, Robert Sandye, Wm. Greenioell, 
Nicholas Leate, Hewett Stapers, Wm. Russell, John Mer- 
ricke, Abraham Chamberlain, Philip Burlamachi, mer- 
chants, The Muscovy Company and The East India Com- 
pany of the sixth voyage."] 


" Court of Assistants of The Grocers Company of London 
held at their Hall 30. April 1610. 

" Present : — Sir Stephen Soame, Sir Humf rey Weld and 
Sir Tho 8 Middelton, K ts . 

M r Geo. Bolles. Alderman. 

M r Humphrey Walcott, M r Robert Bowyer, Wardens. — 
M r Richard Hall, M r Andrew Bayning, 

" George Holman, " John Newman, 

" Hugh Gould, " Robert Cocks, 


M r John West, M r Giles Parsloe, 
" Richard Pyott, " William Dale, 

" Richard Aldworth, " Anthony Soday, 

" Tho s Nutt, " Robert Morer. 

and M r Wm. Myllett. 

" It is agreed and ordered by the Court that the moneys 
which have been collected of divers Brothers of this Com- 
pany e for and towards the plantacon of his Majesties sub- 
jects in Virginia and remayning uppon accompte in the 
hands of Mr. Wardens with the rest promised to be col- 
lected shall by Mr. Wardens, be encreased to an h [£100.] 
of the Comen goodes of this House and by them payd over 
to Sir Thomas Smyth K* Treasurer of his Majesties Col- 
onyes in Virginia, and to take a Bill of adventure for the 
same, to the use of this Companye." . . . 


From the Account Book of the Wardens of the Grocer's 
Company — Year [July] 1609 — [July] 1610. 
Humphrey Wallcott. "j 
Robert Bowyer. > Wardens. 

Richard Cocks. J 

Under the head, " More Particular Payments" 
" Paid to Sir Thomas Smyth K* The Treasurer of ~) 
Virginia according to an order of the Courte of 25 
April 1610 the sum of £100. for the which a biU f * • 
of adventure is taken to th' use of this Company." J 

xv u . 

390 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 


Under, " Casual Receiptes." 
" Item received of Robert Johnson and Will™ Bes- ~} 
beche XV £. by them adventured of their own 
voluntary disposicons for the Plantacon in Vir- 
ginia which together with other moneys coming to 
these accomp ts handes as parcell of the foote of 
their sayde predecessors accompte and . . . more 
of the goodes of this house being there unto 
added to make it upp one hundred according to 
an order of the Court of Assistants made the 
25 th day of April laste poste, was by these ac- 
comptants payd to the Treasurer of Virginia and 
a Bill of Adventure for the same taken to th' use 
of this companye as in the discharge money ap- 


" King James granted a patent for establishing a Colony 
or Colonies, in the Southerne and Easterne parts of New- 
found-land, to Henry Earle of Northampton, Keeper of 
the privy-seal, Sir Laurence Tanfield, chief-Baron of the 
Exchequer, Sir John Dodridge, one of our Sergeants at 
Law, Sir Francis Bacon, Sollicitor General, Sir Daniel 
Dun, Sir Walter Cope, Sir Piercivall Willoughby and Sir 
John Constable Knights, John Weld, Esquire, William 
Freeman, Ralph Freeman, John Slany, Humfrey Slany, 
William Turner, Robert Kirkam, gentlemen, John Weld, 
gentleman, Richard Fishburne, John Browne, Humfrey 
Spencer, Thomas Juxon, John Stokely, Ellis Crispe, Thomas 
Alport, Francis Needeham, Wm. Jones, Tho s Langton, 
Philip Cifford, John Whittingham, Edward Allen, Rich d 
Bowdler, Tho s Jones, Simon Stone, John Short, John Vigars, 
John Juxon, Rich d Hobby, Rob 1 Alden, Anthony Have- 



land, Tho 8 Aldworth, William Lewis, John Guy, Richard 
Hallworthy, John Langton, Humfrey Hooke, Philip Guy, 
Wm. Meredith, Abram Jenings and John Dowghtie, their 
Heires and Assignes. . . . Incorporated by the name of The 
Treasurer and the Company of Adventurers, and Planters of 
the cities of London and Bristoll for the Colony or Planta- 
tion in Newfound-land." 

This is Mr. Jefferson's fourth state paper, 1606-16. 

[Mem. — Henry IV. of France was assassinated by Ra- 
vaillac, May 14, 1610. " The instigators were never pub- 
licly known ; but the Jesuits incurred violent suspicion, and 
the House of Commons eagerly improved the opportunity to 
urge a fresh expulsion of all the individuals of that order 
from England, and a revival of the severities against recu- 
sants. The oath of allegiance was at the same time more 
rigorously imposed."] 


The original of the following is in the British Museum, 
Egerton MS. 2087, folio 3 : " Payment by the Corporation 
of Dover for a share in a Venture to Virginia. 1610." 

"Whereas the Maior Jurattes and comonaltye of the 
Towne and Porte of Dover have payde in readye moneye to 
Sir Thomas Smythe Knight, Treasurer of Virginia the 
Somme of Twenty-fyve poundes for there adventures to- 
wardes the sayd Voyadge. It is agreed that for the same they 
the said Maior, Juratts and Comonaltye and there successors 
shall have ratablye accordinge to there adventures there full 
parte of all suche landes, tenements and hereditaments as 
shall from tyme to tyme be there recovered, planted and 
inhabited. And of such mynes and minneralls of golde, sil- 
ver and other mettalls or Treasure, pearles, precious Stoanes, 
or anye kind of wares or marchandises, Commodities, or 
profitts whatsoever which shalbe obteyned, or gotten in the 
sayd voyage accordinge to the portion of money by them im- 

392 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

ployed to that use, in as ample manner as anye other adven- 
turer therein shall receyve for the like summe. 
"Written this 23 d of Maye Anno Dm. 1610." 
[Seal of the Council of Virginia is still attached.] 


VOLUME 2587, FOLIO 88. 

Copy of an original letter of Don Alonso de Velasco to 
the King of Spain, dated in London, June 14, 1610. 

" Sire. — From Virginia there has come to Lyme, a har- 
bour of this Kingdom, a ship 1 of those that remained there 
lately, and those who arrived in it, report that the Indians 
hold the English surrounded in the strong place which they 
had erected there, having killed the larger part of them, and 
the others were left so entirely without provisions that they 
thought it impossible to escape, because the survivors eat 
the dead, and when one of the natives died fighting, they 
dug him up again, two days afterwards, to be eaten. The 
swine which they carried there and which commenced to 
multiply, the Indians killed, and almost all who came in this 
vessel died from having eaten dogs, cat skins and other vile 
stuff. Unless they succour them with some provisions in 
an English ship 2 which they met close to the Azores, they 
must have perished before this. Thus it looks as if the zeal 
for this enterprise was cooling off, and it would on that 
account be very easy to make an end of it altogether by 
sending out a few ships to finish what might be left in 
that place, which is so important for pirates, and May our 
Lord preserve the catholic person of Your Majesty as is 

"From London, June 14. 1610. 

"Don Alonso de Velasco." 3 

1 Evidently this was the Swallow. 8 He had been appointed ambassador 

2 Probably one of Lord De la Warr's to England in January, 1610. This is 
ships. See CXXXIH. the earliest letter of his which I have 



[Mem. — The Records of the Trinity House state that 
" an award was given in 1610, by the Master and Wardens 
of that Corporation, on a dispute between a merchant and 
the men of a ship arrived from Virginia." This is probably 
a reference to the Swallow. 

" In June, 1610, there was one ship with 20 men and a 
yeares competent provision for the whole Colony sent to 
Virginia." This was the Dainty. — Howes' Chronicles, 


VOLUME 2587, FOLIO 98. 

Velasco in his letter of September ^, 1610, says : " On 
the first of September [August 22, English style] I received 
Y. M.'s letter of July 21 [or 24 or 26, the last figure is not 
distinct], with the report which the Irishman made touching 
Virginia." His Majesty's letter of July 21-26 has not been 
found, but the following is the report referred to. 

Copy of a document indorsed on the outside : " July 1, 1610. 

Report on Virginia to the [Spanish] council of state." 

" Report of What Francisco Maguel, an Irishman, J^™ ed 
in the State of Virginia, during the eight months that he 
was there. 

" About the Voyage he made and the direction the Eng- 
lish took at first in order to discover Virginia. 

" 1. From England they sail for i Sancto Domingo,' from 
there to ' Mevis ' and from ( Mevis ' to ' San Nicolas,' and 
from there to ' Puertorico.' From ' Puertorico ' they took 
their route directly towards Virginia, sailing sixteen days 
towards the North-West 'till they discover a Cape of Vir- 
ginia, which the English call ' San Nicolas,' which in the 
opinion of said narrator is about six hundred leagues dis- 
tant from Puertorico. And all this sea-coast is low-land 
like ' La Florida ' and is free from any danger, and all 

394: PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

along there, close to the shore, there are ten or twelve 
[fathoms ?] deep water and is very convenient for anchoring 
there. And in all that space there is a sandy beach, or a 
sandbank eight leagues out from the sea shore, which is 
covered to the depth of sixteen or eighteen fathoms. This 
bank begins close to ( la Florida ' and continues all the way 
towards the mountains, until it comes to unite with another 
bank of ( Terranova ' [Newfoundland?]. There is naviga- 
tion between this Bank and the firm land for some hundred 
and fifty leagues, on account of the great current which the 
water has on the other side of said Bank, wmtn 11 this Bank 
and the land there is a tide which runs from S. S. E. to N. 
N. W. From Cape ' San Nicolas ' to Cape Comfort J^are 
eight leagues. This Cape Comfort is an island which lies 
at the mouth of a great river on which the English live. 
This river lies under 37^ degrees. In order to enter this 
river the vessels that come up have to pass very close to 
said island, where they find ten fathoms of water. And 
half a league inside of this island in the river there is a 
large and ample bay with twelve fathoms of water, and 
in it all the ships of England might lie at anchor. The 
English had determined to erect a fort on this island, so as 
to defend the entrance to that river ; but the narrator does 
not know whether it has ever been finished. Twenty leagues 
up from this island, or this mouth of the river, the English 
built a well intrenched fort, standing on a point which 
goes out from the land into the river, and the English 
determined to cut this point so that the water should sur- 
round them on all sides. And in this fort they put twenty 
pieces of artillery and afterwards they sent there from Eng- 
land much more artillery. This river will be little more 
than a league wide in most parts, and where it is least deep, 
it still has three fathoms of water when the tide is low, and 
in other parts it has ten or twelve fathoms. From this Fort 
which the English call James Fort the river flows towards 
the west for twenty leagues more, where the English pene- 
trated in a few pinnaces taking with them some of the 
natives of the country to show them the way. 


" Of the Commodities which the English find in that 
Country, and of its Climate. 

"2. In this country are found many mines of iron and of 
copper and others, which they took to England, and the 
English do not wish it to be known what kind of mines 
there are, until they are first well fortified in Virginia. And 
of these mines the Narrator brought a sample to England 
which weighed eighty pounds, and in it he found the 
weight of three Reales of gold, of five in silver, and of 
four pounds in Copper. There are many large pearls in 
that country and a great quantity of coral, and in the 
mountains they find a few stones which look very much like 
' diamants.' And in order to discover more such mines 
and to examine the products, the King of England sent 
many skilled workmen, who understand it and also other 
laborers in all the mechanic Arts to five there. There are 
found there many varieties of dye stuff, which are sold in 
England at forty Reales a pound. The English make a 
very great quantity of soap-ashes, which they send home to 
their country. There are in those rivers great numbers of 
salmons [sallos.] and other fish, and such a quantity of Cod- 
fish and as good as in Newfoundland. There is in that 
country an infinite supply of deer, peacock, swans and 
every kind of fowl. There grow in that country wild many 
forest grapes, of which the English make a wine that 
resembles much the wine of Alicante, according to the 
opinion of the narrator who has tasted both. There is also 
a great quantity of [hanas], chick-pea, maise, almonds, nuts 
and chesnuts, and above all much flax which grows wild 
without any cultivation. They have a great abundance of 
peltry jj. very rich furs, especially sable-martins, and the 
King has houses full of them, they being his Treasure. The 
English draw from there many drugs and things necessary 
for pharmacy. The land lies very pleasantly and level, and 
is very fertile with many large rivers ; the air is healthy and 
the temperature about the same as in Spain, altho' the win- 
ters are somewhat colder. 

396 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

" Of the Emperor and the Natives of the Country. 

" 3. The Emperor of Virginia has sixteen Kings under 
his dominion ; he and all his subjects deal peaceably with 
the English and attend a market which the English hold 
daily near the Fort and bring to them there the commodi- 
ties of the country to exchange them for many little trifles 
which the English give them, as knives, glass, mirrors, little 
bells &c. The natives of this country are a robust, well 
disposed race ; and generally go about dressed in very well 
tanned deer skins as they understand very well how to pre- 
pare them. Their arms are bows and arrows. The Em- 
peror sends every year some men by land to West India 
and to Newfoundland and other countries, to bring him 
news of what is going on there. And these messengers 
report that those who are in West India treat the Natives 
very badly and as slaves, and the English tell them that 
those people are Spaniards, who are very cruel and evil 
disposed. The English have some boys there among these 
people to learn their language, which they already know, at 
least some of them, perfectly. The Emperor sent one of 
his sons to England, where they treated him well and 
returned him once more to his own country, from which the 
said Emperor and his people derived great contentment 
thro' the account which he gave of the kind reception and 
treatment he received in England. The English sent the 
Emperor a crown of shining Copper and many copper-ves- 
sels and silk dresses for himself and for his wives and chil- 
dren. This narrator returned to England in the same 
vessel with the said son of the Emperor. 1 There they wor- 
ship the Devil whom they consider their God and say that 
he often speaks to them, appearing in human form. The 
Emperor and his sons promised the English that they would 

1 Namontack, to whom the Irish- is really a good deal in the report ; 

man evidently alludes, sailed for Eng- hut the Irishman was possibly acting 

land with Captain Newport April 10, as a spy (see Biographies), or more 

and arrived there May 21, 1608. He probably seeking a very remunerative 

returned to Virginia with Newport employment, and he was evidently not 

about July and arrived there about carefully accurate. His statements 

the last of September, 1608. There are mixed. See CLVII. 


give up their religion and believe in the God of the English 
and on account of the great familiarity which they show, it 
seems that they would be easily converted. 

" Of the Designs and Intentions of the English against 
His Catholic Majesty, as the said Narrator learned when he 
was in Virginia. 

" 4. In the first place the natives of Virginia assure the 
English that they can easily take them to the South-Sea by 
three routes. The first route on which they will take them 
is by land, from the head of that river, on which the Eng- 
lish have a fort, to the South Sea, as the Natives affirm [is 
ten days' march]. The second route is, because in a day's 
march and a half from the head of that river inland, there is 
another river so long that it falls into the South Sea. The 
third route is that twelve leagues from the mouth of this 
river, where the English are, towards the N. W. there are 
four other rivers, to which there came [went ?~\ one of those 
English Captains in a pinnace, 1 who says that one of these 
rivers is of great importance, and the Natives affirm, that 
fourteen leagues farther on from these 4 rivers towards the 
N. W. there is another great river, which flows very far into 
the country, until it meets another large river, which flows 
to the South Sea. The English desire nothing else so much 
as to make themselves Masters of the South Sea in order to 
secure their share of the riches of the Indies and to cut off 
the trade of the King of Spain, and to seek new worlds for 
themselves. With a view to this end : to make themselves 
Masters of the South Sea they have determined to erect a 
fort at the end of every days march of these ten days march 
which He between the head of their river and the South 
Sea, to secure themselves on this route. And two other 
forts on that day's march and a half which lie between the 
two rivers. This they hope to accomplish in a short time, 
because they do not intend to fortify them very strongly, 

1 All this is a part of the story ments carried back to England by 

with which Captain Smith excited the Newport in May, and Nelson in July, 

colony on his return from his captivity 1608. 
in January, 1608. See also the docu- 

398 PERIOD HI. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

but only so much as would suffice to defend themselves 
against these savages. Likewise, for this aforesaid purpose 
the King of England has sent out many carpenters of his 
Kingdom, who are to build ships, and boats for those seas 
and rivers, for which they have there the very greatest facil- 
ities, since they have there a great abundance of the best 
timber that can be found, for ship building, and their land 
abounds in pitch, rosin and tar. Besides there grows wild 
there much hemp, of which they mean to make cables and 
ropes for their ships, and having, as they do have, all these 
facilities for ship building, and with them, as before men- 
tioned, so many iron mines (to work which, as well as to 
work other metals they have already erected there some 
machinery) it will be very easy to them to build many ships. 
And according to themselves — as the narrator heard — if 
they once have twenty or thirty thousand effective English- 
men settled there, they will be able to do much injury to 
the King of Spain, much more than France and England 
can do. The English are much encouraged to make this 
march to the South Sea by the report of the Natives of 
Virginia that on the other side of Virginia, close to the 
South Sea, there is a country, the inhabitants of which 
wear wide silk dresses for their clothing, and bright colored 
buskins, that they have much gold and that ships are in the 
habit of coming to that country, who deal with the natives 
and get from them both silk and gold. As a proof of this 
the Virginians showed the English a few knives and other 
things which they had gotten from those who came in these 
aforesaid ships, & the English believe these vessels must be 

" Item : The English in that country have among them- 
selves proclaimed and sworn (allegiance to) the King of 
England as King of Virginia. And the anxiety they feel 
that the secrets of this country shall not become known, is 
so great that they have issued orders prohibiting any one 
from taking letters with him beyond the frontiers, and 
also from sending any, especially to private individuals, 


without their being first seen and read by the Governor. 
For the same reason they have tried in that Fort of theirs at 
Jamestown an English Captain, a Catholic, called Captain 
1 Tindol, 1 because they le k a ™* d that he had tried to get to 
Spain, in order to reveal to His Majesty all about this coun- 
try and many plans of the English, which he knew, but 
which the Narrator does not know. And in conclusion of 
this it must be observed that now, since they have fully dis- 
covered this country, they no longer follow the first route 
and sailing course, which they took by ' Puerto rico ' when 
they were about to discover Virginia, but that from Eng- 
land they take their course much more towards the North 
so as not to fall in with Spanish ships and also to make 
the voyage in less time. The same Narrator affirms that he 
returned from Virginia to England in 31 days, because in 
coming back the voyage is much shorter than in going out. 

" And in proof of the truth of all that has been stated 
within the said Narrator promises and binds himself to go 
in person, to serve His Catholic Majesty, by showing to the 
eye all that he says, if H. M. should be pleased to employ 
him in this service. 

" I, Don Fray Florencio Conryo, Archbishop of Tuam, 
certify that the said Irishman, the narrator, ' Francisco 
Miguel,' has sworn in my presence that he has either seen 
himself, or heard said, or done all that is herein contained, 
and among the best people of the English, when he was in 
Virginia, and that all he has said in his own language, is 
here faithfully translated into the Spanish Language, and 
for the truth of it he signed it at Madrid, July the first. 
1610. Fr: Florencio Conryo, 

Archbishop of Tuam." 

[Mem. — Sir Thomas Gates and Captain Newport left 
Virginia in July, and arrived in England in September, 
1610, bringing with them the following : — 

1 This must be Captain Robert being a Catholic. The Irishman may 
Tindall; but as he was in the employ have gotten him confused with Cap- 
of Henry, Prince of Wales, I doubt his tain Wingfield. 

4:00 PERIOD HI. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

CXXXII. June 15. Somers to Salisbury. 

CXXXIII. July 7. Governor and Council in Virginia 
to the Virginia Company. 

CXXXIV. . Lord De la Warr to Salisbury. 

CXXXV. July 15. Strachey to " an Excellent Lady." 

They brought to England the first news of the wreck of 
the Sea Venture on the Bermudas, which was regarded, and 
written of, at the time, as almost a miracle, performed by 
God in the interest of English colonization, and the advance- 
ment of the Protestant religion in the New World. 

They also brought many other letters, now probably lost. 
In one of these Lord De la Warr wrote: "That he will 
sacrifice himselfe for his countrie in this service, if he may 
be seconded ; and if the Company doe give it over he will 
yet lay all his fortunes upon the prosecution of the Planta- 


Indorsed : " Sir George Sommers to my Lord from Vir- 
ginia. 15. June 1610." 

Addressed : " To the Right Honorable the Earle of Salys- 
barie Lord Treasurer of England, Geve these." 

" Right Honorable. May yt please your good honor 
to bee advertised, that sithence our departure out of England 
in goinge to Virginia, about some 200 leagues from the 
Bermooda wee weare taken with a verie greate storme or 
horrecane, which sundred all the fleete, and on St. James 
eave, being the 23. of Julie, wee had such a Leake in our 
ship, i insomuch that thear was in hir 9 feete of water before 
wee Knewe of any such thinge, wee pumped with ij pumpes 
and bailed in iij or iiij ur places with certaine Barreekroes 
and then wee kept 100 men alwaies workinge night and 
daie from the 23. untill the 28. of the same Julie being 
Fridaie (at which time) wee sawe the Hand of Bermooda, 



whare our ship liethe upon a Rocke, a quarter of a mile 
dystant from the shoare, whare wee saved all our lives, and 
afterwardes saved much of our goodes, but all our bread 
was wet and lost : Wee continued in this Hand, from the 
28. of Julie untill the 10. of Maie (in which time) wee built 
ij small Barks, to carie our people to Virginia, which in 
number weare 140 men and weomen at the cominge to the 
Hand. Wee departed from the Bermooda the 10. of Maie 
and arived in Virginia the 23. of the same monethe, and 
cominge to Cape Henrie, [Comfort ?] the Captaine thare 
tould us of the famen that was in James Towne whereupon 
wee hastened up and found it true : for they had eaten all 
the quick things that weare there and some of them had 
eaten snakes or adders : But by the industrie of Our Gov- 
ernor in the Bermooda thear was saved a litell meale : for 
our allowance would not extende to above one pounde and 
a halfe for a man a weeke, and [on] this with fishe wee 
lived 9 moneths — and this allowance our Governor Sir 
Thomas Gates did allowe them, as wee had with some 
porke and recovered all saving iij that did die, and weare 
past recoverie before our cominge. Wee consulted togither 
what course wear best to be taken for our meanes would 
not continewe above 14 daies : We thought good to take 
into our iiij pinaces as much of the munition as wee could, 
and tooke in all the people and weare goinge down the river 
but by the waie wee met with the Lord La Ware and Lord 
Governor which made our heartes very glad and wee pres- 
entlie retourned up to James Towne, and theare wee found 
noe Savages for they weare affraid to come thither, for they 
did not trade with our men these manie monethes : The 
trothe is they had nothinge to trade withall but mulberries. 
Nowe wee are in a good hope to plant and abide there, for 
heere is a good course taken and a greater care then ever 
thear was. — I am goinge to the Bermooda for fishe and 
hogge with ij small Pinaces and am in a good opinion to be 
back againe before the Indians doe gather their harvest. 
The Bermooda is the most plentiful! place, that ever I came 

402 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

to, for fishe, Hogges and fowle. Thus wishinge all healthe, 
with the increase of honor, do humblie take my leave. 
" From Virginia the xv th of June 1610. 
" Your honors to command. 

"George Somers." 
" From James Towne in Virginia. 

" I have sent your honor a breife of the Hand of Ber- 
mooda." [This " breife " is now missing.] 

[Mem. — Mr. Neill published CXXXII. in his Virginia 
Vetusta, pp. 61-63. The above is from a copy made for 
me. The only important difference between Mr. Neill's 
copy and mine is in the date. Mine is dated 15th of June, 
and his the 20th of June.] 



"Letter of the Governor and Council of Virginia to the 
Virginia Company of London. [Harl. MS. 7009, fol. 58.] 
[July 7, 1610.] * 

"Right Honourable and the rest of our very 

loving friends, 

" We are not ignorant how divers perplext and jealous 
Eies mae looke out, and keepe more then freindly espiall 
over this our passive and misconceived business, and now 
(more especially, haply then at any other time), in these our 
early dayes, and after the aspersions of so many slanderous 
and wandering discourses, which have bin scattered by 
malignant and ill-disposed people against it ; for which we 
have conceived it essentiall with the birth of the worke 
itself, to give up unto your noble knowledges the truth of 
the state of the same, and of some consequences most mate- 
riall following it, since it tooke protection and fostering 
from us. 

" You shall please then to know, how the first of Aprill 
1610, in the good shipp the De-la- Warr, admirall, accom- 


panied with The Blessing of Plimmouth, viz-admirall, and 
the Hercules of Ry, reere-admirall, we weyed from the 
Cowes, getting- out of the Needles, and with a favourable 
passage, holding consort, the 12 th day we fell with the 
Treseras, and recovered that evening (within three leagues) 
the Westermost part of St. George's Island, where we lay 
that night becalmed ; but the next morning with the sunrise, 
did the wind likewise rise, west and west-by-South, a rough 
and lowde gale, at what time the master of the Reere-ad- 
mirall told me of a roade fitt for that winde at Gratiosa, 
whereupon I willed him to go before and I would follow, 
and so we stood for that roade ; but it was my fortune to 
lead in it, where we came to an ancor at f ortie fathom, when 
it blew so much winde presently that our ancor came home, 
and we were forced to sea againe, the same time the Bless- 
ing was compeld to cutt her cable at haulfe, for in the 
weying of it the pale of her capstan brake, and dangerously 
hurte 12 of our men ; The Hercules was likewise forced 
from the roade, and brake her ancor ; yet the next day we 
met al together againe. The 15 th , we lost sight of the 
Hercules, betweene the Treceras and Gratiosa, and we saw 
her no more untill the 6 th of June, at what time we made 
land to the Southward of our harbour, The Chesiopiock Bay, 
where running in towards the shoare, steering away nor- 
west, before noone we made Cape Henry, bearing nor-west 
and by West ; and that night came to an ancor under the 
Cape, where we went ashoare, as well to refresh ourselves 
as to fish, and to sett up a cross upon the pointe (if haply 
the Hercules might arrive there) to signify our coming in. 
Whilst we were a fishing, divers Indians came downe from 
the woods unto us, and with faire intreatye on both sides, 
I gave unto them of such fish as we tooke, which was good 
store, and was not unwelcome unto them, for indeed at this 
time of the yeare they live poore, their come being but 
newly putt into the ground, and their old store spent; 
Oysters and crabbs, and such fish as they take in their 
weares, is their best releefe. As we were returning aboard 

404 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

againe, our master descried a sayle close by the pointe at 
Cape Henry, whereupon I commaunded him to beare up the 
helme, and we gave it chase, when within an hower or a little 
more, to our no little [joy], made her to be The Hercules, 
our reere admirall, whome we had now lost . . . weekes 
and odd dayes ; and this night (all praise be to God for it) 
came to an ancor under Pointe Comfort ; from whence the 
Captaine of the fort, Ca[ptain] James Davies, repaired unto 
us, and soone had unfolded a strange . . . tion of a double 
quallitie, mixed both with joy and sorrow. He let us to 
understand first (because thereof I first inquired) of the 
arrivall of Sir Thomas Gates and Sir George Sumers, in 2 
pinnisses, with all their company safe from the Bermudas, 
the 21. of May (about some fortnight before our now 
coming in), whome, he told us, were now up our river at 
James Town. I was heartily glad to heare the happines of 
this newes ; but it was seasoned with a following discourse, 
compound of so many miseries and calamaties (and those in 
such horrid chaunges and divers formes), as no story, I be- 
lieve, ever presented the wrath and curse of the eternall 
offended Majestie in a greater measure. I understood 
moreover, by reason I saw the Virginia to ly then in Roade, 
before the pointe ridg, and prepared to sett sayle out of the 
river, how that Sir Thomas Gates and Sir George Sumers 
were within a tide or two coming downe againe, purposing 
to abandon the countrie whilest they had meanes yet lefte 
to transport them and the whole company to Newfoundland. 
" For most true it is, the straunge and unexpected condi- 
tion and ... in which Sir Thomas Gates found the colony, 
gave him to understand] never was there more neede of 
all the powers of Judgement, and . . . knowing, and long 
exercised vertue, then now to be awak . . . calling upon 
him to save such whome he found so f o ... as in redeem- 
ing himself and his againe from falling into the . . . ties. 
For besides that he found the forte unfurnished (and that 
. . . and many casualties) of so lardge an accompte and 
number ... as he expected, and knew came alonge the 


last yeare, trained in . . . fleete with himself ; so likewise 
found he as empty and unfurnished a . . . entering the 
towne, it appeared raither as the ruins of some auntient 
[for]tification, then that any people living might now in 
habit it : the paUisadoes he found tourne downe, the portes 
open, the gates from the hinges, the church ruined and un- 
frequented, empty howses (whose owners untimely death 
had taken newly from them) rent up and burnt, the living 
not hable, as they pretended, to step into the woodes to 
gather other fire- wood ; and, it is true, the Indian as fast 
killing without as the famine and pestilence within. 
Only the block house (somewhat regarded) was the safetie 
of the remainder that lived ; which yet could not have pre- 
served them now many dayes longer from the watching, 
subtile, and offended Indian, who (it is most certaine) knew 
all this their weaknes, and forbare too timely to assault 
the forte, or hazard themselves in a fruitless war on such 
whome they were assured in short time would of themselves 
perish, and being provoked, their desperate condition might 
draw forth to a valiaunt defence ; yet were they so ready 
and prepared, that such whome they found of our men 
stragled single beyond the bounds, at any time, of the 
block house, they would fiercely chardge (for all their 
pieces), as they did 2. of our people not many dayes before 
Sir Thomas Gates was come in, and 2. likewise they killed 
after his arrivall 4. or 5. dayes. 

" But that which added most to his sorowe, and not a 
litle startled him, was the impossibilitie which he conceived 
(and conceived tndy) how to amend any one whitt of this. 
His forces were not of habilitie to revenge upon the Indian, 
nor his owne supply (now brought from the Bermudas) 
sufficient to releive his people ; for he had brought no 
greater store of provision (as not jealous that any such dis- 
aster could have befalne the Colony) then might well serve 
150 for a sea voyage ; and at this time of the yeare, neither 
by force (had his power bin sufficient) nor trade, might have 
amended these wants, by any help from the Indian : nor 

406 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

was there any meanes in the forte to take fish, for there 
was neither a sufficient seine to be found, nor any other 
convenient netts ; and, to saye true, if there had, yet was 
there not aneye sturgion come into the river. 

" All these considered, he then entered into consultation 
with Sir George Sumers and Capt. Newporte, calling unto 
the same the gentlemen and Counsaile of the former govern- 
ment, intreating both the one and the other to advise with 
him, what was to be don : the provision which they both 
had aboard, both Sir George Sumers and Capt. Newporte, 
was examined and delivered, how it being rackt to the utter- 
most, extended not to above 16 dayes, after 2. cakes a day. 
The gentlemen of the towne (who knew better of the coun- 
trie) could not give them any hope, or wayes how to recover 
oughts from the Indian. It soone then appeared most fitt, 
by a generall approbation, that to preserve and save all 
from starving, there could be no readier course thought on, 
then to abandon the countrie, and accommodating them- 
selves the best that they might in the present pinnasses then 
in the roade (as, namely, in The Discovery , and The Vir- 
ginia, the 2. brought from, and builded at, the Bermudas, 
the one called The Deliveraunce of about 70 tonn, and the 
other, The Patience, of about 30 tonn), with all speed con- 
venient to make for the New-found-land, where, it being 
then fishing time, they might meete with many English 
ships, into which happily, they might disperce most of the 

"This consultation taking effect the 7 th of June, Sir 
Thomas Gates having appointed to every pinnass his com- 
plement and nomber, and delivered likewise thereunto a 
proportionable rate of provision, caused every man to re- 
paire aboard ; and bycause he would preserve the towne 
(albeit now to be quitted) unburned, which some intemper- 
ate and malitious people threatened, his owne company he 
caused likewise to be cast ashoare, and was himself the last 
of them, when, about noon, giving a farewell with a peale 
of small shott, he sett sayle, and that night, with the tide, 


fell down to an island in the river, which our people here 
call Hogg Island ; and the next morning the tide brought 
them to another island, which they have called Mulberry 
Island, at what time they discovered my long boat. For I, 
having understood of the resolution by the aforesaid pinnas, 
which was some 4. or 5 days come away before, to prepare 
those at Pointe Comforte, with all expedition I caused the 
same to be man'd, and in it, with the newes of our arrivall, 
dispatched my letters by Captaine Edward Brewister to Sir 
Thomas Gates which, meeting to[gether] before the afore- 
said Mulberry Island, the 8 th of June aforesaid, upon the 
receite of our letters, Sir Thomas Gates bore up the helm 
againe, and that night (the wind favourable) re-landed all 
his men at the Forte ; before which, the 10 th of June being 
Sonday, I brought my shipp, and in the afternoon went 
ashoare where after a sermon made by M r Buck, Sir 
Thomas Gates his preacher, I caused my commission to be 
read, upon which Sir Thomas Gates delivered up unto me 
his owne commission, both patents, and the counsell seale : 
and then I delivered some few wordes unto the Company, 
laying some blames on them for many vanities and their 
idlenes, earnestly wishing that I might no more find it so, 
leaste I should be compeld to drawe the sworde of Justice, 
to cut of such delinquents, which I had much rather drawe 
in theire defence, to protect from enemies ; heartening them 
with the knowledge of what store of provisions I had 
brought for them ; and after, not finding as yet in the 
towne a convenient house, I repaired aboard againe, where 
the 12 th of June, I did constitute and give places of office 
and chardge to divers Captaines and gentlemen, and elected 
unto me a counsaile, unto whome I administred an oath of 
faith, assistance, and secresy ; their names were these : Sir 
Thomas Gates, Knight, Lieutenant Gen[eral] Sir George 
Sumers, Knight, Admiral. Capt George Percy Esq, [and in 
the Fort Captaine of fifty.] Sir Ferdinando Wenman, 
Knight, M [aster of the Ordnance] Capt Christopher New- 
port, [vice-admirall.] William Strachey, Esq. Secretary [and 

408 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

Recorder.] As likewise I nominated Capt. John Martin, 
Master of the B[attery] Workes for Steele and iron; and 
Capt George Webb, Serjeant [Major] of the forte; and 
M r Daniell Tucker and M r Robert Wild, clarkes of the 

" Our first care was to advise with our counsaile for the 
obtaining of such provisions of victualls, for store and 
quallitie, as the country afforded for our people. It did not 
appeare unto us that any kind of flesh, deere, or what els, 
of what kind could be recovered from the Indians, or to be 
sought in the countrey by us ; and our people, together with 
the Indians (not to friend), had the last winter destroyed 
and kild up all our hoggs, insomuch as of five or six hun- 
dred (as it is supposed), there was not above one sow, that 
we can heare of, left alive ; not a henn nor chick in the 
forte (and our horses and mares they had eaten with the 
first) ; and the provision which we had brought concerning 
any kind of flesh was little or nothing : whereupon it 
pleased Sir George Sumers to propose a voyage, which, for 
the better releife and good of the Colony, he would per- 
forme unto the Bermudas, (which, lying in the height of 32 
degrees and 20 minutes, 5 degrees from our bay, may be 
some seve[n] skore leagues from us, or thereabouts ; reck- 
oning to every degree that lyes nor-west and westerly, 28 
English leagues) ; and from thence he would fetch 6 
monthes provision of flesh and fish, and some live hoggs, of 
which those islands (by their owne reporte, however, most 
daungerous to fall with) are marveilous full and well stored ; 
whereupon, well approving and applauding a motion relish- 
ing of so faire hopes and much goodnes, we gave him a 
commission the 15 th of June, who, in his owne Bermuda 
pinnas, The Patience, accompanied with Capt Samuell 
Argall, in the Discovery (whome we sware of our counsaile 
before his departure), the 19 th of June fell with the tide 
from before our towne, whome we have ever since accom- 
panied with our hearty prayers for his happy and safe 
returne. And likewise because at our first coming we 


found in our owne river no store of fish after many tryalls, 
we dispatched with instructions the 17. of June, Robert 
Tindall, master of the De la Warr, to fish unto all along 
and betweene Cape Henry and Cape Charles within the bay, 
who the last of the same returned unto us againe ; but mett 
with so small a quantitie and store of fish, as he scarce tooke 
so much as served the company that he caried forth with 
him. Nor were we in the meane while idle at the forte, 
but every day and night we hayled our nett sometimes a 
dozen times one after another, but it pleased not God so to 
bless our labours, that we should at any time take one 
quarter so much as would give unto our people one pound 
at a meale a peice (by which we might have better hus- 
banded and spared our peas and oatmeale), notwithstanding 
the greate store we now saw dayly in our river. 

" Thus much in briefe concerning our voyage hether, our 
meeting with Sir Thomas Gates here, and our joynt cares 
and indeavours since our arrivall : nor shall we be fayling 
on our parte to do the uttermost that we may for the happy 
structure and raysing againe of this too much stooped and 
dejected imployment. It rests that I should now truly 
deliver unto yee (right honourable and the rest of our good 
friends) somewhat our opinion, or rather better judgement, 
which hath observed many things, and those objected cleare 
to reason, most beni-ficiall concerning this countrie. And 
first, we have experience, and our owne eyes witnes, how 
young soever we are to this place, that no countrie yealdeth 
goodlier come or more manifold increase, large feildes we 
have as prospects houerly before us of the same, and those 
not many miles from our quarter (some whereof, true it is, 
to quitt the mischeivous Indian, and irreconsilable for his 
late injuries and murthering of our men, our purpose is to 
be masters of ere long, and to thresh it out on the flores of 
our barnes when the time shall serve). Next in every boske 
and common hedge, and not farr from our pallisado gates, 
we have thousands of goodly vines running along and lean- 
ing to every tree, which yeald a plentifull grape in their 

410 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

kind, let me appeale, then, to knowledge, if these natural! 
vines were planted, dressed, and ordered by skilfull vinea- 
roones, whether we might not make a perfect grape and 
fruitfull vintage in short time? Lastly, we have made 
triall of our owne English seedes, kitchen hearbes, and 
rootes, and find them no sooner put into the ground then 
to prosper as speedily and after the same quallitie as in 

" Only let me truly acknowledge they are not an hundred 
or two of deboisht hands, dropt forth by yeare after yeare, 
with penury and leysure, ill provided for before they come, 
and worse governed when they are heere, men of such dis- 
tempered bodies and infected mindes, whome no examples 
dayly before their eyes, either of goodnes or punishment, 
can deterr from their habituall impieties, or terrifie from a 
shamefull death, that must be the carpenters and workers in 
this so glorious a building. 

" But (to delude and mock the bewsiness no longer) as a 
necessary quantity of provision for a yeare, at least must be 
carefully sent with men, so likewise must there be the same 
care for men of quallitie, and paines taking men of artes 
and practises, chosen out and sent into the bewsiness, and 
such are in dew time now promised, sett downe in the sced- 
ule at the end of our owne approved discourse, which we 
have intituled 'A True and sincere declaration of the 
purpose and end of our Plantation begonn in Virginia, 
&c: [CXIV.] 

" And these two, such men and such provision are like 
enough to make good the ends of the ymployment in all 
the waies both for reputation, search and discovery of the 
countrie, and the hope of the South Sea, as also to returne 
by all ships sent hither many commodities well knowne to 
be heere, if meanes be to prepare them. Where upon give 
me leave, I beseech yee, further to make inference, that 
since it hath bin well thought on by yee to provide for the 
government by changing the authoritie [see remarks on 
LXVL] into an absolute command (indeed . . . virtuall 



advancement to these like bewsinesses and m . . . company 
us) of a noble and well instructed leifet[enant] ... of an 
industrious admirall, and other knights and gen[tlemen], 
and officers, each in their severall place of quallitie and 
implo[yment], if the other two, as I have saide, be taken 
into dew accompte . . . valewed as the sinewes (as indeed 
they be) of this action (without which it cannot possible 
have any faire subsisting, however men have belyed both it 
and themselves heeretofore) then let no rumor of the pov- 
erty of the countrey (as if in the wombe thereof there lay 
not those ellimentall seedes which could produce as many 
goodly birthes of plenty and increase, yea, and of better 
hopes as of any land under the heavens unto whome the 
sunn is no neerer a neighbor ; I say, let no imposture, 
rumor then, nor any fame of some one or a few more 
chaunceable interposing by the way or at home, wave any 
mans faire purposes hetherward, or wrest them to a declin- 
inge and falling of from the bewsiness. 

" For let them be assured, as of the truth itself, these 
premises considered, looke what the countrie can afforde, 
which may, by the quantitie of our men, be safely and con- 
veniently explored, searched, and made practise of, these 
things shall not be omitted for our part, nor will be by the 
lievetenant generall to be commaunded ; nor our commaunds 
receaved (as informer times) with unwillingnes or falce- 
nes, either in our people's going forth, or in execution, 
being for each one in his place, whither commaunder, over- 
seer or labourer. 

" For the causes of these idle and restie untowardnes 
being by the authoritie and unitie of our government 
removed, all hands already sett to it ; and he that knew not 
the way to goodnes before, but cherisht singularitie and 
faction, now can beate out a path himself of industrie 
and goodnes for others to trade in, such, may I well say, 
is the power of exemplar vertue. Nor would I have it con- 
ceived that we would exclude altogether gentlemen, and 
such whose breeding never knew what a dayes labour 

412 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

meant, for even to such, this countrie I doubt not but will 
give likewise excellent satisfaction, especially to the better 
and stayed spirritts ; for he amongst us that cannot digg, 
use the square, nor practise the ax and chissle, yet he shall 
find how to imploy the force of knowledge, the exercise of 
Counsell, and the operation and power of his best breeding 
and quallitie. 

" And thus, right honourable and the rest of our very 
good friends, assuring yee of our resolution to tarry God's 
mercy towards us, in continuing for our parte this planta- 
tion, I only will intreate yee to stand favourable unto us 
for a new supply in such matters of the two-fold phisicke, 
which both the soules and bodies of our poor people heere 
stand much in neede of ; The specialties belonging to the 
one, the phisitians themselves (whome I hope you will be 
carefull to send unto us) will bring along with them ; the 
particularities of the other we have sent herein, inclosed 
unto us by M r Doctor Boone [Bohun], whose care and 
industrie for the preservation of our men's lives (assaulted 
with straunge fluxes and agues), we have just cause to com- 
mend unto your noble favours ; nor let it, I beseech yee, be 
passed over as a motion slight and of no moment to furnish 
us with these things, so much importuning the strength and 
health of our people, since we have true experience how 
many men's lives these phisicke helpes have preserved since 
our coming in, God so blessing the practise and diligence 
of our doctor, whose store is nowe growne thereby to so lowe 
an ebb, as we have not above 3 weekes phisicall provisions, 
if our men continew still thus visited with the sicknesses of 
the countrie, of the which every season hath his particular 
infirmitie reighning in it, as we have it related unto us by 
the old inhabitants ; and since our owne arrivall, have cause 
to feare it to be true, who have had 150 at a time much 
afflicted, and I am perswaded had lost the greatest part of 
them, if we had not brought these helpes with us. 

" And so concluding your farther troubles, with this only 
remembrance, that we have, with the advise of our Coun- 


sell, conceived it most fitt to detaine yet a while, for all 
good occasions, the good shipp the De la Warr, to which we 
hope yee wil be no whitt gainsaying : We cease with un- 
necessary relations to provoke yee any farther. 

" James Towne. July 7 th 1610. 

" Tho La Warre. Tho. Gates. Fer d Wenman. 
George Percy. William Strachey." 

[CXXXIII. has been printed before in this country by 
Mr. Neill in his " Virginia Company of London," pp. 36- 
49, and in England by the Hakluyt Society, volume for 
1849, xxiii.-xxxvi.] 



Indorsed : " Lord De La Warr to my Lord from Vir- 
ginia. Received in September 1610." 

Addressed : " To the right honourable my most worthy 
and speciall Frend the Earle of Salisbury, Lord High 
Treasurer of England. Give thes." 

" Maie it pleass your good Lordshippe. 

" Synnce I Departed from your Ld : I have meet with 
verie much comf ortye ; yett mingled with as manie Lamen- 
table accidentes, as ever your eares have binne filled withall 
and because Sr. Thomas Gates who is the bearer hereof was 
the first that found our men in miserie, I will leave that rela- 
tion to him as beinge best able to Informe, and onlie tucha 
breeflie what myself e canne Testifie. The first of A prill I 
Departed the Cowes in the He of Wight with 3. goo.1 
shippes, and in them an 150 persons to land as Planters in 
Virginia. The 12. of Aprill I made laund, it being the 
Trecera Hand, that night the Wynnd came in contrarie 
and it blewe harde ; the next Daie that wee weare forced to 
seeke out a rodde unbeknownt onto our best marriners and 
wee fared accordinglie, for 2 of my shippes lost theare 

414 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

aunkers and spoyled Divers of thear men in seeking to weye 
them and the annkor of my owne shippe came home, so that 
I was forced to sea again, so soune as my anker was Downe : 
the 15 Daie I lost sight of my Rear admirall and I con- 
tinued beatinge uppe and Downe with the Wynnd contrarie, 
to meete with our loste shippe but could not bee so happie, 
the [wind] continued still contrarie so that I was forced to 
runne to the Southwards to the hight of 28 Degrees of 
northerlie Latitude, and untill the 27. of Aprill I had not 
Wynnd to carrie mee forward one my course ; but then the 
wynd came faier, and I went before the wynnd till I came 
neare the Coaste of Virginia so that tyme if it had not 
scanted I had recovered the place in lesse than 8 weekes, 
but I laye beatinge uppon the coaste, that it was neare ten 
weekes before I made the Lannd ; for it was the 5. of June 
beefore I sawe laund and that night I came to anne annkor 
at Cape Henrye, having the Blessinge whearin was Sir Fer- 
dinando Wenman in my companie. The next Daie the 
Wynnd beinge contrarie I was faynne to take the oppor- 
tuhitie of the tide, to turnne uppe the river and a little 
before noon I discried a sayle comminge in at the poynte 
and then I presentlie bore up with her when I came to 
make what shee was I found her to bee my owne consort 
that had binne missinge neare 8 weekes. The 6. of June I 
came to an ankor under Cape Comfort where I met with 
much cold comfort, as if it had not binne accompanyed 
with the most happie newes of Sir Thomas Gates his ari- 
vall it had binne sufficiente to have brooke my hart and to 
have made mee altogeather unable to have Donne my King 
or countrey anie service. Sir Thomas Gates likewise being 
in Despaire of anie present supplie had prepared himselfe 
and all his companie for England and ment to quite the 
Countrye ; uppon which advertisement I presentlie sent 
my skife awaie, to give him notice of my arivall, which 
newes I knew would alter that resolution of his, myselfe 
with all possible speede followed after, and meet him com- 
minge downe the river havinge shipped the hole companie 


and Colonie in two small pinnasses with a determination to 
staie some tenn Daies at Cape Comfort to expect our Com- 
minge, otherwise to goe for England having but 30 Daies 
vittualles left him and his houngrie companie, so uppon the 
tenth of June I landed at James Towne being a verie noy- 
some and unholsome place occasioned much bie the mortal- 
litie and Idlenes of our owne people, so the next Daie I sett 
the sailors to worke to unlode shippes and the landmen 
some to cleanse the towne, some to make cole for the forges. 
I sent fishermen out to provide fish for our men, to save 
other provision, but those had but ill success. Likewise I 
Dispached Sir George Sommers backe againe to the Bar- 
mudas, the good old gentleman out of his love and zeale 
not [illegible] motioning, but most cheerfullie and reso- 
lutelie undertaking to performe so Dangerous a Voiage and 
if it please God, he doe safllie return he will store us with 
hoges. . . . fleshe and fish enoughe to serve the whole 
colonie this wynter. Thus bie Godes assistance I shall goe 
forwards Imployinge my best indevors in settlinge and man- 
aging these affairs. . . . 

" These weare never so weake and so f arr out of order as 
nowe I found them. I make no one question if God 
restore me to health, and give me a blessinge to my Labours. 
I shall verie shortlie in some measure recompence the great 
care and charge the companie hath bine at, and returne 
something valuable unto the adventurers, who have so 
nobly began and constantlie seconded these but as yet 
unfortunate proseedinges. I make no question but your 
Lordship wilbe a favorer and a furtherer hearin unto us 
and make it your owne cause, synce it is undertaken for 
God's glorie and our Countries good, to both of which you 
have been so zealous and so faithful a professor, assuringe 
your Lordship you shall ever find me readie to execute all 
your commandementes and to doe you all the faithfull ser- 
vice that liethe in my power." 

The whole of this letter [CXXXIV.], I believe, lias 
never been printed before. 

416 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 


11 A True repertory of the wracke, and redemption of Sir 
Thomas Gates, Knight ; upon, and from the Hands of the 
Bermudas : his comming to Virginia, and the estate of that 
Colonie then, and after, under the government of the Lord 
La Warre, July 15. 1610. written by William Straehy, 

This was one of the manuscripts preserved by Hakluyt. 
It was published by Purchas (vol. iv. pp. 1734-1756) in 
1625, with the following introductory note : " M. Strachies 
copious discourse shall feast you with the lively expression 
of others miseries, and Barmudas happy discovery in Rhet- 
orickes Full sea and spring tide. 1 * This long discourse of 
over 20,000 words, divided into four chapters, is addressed 
to an " Excellent Lady" without giving her name. The 
first and second chapters entire and a part of the third were 
reprinted in 1877, in Lefroy's " Memorials of the Bermu- 
das," vol. i. pp. 21-51. In this work, in two volumes, pub- 
lished by Longmans & Co. in 1877-1879, and in " The 
History e of the Bermudaes or Summer Islands," published 
by the Hakluyt Society in 1882, General Lefroy has col- 
lected together much of the early history of the Bermudas. 

Professor Tyler, in his " History of American Literature," 
vol. i. pp. 41-45, gives a few extracts, but I believe the 
whole letter has never been printed in America. I would 
like to give it, but it is too long. " The still-vex'd Ber- 
moothes " is mentioned by Shakespeare in " The Tempest," 
and it is thought by some that the storm of July 24, 1609, 
inspired that play. 

Strachey's first chapter describes " A most dreadfull Tem- 
pest (the manifold deaths whereof are here to the life de- 
scribed) their wracke on Bermuda, and the description of 
those Hands." 

Chapter II. " Actions and Occurrents whiles they con- 
tinued in the Hands : Masters Mate Henry Ravens and the 
Cape Merchant Thomas "Whittingham, sail in the long Boat, 


as a Barke of Aviso for Virginia with a commission for 
Capt Peter Win as Lieut Governour of Virginia : Divers 
mutinies : Two Pinnaces built," etc. 

Chapter III. " Their departure from Bermuda [May 10, 
1610], and arrival! in Virginia [May 21] : Miseries there, 
departure [June 7] and returne upon the Lord La Warres 
arriving. James Towne described." 

Chapter IIII. " The Lord La Warres beginnings [June 10] 
and proceedings in James Towne. Sir Thomas Gates sent 
into England," etc. Chapters III. and IIII. contain a good 
deal of the same information given in the letter of July 7 
(CXXXIII.) and sometimes in the same words. Strachey 
gives the names of the following officers, not mentioned 
in the said letter, viz. : Master Anthony Scot, Lord De la 
Warr's Ancient (Ensign) ; " Capt Edward Brewster who 
hath the command of his Honours owne Company ; " Capt. 
Thomas Lawson, Capt Thomas Holecroft, Capt Samuell 
Argall, " Capt. George Yardley who commandeth the Lieu- 
tenant General's Company," "Master Ralph Hamor and 
Master Browne, clarkes of the Counsell." 

It should be remembered, however, that when this letter 
was written Strachey had been in Virginia less than two 
months, and Lord De la Warr only a few days more than 
one month. 

Strachey refers to " The Booke, which the Adventurers 
have sent hither, intituled ( Advertisements unto the Colony 
in Virginia.' " I have not found this " Booke," unless it 
be CXI V., which I think possible, if not probable. 

CXXXV. originally contained the Lawes, etc. (CII.) ; but 
Purchas has omitted them in his publication. 

418 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 


VOLUME 2587, FOLIO 118. 

Copy of a deciphered letter of Don Alonso de Velasco to 
the King of Spain, dated London, September 30, 1610. 

" Sire, — On the first of September [i. e., August 22] 
I received Y. M.'s letter of July 21, with the report 
[CXXXL] which the Irishman made touching Virginia, 
and a little later there came here Captain ' Neoporto ' in 
two small vessels, 1 which he made out of his ship in Ber- 
muda, where it broke to pieces. He has secretly reported 
the misery suffered by those who remain there and said that 
if Lord de la ' Warca ' [Warre] who recently went there as 
Governor, had delayed three days longer, the island would 
have been abandoned by the 300 persons who had remained 
alive out of 700, who had been sent out. In order to en- 
courage the merchants, at whose expense this expedition is 
undertaken, so that they may persevere in it, he has publicly 
given out great hopes, and thus they have formed several 
Companies by which men will be sent out in assistance, and 
they have determined, that at the end of January of the 
coming year, three ships shall sail, with men, women and 
ministers of their religion, and with a full supply of arms 
and ammunition for all. Thus I have been told by i Guil- 
lermo Monco' [Wm. Monson 2 ] whom I consider a trust- 
worthy and very intelligent man, who knows all about this 
business, as some of the sailors who came over in those 
small vessels, were servants of his and all the others intimate 
friends and dependents of his ; and the same I have heard 
from other sources, all of which agree in this. I think this 
plan might be brought to nought with great facility, if Y. 
M. were pleased to command that a few ships should be 

1 As to the vessels this is a mistake. 2 Sir William Monson, a pensioner 
Gates and Newport returned with the of Spain. See Gardiner's Hist, of 
Blessing and the Hercules. England, i. 215, and ii. 216. 


sent to that part of the world, which would drive out the 
few people that have remained there, and are so threatened 
by the Indians that they dare not leave the fort they have 

" May Our Lord preserve " etc. 


The following tract, and CXXXVIIL, were among the 
first literary fruit of the Bermudas' shipwreck : — 

" A Discovery of the Barmudas, Otherwise called the He 
of Divels : By Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Sommers, 
and Captayne Newport, with divers others. Set forth for 
the love of my Country; and also for the good of the Plan- 
tation in Virginia. London, Printed by John Windet, and 
are to be sold by Roger Barnes, . . . 1610." 

Dedicated by Sil. Jourdan, the author, to " Master John 
Fitz James Esquire one of his Maiesties chiefe Justices of 
the Peace within the countie of Dorset." 

" Good Reader, this is the first Booke published to the 
world touching Sommer Hands; but who shall live to 
see the last f " 

This little tract was again printed in " A plaine descrip- 
tion of the Barmudas " (CCLIX.). It was reprinted in the 
1809-12 edition of Hakluyt's works, and by Peter Force 
in his third volume, Washington, 1844. I suppose there 
are originals in America ; but I do not know of any. It 
relates to events on the ocean, in the Somers Islands, and 
Virginia, July 25, 1609, to June 19, 1610. 

420 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 



The Lost Flocke Triumphant; 

With the happy Arrival of that famous and 

worthy knight S r Thomas Gates : and 

the well reputed and valient Cap- 

taine M r Christopher New- 

porte, and others, into 


With the manner of their distresse in the Hand of Devils 

(otherwise called Bermoothawes) where they 

remained 42 weeks, and builded 

two Pynaces, in which 

they returned unto 


by R. Rich, Gent., one of the voyage. 


Printed by Edw. Allde, and are to be solde by John 
Wright, at Christ-Church dore. 1610. 

The copy in the Huth Collection formerly belonged to 
Lord Charlemont's library at Dublin, where Halliwell found 
it in 1864. It was sold in 1865 for £63. A second copy 
was found in the Drake Library, and sold in 1883 for £93. 



Mr. Kalbfleisch has since bought the Drake copy for ,£105, 
and it is, I believe, the only original in America. 

It was reprinted by Mr. Neill in 1878, and in the " Maga- 
zine of American History," New York, in 1883. 


" Reader, — how to stile thee I knowe not, perhaps 
learned, perhaps unlearned ; happily captious, happily en- 
vious; indeed, what or how to tearme thee I know not, 
only as I began I will proceede. 

" Reader : Thou dost peradventure imagine that I am 
mercenarie in this busines, and write for money (as your 
moderne Poets use) hyred by some of those ever to be ad- 
mired adventurers to flatter the World. No ; I disclaim it. 
I have knowne the voyage, past the danger, seene that 
honorable work of Virginia, and I thanke God, am arrived 
here to tell thee what I have seene, don, and past. If thou 
wilt believe me, so ; if not, so too ; for I cannot force thee 
but to thy owne liking. I am a soldier, blunt and plaine, 
and so is the phrase of my newes ; and I protest it is true. 
If you aske why I put it in verse, I prethee knowe it was 
onely to feede mine owne humour. I must confesse, that, 
had I not debarde myselfe of that large scope which to the 
writing of prose is allowed, I should have much eas'd my- 
selfe, and given thee better content. But I intreat thee to 
take this as it is, and before many daies expire, / will 
promise thee the same worke more at large. 1 

" I did f eare prevention by some of your writers, if they 
should have gotten but some part of the newes by the tayle, 
and therefore, though it be rude, let it passe with thy liking, 
and in so doing I shall like well of thee ; but, however, I 
have not long to stay. If thou wilt be unnaturall to thy 
countryman, thou maist, — I must not loose my patrymonie. 
I am for Virginia againe, and so I will bid thee hartily 
farewell with an honest Verse : 

1 I am inclined to think that this copy is now known, was entered for 
" worke more at large " of which no publication August 16, 1611. 

422 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

" As I came hether to see my native land, 
To waft me backe, lend me thy gentle hand — 

" Thy loving country-man. 

"R. R." 


" Of The happy arrival of That Famous and Worthy Knight, Sir 
Thomas Gates, and well reputed and Valiante Captaine Newport, 
into England. 

" It is no idle fabulous tale, 

Nor is it fayned newes, 
For Truth herself is heere arriv'd, 

Because you should not muse. 
With her both Gates and Newport come, 

To tell Report doth lye, 
Which did divulge into the World, 

That they at sea did dye. 

" 'Tis true that eleaven monthes and more, 

These gallant worthy wights 
Was in the shippe Sea- Venture nam'd, 

Deprived Virginia's sight : 
And bravely did they glyde the maine 

Till Neptune 'gan to frowne, 
As if a courser proudly backt 

Would Throw his ryder downe. 

" The Seas did rage, the windes did blowe, 

Distressed were they then ; 
Their shippe did leake, her tacklings breake, 

In daunger were her men, 
But heaven was pylotte in this storme, 

And to an Iland nere, 
Bermoothawes called, conducted them, 

Which did abate their feare. 

" But yet these worthies forced were 

Opprest with weather againe, 
To runne their ship between two rockes, 

Where she doth still remaine ; 
And then on shoare, the iland came 

Inhabited by hogges, 


Some Foule, and tortoyses there were, 
They onley had one dogge * 

" To kill these swyne to yield them foode 

That little had to eate, 
Their store was spent, and all things scant, 

Alas ! they wanted meate. 
A thousand hogges that dogge x did kill, 

Their hunger to sustaine, 
And with such foode, did in that He 

Two and forty weekes remaine, 

u And there two gallant pynases 

Did build of Seader-tree 
The brave Deliverance one was call'd 

Of seaventy tonne was shee, 
The other, Patience had to name, 

Her burthen thirty tonne ; 
Two only of their men which there, 

Pale death did overcome. 

" And for the losse of these two soules, 

Which were accounted deere, 
A sonne and daughter then was borne, 

And were baptized there. 
The two and forty weekes being past, 

They hoyst sayle and away ; 
Their ships with hogs well freighted were, 

Their harts with mickle joy. 

u And so to Virginia came, 

Where these brave soldiers finde 
The English-men opprest with griefs 

And discontent in minde ; 
They seem'd distracted and forlorne 

For those two worthies' losse, 
Yet at their home returne, they joye'd, 

Amongst them some were crosse 

" And in the midst of discontent 
Came noble De la Ware ; 
And heard the griefes on either part, 
And sett them free from care : 

1 We may safely class this document as doggerel. 

424 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

He comforts them, and cheeres their hearts, 

That they abound with joy ; 
He feedes them full, aud feedes their soules, 

With God's word every day. 

" A discreet counsell he creates 

Of men of worthy fame, 
That noble Gates, leiftenant was, 

The admirall had to name ; 
The worthy Sir George Somers, Knight, 

And others of command, 
Maister George Pearcy, which is brother 

Unto Northumberland, 

" Sir Fardinando Wayneman, Knight, 

And others of good fame, 
That noble Lord his company 

Which to Virginia came, 
And landed there his number was 

One hundred seaventy ; then 
Ad to the rest, and they make full 

Foure hundred able men. 

" Where they unto their labour fall, 

As men that mean to thrive ; 
Let's pray that heaven may blesse them all 

And keep them long alive : 
Those men that vagrants liv'd with us, 

Have there deserved well, 
Their governour writes in their praise 

As divers letters tel. 

" And to the adventurers thus he writes, 

Be not dismayed at all, 
For scandall cannot doe us wrong, 

God will not let us fall. 
Let England knowe our willingnesse, 

For that our worke is good, 
Wee hope to plant a nation, 

Where none before hath stood. 

" To glorifie the Lord 'tis done, 
And to no other end ; 
He that would crosse so good a worke, 
To God can be no friend ; 


There is no feare of hunger here 

For come much store here growes. 
Much fish the gallant rivers yield, 

'Tis truth, without suppose. 

u Great store of fowle, of venison, 

Of Grapes and Mulberries, 
Of chesnuts, walnuts and such like 

Of fruits and strawberries, 
There is indeed no want at all 

But some, condicion'd ill, 
That wish the worke should not goe on, 

With words doe seeme to kill. 

" And for an instance of their store, 

The noble De la Ware 
Hath for a present hither sent, 

To testifie his care 
In managing so good a worke 

Two gallant ships, by name 
The Blessing and The Hercules 

Well fraught, and in the Same 

" Two ships, are these commodities 

Furres, sturgeon, caviare, 
Black walnut-tree, and some deale boards, 

With such they laden are ; 
Some pearle, some wainscot and clap bords, 

With some sasafras wood, 
And iron promis't for 'tis true 

Their mynes are very good. 

" Then maugre, scandall, false report 

Or any opposition, 
Th' adventurers doe thus devulge 

To men of good condition, 
That he that wants shall have reliefe 

Be he of honest minde, 
Apparel, coyne, or anything, 

To such they will be kinde, 

" To such as to Virginia 
Do purpose to repaire ; 
And when that they shall hither come 
Each man shall have his share, 

426 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

Day wages for the laborer, 

And for his more content, 
A house and garden plot shall have 

Besides 'tis further ment 

" That every man shall have a part 

And not thereof denied 
Of generall profit, as if that he 

Twelve pounds, ten shillings paid ; 
And he that in Virginia 

Shall copper coyne receive, 
For hyer, or commodities, 

And will the country leave 

" Upon delivery of such coyne 

Unto the Governour, 
Shall by exchange, at his returne, 

Be by their Treasurer 
Paid him in London, at first sight, 

No man shall cause to grieve 
For tis their generall will and wish 

That every man shall live. 

" The number of adventurers, 
That are for this plantation, 

Are full eight hundred worthy men, 
Some noble, all of fashion ; 

Good, discreete, their work is good, 
May heaven assist them in their worke, 

And thus our newes is done." 



VOLUME 2640. 

Copy of a Report of the Spanish Council of State of No- 
vember 2, 1610, concerning what Don Alonzo de Velasco 
wrote about Virginia matters. 

" Sire. Don Alonso de Velasco in one of his letters of 
the 30 th of last September [see Sept. g, CXXXVL] which 
Y. M. has seen, says that he received the report [CXXXL] 
which was sent to him on Virginia affairs. That soon 


afterwards there came Captain ' Neoporto ' from those parts 
in two small vessels which he had built in ( la Vermuda.' 
That he has secretly reported all the misery, which those 
suffer, who remain there. That if Lord de la ' Vuarra,' who 
recently went out there as Governor, had delayed three days 
longer, the 300 persons who had remained alive there of 
the 700 who had gone out, would have left the island, and 
that, in order to encourage the merchants, at whose expense 
this expedition is undertaken, so that they might persevere 
in it, he has publicly given out great hopes, and thus they 
have formed several companies, by which men will be sent 
out in assistance, and they have determined that at the end 
of January of the coming year, three ships shall sail, with 
men, arms and other things. And Don Alonso is of the 
opinion that this plan might very easily be brought to 
nought, if Y. M. would be pleased to command that a few 
ships should be sent to those parts, who might make an end 
of the few who have been left there and are so hard pressed 
by the Indians that they dare not leave the fort in which 
they are now. 

" It appears to the Council that this should be communi- 
cated to the Council of War, for the part that it may take 
in this matter, and that it be asked to state what will be 
right and proper to do, the supply of ships and whatever 
else may be needful for that purpose, Y. M. will command 
what shall be done. 

" At Madrid. November 2. 1610. 

[Here follow four signatures or rubricas.] 

" Royall Decree : It is well. 

[The king's signature.] 


November 8, entered (at Stationers' Hall for publica- 
tion) by Sir Thomas Smith, Sir Maurice Barkley, Sir George 
Coppin, and Master Richard Martin. " A True declaration 
of the estate of the Colony of Virginia, with a confutacon 

428 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

of such scandalous reportes as have tended to the disgrace of 
so worthy an enterprise. Published by order and direction 
of the Councell of Virginia." It was " Printed for William 
Barret and are to be sold at the blacke Beare in Paul's 
Church-yard. 1610." 

This tract of about 12,000 words was reprinted by Peter 
Force, vol. iii., Washington, D. C, 1844. 

Mr. Quaritch priced an original in his No. 363 Catalogue 
(July, 1885) at £120. Originals are preserved in the libra- 
ries of Harvard College, John Carter-Brown, and Mr. Kalb- 

A copy was bought for Henry, Earl of Northumber- 
land, in 1610, for six shillings, equivalent to about $7.50 
present value. Prints must have been quite a luxury then. 
The title gives a fair idea of the character of this tract. It 
was issued in the interest of the enterprise. 

[Mem. — I do not know when the Dainty returned from 
Virginia, but the Spanish ambassador in his letter of March 
22, 1611 (CLVIL), mentions the return of a vessel about 
three months before, which must have been the Dainty. 
She probably brought the following (CXLL), which it 
seems was written about the last of August, 1610, and the 
large map (CLVIIL), and of course brought other docu- 
ments now lost forever. She probably reached England 
about December 12, 1610.] 


I give the whole of this journal, because I believe it has 
never been reprinted, and because it is a sample of many 
particular journals, log-books, etc., which were evidently 
preserved by the managers of the Virginia enterprises for 
their guidance and information. 

" The Voyage of Captaine Samuel Argal, from James 
Towne in Virginia, to seeke the He of Bermuda, and miss- 
ing the same, his putting over toward Sagadahoc and Cape 


Cod, and so backe againe to James Towne, begun the nine- 
teenth of June, 1610." 

A manuscript preserved by Hakluyt and published by 
Purchas (vol. iv. pp. 1758-1762) in 1625. 

" Sir George Summers, being bound for the [p. 1758.] 
He of Bermuda with two Pinnaces, the one called 
the Patience, wherein he sailed himselfe, set saile from 
James Towne in Virginia, the nineteenth of June 1610. The 
two and twentieth at noone we came to an anchor at Cape 
Henry, to take more balast. The weather proved very wet : 
so wee road under the Cape till two of the clocke, the three 
and twentieth in the morning. Then we weighed and 
stood off to sea, the wind at South-West. And till eight of 
the clocke at night it was all Southerly, and then that 
shifted to South-West. The Cape then bearing West ? 
about eight leagues off. Then wee stirred away South 
East. The foure and twentieth at noone I observed the 
sunne, and found myselfe to bee in thirtie sixe degrees, 
fortie seven minutes, about twentie leagues off from the 
Land. From the 24 th at noone, to the 25 th at noone, 6 
leagues E. the wind Southerly, but for the most part it was 
calme. From the 25 th at noone, to the 26 th about 6. of the 
clocke in the morning, the winde was all Southerly, and but 
little. And then it beganne to blow a fresh gale at W., 
S-W. So by noone I had sailed 14 leagues E., S-E. pricked. 
From the 26 th at noone, to the 27 th at noone, 20 leagues 
E., S-E. The wind shifting from the W., S-W. Southerly, 
and so to the East, and the weather faire, but close. From 
the 27 th at noone to the 28 th at noone, 26 leagues E., S-E, 
the wind shifting backe againe from E. to W. Then by 
mine observation I found the ship to be in 35° 54'. From 
the 28 th at noone, to the 29 th at noone 36 leagues E. by S. 
the wind at W., N-W. Then by my observa- 
tion I found the ship to be in 35° 30' pricked, [p. 1759.] 
From 29 th at noone to 30 th at noone, 35 leagues 
E., S-E. The winde shifting betweene W., N-W, and W. 
S-W., blowing a good fresh gale. Then by my observa- 

430 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

tion I found the ship to be in 34° 49' pricked. From 30 th 
of June at none, to l 8t July at noone 30 leagues S-E. by 
E., the winde at West, then I found the ship in 34° pricked. 
From l 8t July at noone to 2 nd at noon, 20. leagues E., S-E. 
southerly, the wind W. then I found the ship to bee in 
33° 30' pricked, the weather very faire. From the 2 nd at 
noone, to the 3 rd at foure of the clocke, in the afternoone it 
was calme, then it beganne to blowe a resonable fresh gale 
at S-E. so I made account that the ship had driven about 
sixe leagues in that time East. The sea did set all about 
the West. From that time to the fourth at noone, 17 
leagues E. by N., the wind shifting betweene S-E., and S. 
S-W, then I found the ship to bee in 33° 40', the weather 
continued very faire. From the fourth at noone, to the 5 th 
at none, ten leagues S-E, the wind and weather as before, 
then I found the ship to be in 33°, 17' pricked. From 5 th 
at noone to 6 th at noone, 8 leagues S-W, then I found the 
ship to be in 32° 57' pricked ; the wind and weather con- 
tinued as before, only we had a small showre or two of 
raine. From 6 th at noone, to 7 th at noone, 17 leagues E. by 
N. then I found the ship to be in 33°, the wind and 
weather as before. From 7 th at noone, to 8 th at noone, 14 
leagues N-E., then I found the ship to be in 33° 32' the 
wind and weather continued as before. From 8 th at noone 
33. degrees to 9 th at noone, 5 leagues S-E, there I found the 

21. minutes. ghip tQ b(J ^ 330 g^ tne w i n( J at g.^, the 

weather very faire. From 9 th at noone to the 10 th at 
noone, 5 leagues S, the wind westerly ; but for 
the most part it was calme, and the weather very 
faire. From the tenth at noone, to the eleventh at noone 
it was calme, and so continued untill nine of the clocke the 
same night, then it began to blow a reasonable fresh gale 
at S-E, and continued all that night betweene S-E and S, 
33. degrees and untill the 12 th at noone : by which time I 
30. minutes. had gailed 15 leagueg Wegt southerly: then I 

found the ship in 33° 30'. From that time to 4. of the 
clocke the 12 th day in the morning 12 leagues W. by N., 



the wind all southerly, and then it shifted betweene S. and 
S-W., then wee tacked about and stood S-E, S-E. by S. : so 
by noone I had sayled 5 leagues S-E. by E. ; then I found 
the ship in 33° 1(Y. From 13 th at noone, to 14 th at noone, 
20 leagues S-E. by E., the wind shifting betweene the S-W, 
and W. S. W., then I found the ship to be in 32° 35'. 
From 14 th at noone, to 15 th at noone, 20 leagues on , 

7 . ' . ° 32 degrees. 

S-E, then I found the ship to be in 32°, the 
wind as before : then we tacked about, and lay N-W, by 
W. From the 15 th at noone, to the 16 th at noone, 12 
leagues N. by W., the wind shifting betweene S. W. & W., 
and the weather very stormy, with many sudden gusts of 
wind and raine. 

" And about sixe of the clocke in the afternoon e, being 
to windward of our Admirall I bare up under his _ 

ii i i speakes 

lee : who when I hayled him, told me that he with the 
would tack it up no longer, because hee was not 
able to keepe the sea any longer, for lacke of a road and 
water : but that hee would presently steer e away JSf. JV*. W., 
to see if he could fetch Cape Cod. Which with- _ 

. . TT . -, . . fhey saile 

out delay he put in execution. His directions toward 
I followed : so from the 16 th at noone to 17 th at ape 
noone I had sailed 38 leagues N. N-W : then I found my 
ship to be in 34° 10'. The 17 th and 18 th were very wet and 
stormy, and the winds shifting all points of the Compasse. 
The 19 th about 4. of the clocke in the morning it began to 
cleere up, and then we had a very stiffe gale between E. and 
N-E. From 17 th at noone, to the 19 th at noone, I had 
sayled 55 leagues N. N-W, then I found the ship to be in 
36° 30'. From 19 th at noone, to 20 th at noone, 35 leagues 
N-W : then I was in 37° 52', the weather now was fairer 
and the wind all easterly. From the 20 th at noone, to the 
21 st at noone, we sayled 20 leagues N. by W., the wind be- 
tweene E. and S-E, and the weather very faire : westerly 
At the sunne setting I observed, and found 13£° J^T & 13 * 
of westerly variation, and untill midnight we had a half • 
a reasonable fresh gale of wind all southerly, and then it 

432 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

fell calme and rained, and so continued very little wind 
untill the 22 nd at noone, and shifting all the points of the 
Compasse : yet by mine observation that I made then, I 
40. degrees, found that the ship had run 25 leagues N., for I 

1. minute ' f()und her to fee in ^ -^ which ma keth me 

setting 6 ^ the thinke that there was some tide or current that 
Northward. did get N ort hward. Againe, those that had the 
second watch did say, That in their ivatch they did see a 
race, and that the ship did drive apace to the Northward, 

when she had not a breath of wind. 
[p. 1760.] " From 22 nd at noone, untill ten of the clocke 

at night, we had a fresh gale of wind, betweene 
E. and S-E, and then it shifted all westerly, and so con- 
tinued untill two of the clocke the 23 rd in the morning: 
A great anc ^ * nen ^ began to be very foggy and but little 

Fo s- wind, yet shifting all the points of the Compasse, 

and so continued untill ten of the clocke, and then it began 
40. deg. *° c l eere U P« At 12. of the clocke I observed, 

56. mi. and then J f oun d the ship to be in 40° 50" : so 

from the 22 nd at noone to the 23 rd at noone I had sayled 
20 leagues Northward. From 23 d at noone to the 24, at 
3. of the clocke in the morning it was calme, and then we 
had a reasonable fresh gale of wind all southerly, and so it 
continued untill noon southerly, in which time I had sailed 
47. Fathoms -^ leagues N. And about foure of the clocke 
water. m the afternoone, we had 47. fathoms of water, 

tmtoagreene which water we did find to be changed into a 
grasse. grasse green in the morning, yet we would not 

heave a lead, because our Admirall was so farre on head of 
us : who about 3. of the clocke in the afternoone lay by 

They take * ne ^ ee ' anc ^ nsne( l till I came up to him : and 
fish- then I fitted myselfe and my boat, and fished 

untill sixe of the clocke. And then the Admirall fitted his 
sailes, and stirred away North, whom I followed with all 
the speed I could. But before seven of the clocke there 
fell such a myst, that I was faine to shoot off a 
Peece, which he answered with a Cornet that he 


had aboord. So with hallowing and making a noyse one 
to another all the night we kept company. About two of 
the clocke, the 25 th day in the morning we tooke in all our 
sailes, and lay at Hull untill five of the clocke : and then 
finding but small store of fish, we set saile and stirred away 
North West, to fetch the mayne land to relieve ourselves 
with wood and water, which we stood in great need of. 
About two of the clocke in the afternoone we tooke in 
all our sailes and lay at Hull, at which time I heaved the 
lead three times together, and had three sundry 
kindes of soundings. The first a blacke peppery 
sande, full of peble stones. The second blacke peppery, 
and no stones : the third blacke peppery, and two or three 
stones. From the 24 th at noone, to the 25 th , at two of the 
clocke in the afternoone, I sayled 13 leagues W. N-W. : 
and the weather continuing very foggy, thicke, GreatFo 
and rainy, about five of the clocke it began to and raine - 
cease, and then we began to fish, and so continued untill 
seven of the clocke in betweene 30 and 40 fathoms, and 
then we could fish no longer. So having gotten betweene 
20 and 30. Cods we left for that night : and at five of the 
clocke, the 26 th in the morning we began to fish againe, and 
so continued untill ten of the clocke, and then it would fish 
no longer : in which time we had taken neere 100 Cods 
one hundred Cods, and a couple of Hollybuts. token - 
All this while wee had betweene 30 and 40. fathoms water : 
before one of the clocke in the afternoone we The ship 
found the ship driven into one hundred and driveth. 
twenty fathoms, and soft blacke Ose. Then Sir George 
Somers sent me word that he would set saile, and stand in 
for the River of Sagadahoc ; whose directions I 
followed. Before two of the clocke we set saile, for the River 
and stirred away N-W. by N., the wind S. S-W., of Sa ^ adahoc - 
aad the weather continued very foggy. About eight of the 
clocke, wee tooke in all our sailes, and lay at Hull al that 
night. The 27 th , about seven of the clocke in the morning 
we heaved the lead, and had no ground in 120 fathoms. 

434 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

Then I shot off a Peece, but could not heare none an- 
Verie foggie swere f rom our Admirall : and the weather was 
weather. g0 thicke, that we could not see a Cables length 
from our ship. Betweene nine and ten of the clock we did 
thinke that we did heare a Peece of Ordnance to Wind- 
ward : which made me suppose our Admirall had set saile, 
and that it was a warning piece from him. So I set sayle 
and stood close by the wind, and kept an hollowing and a 
The thick w noise to try whether I could find him againe : the 
continueth. wind was at S-W., and I stood away W. N-W. 
From the 26 th , at two of the clocke in the afternoone, to 
8. of the clocke at night I had sayled nine leagues N-W. 
The 27 th at noone I heaved the lead, in 120 fathoms, and 
had no ground. Then I stirred away N. W., till foure of 
the clocke at night: then I heaved the Lead again 120. 
fathoms, and had no ground. Then I tooke all my sailes and 
lay at Hull, and I had sayled seven leagues N-W. The 28 th , 
at seven of the clocke in the morning I did sound in 120 
fathoms, and had no ground. Then I set sayle againe, 
and steered away North, and North by West. At noone I 
heaved in 120 fathoms againe, and had no ground. So 
The fog I steered on my course still, the wind shifted be- 

continued. tweene S. and S-W., and the fog continued. At 
foure of the clocke in the afternoone, I heaved 120. fathoms 
againe and had no ground : so I stood on untill eight of 
the clocke, by which time I had sailed 12 leagues : then I 
heaved the Lead againe, and had blacke Ose, and 135 fathoms 
water. Then I tooke in all my sayles and lay at hull untill 
the 29 th at five of the clocke in the morning. Then I set 
saile againe, and steered away N., and N. by W. At eight 
of the clocke I heaved the Lead again, and had blacke Ose, 
in 130 fathoms water. Betweene eleven and twelve of the 
The fog clocke it began to thunder, but the f ogge con- 

continueth. tinued not [?] still. About two of the clocke in 
the afternoone, I went out with my Boat myselfe and heaved 
the Lead, and had blacke Ose in 90 fathoms water : by 
which time I had sailed six leagues North by West more. 


Then I tooke in all my sayles saving my Fore-course and 
Bonnet, and stood in with those sailes onely. 

" About sixe of the clocke I sounded againe, [p. 1761.] 
and then I had 65. fathoms water. As soone 
as I came aboord it cleered up, and then I saw a small 
Hand, which bare North about two leagues off ; whereupon 
I stood in untill eight of the clocke : And then I stood off 
againe untill two of the clocke in the morning the 30 th 
day. Then I stood in againe and about eight of the clocke 
I was faire aboord the Hand. Then I manned my Boat 
and went on shoare, where I found great store of Seales : 
And I killed three Seales with my hanger. This a Eocke of 
Hand is not halfe a mile about, and nothing but jf^eaboift 
a Rocke, which seemed to be very rich Marble full of Seales. 
stone. And a South South-West Moon maketh a full sea. 
About ten of the clocke I came aboord againe, with some 
wood that I had found upon the Hand, for there had beene 
some folkes that had made fiers there. Then I stood over 
to another Hand that did beare North off me Thesmai 
about three leagues; this small rockie Hand [° e c t h y m Iland 
lyeth in forty-foure degrees. About seven of u - degrees, 
the clocke that night I came to an anchor among many 
Hands in eight fathoms water : and upon one Many Hands 
of these Hands I fitted myself e with wood and fathoms of 
Water, and Balast. water - 

" The third day of August, being fitted to put to Sea 
agraine, I caused the Master of the Ship to open 

. ° , ' , . . . , r \, August3. 

the boxe wherein my commission was, to see what 
directions I had, and for what place I was bound to shape 
my course. Then I tried whether there were any fish there 
or not, and I found reasonable good store there ; Resonab ] e 
so I stayed there fishing till the 12 th of August : store of Gsh - 
and then finding that the fishing did faile, I thought good 
to returne to the Hand where I had killed the Seales, to see 
whether I could get any store of them or not ; for I did 
find that they were very nourishing meate, and a great 
reliefe to my men, and that they would be very well saved 

436 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

with salt to keepe a long time. But when I came thither I 
could not by any meanes catch any. The 14 th at noone I 
observed the Sun, and found the Hand to he in 43, degrees 

40 minutes. Then I shaped my course for Cape 
in 43. deg. Cod, to see whether I could get any fish there 

or not: so by the fifteenth that noone, I had 
sailed 32 leagues S-W., the wind for the most part was be- 
He returnetk * weene N-W. and N. From the 15 th at noone, to 
home. the 16 th at noone I ran 20. leagues S., the wind 

shifting betweene W. and S-W. And then I sounded and 
had ground in 18. fathoms water, full of shels and peble 
stones of divers colours, some greene, and some blewish, 
some like diamants, and some speckled. Then I tooke in 
all my sayles, and set all my company to fishing, and fished 
till eight of the clocke that night ; and finding but little 
fish there, I set sayle againe, and by the 17 th at noone I had 
sayled ten leagues West by North, the wind shifting be- 
tweene S. and S-W. From noone, till sixe of the clocke at 
night, four leagues North- West, the wind shifting betweene 
W. and S-W. Then it did blow so hard that I tooke in all 
my sayles, and lay at hull all that night, untill five of the 
clock the 18 th in the morning ; and then I set saile againe, 
and by noone I had sailed foure leagues N-W., the wind 
betweene W. and S-W. From the 18 th at noone to the 19 th 

at noone ten leagues W. by W., the wind shifting 
foggie betweene S. and S-W., and the weather very 

thick and foggy. About seven of the clocke at 
night the fogge began to breake away, and the wind did 
shift westerly, and by midnight it was shifted to the North, 
and there it did blow very hard untill the 20 th at noone : but 
the weather was very cleere, and then by my observation 
41. deg I f oun( i the ship to bee in the latitude of forty 

44. mi. one degrees, forty foure minutes, and I had sailed 

20. leagues S-W. by W., from the 19 th at noone to the 20 th at 
noone. About two of the clocke in the after- 

noone I did see an Hed-land, which did beare off 
me South- West about foure leagues : so I stereed with it, 


taking it to bee Cape Cod ; and by foure of the clocke I was 
fallen among so many shoales, that it was five of The shoides 
the clocke the next day in the morning before I of Cape Cod ' 
could get cleere of them, it is a very dangerous place to 
fall withall : for the shoales lie at the least ten leagues off 
from the Land ; and I had upon one of them but one fathom 
and an halfe water, and my Barke did draw seven foot. 
This Land lyeth S-W, and North-East, and the shoales lie 
off from it S and S. by W., and so along toward the North. 
At the N-W. by W. Guards I observed the North-Starre, 
and found the ship to be in the latitude of forty The middle 
one degrees fiftie minutes, being then in the mid- shoides in 41 
die of the shoides : and I did finde thirteene de- deg> 5a mL 
grees of westerly variation then likewise. Thus lb - &*&*** 

PTTT ip westerly 

finding the place not to be for my turne, as soon Variation, 
as I was cleere of these dangers, I thought it fit to returne to 
James Towne in Virginia, to the Lord De-lawarre, my 
Lord Governour, and there to attend his command : so I 
shaped my course for that place. And the 21 st by noone 
I had brought myselfe S. S-W., 33 leagues from this Cape : 
and I had the wind shifting all this while betweene N. and 
N-W., and the weather very faire and cleere. From 21 st at 
noone to 22 nd at noone I ran thirtie leagues S-W. by West, 
and then bv mine observation I found the ship ^ , 

* . . . x 12. degrees 

to be in thirty nine degrees, thirtie-sixe minutes : of westerly 
and I had twelve degrees westerly variation, and 
the wind shifting betweene North and N-E., and the weather 
very faire and cleere. From 22 nd at noone, to 23 rd at noone, 
nine leagues S-W. by W. ; and then by observation I did 
find the ship in thirtv-nine degrees, twentie foure „ , , 

1 t i i i i o i degrees 

minutes, and I had eleven degrees of westerly of westerly 

variation : and there did blow but very little wind, 

and shifting betweene West and North, and the [p. 1762.] 

weather very faire and cleere. From the 23 rd 

at noone to the 24 th at noone 18 leagues S-W., «_ , 

.... 1*. degrees 

and then I found the shippe to be in thirtie eight of Westerly 
degrees fortie two minutes : and I had twelve de- 

438 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

grees of Westerly Variation, and the wind shifting hetweene 
North and West, and the weather very faire. 

" From the 24 th at noone, to the 25 th at noone 22 leagues 
W. by S., the wind shifting betweene North and East. And 
then I found the ship to bee in thirtie eight degrees, five 
and twentie minutes, and the same Variation that I had 
before, and the weather very faire. 

" From the 25 th at noone, to the 26 th at noone, 25 leagues 
Westerly, the wind all shifting betweene South and South- 
13. deg. 25. West. And I had thirteene degrees five and 
CTi'yvS* twentie minutes of Westerly Variation. About 
tion. s i xe f the clocke at night the water was changed, 

and then I sounded and had red sandie ground in twelve 
fathomes water about twelve leagues from the shore. 

" The seven and twentieth by day in the morning I was 
faire aboord the shore, and by nine of the clocke I came to 
an Anchor in nine fathomes in a very great Bay, where I 
found great store of people which were very kind, and 
promised me that the next day in the morning they would 
bring me great store of corne. But about nine of the 
clocke that night the winde shifted from S-W. to E. N-E. 
so I weighed presently, and shaped my course to Cape 
Charles. This Bay lyeth in Westerly thirtie leagues. And 
the Souther Cape of it lyeth South South-East and North 
North- West, and in thirtie eight degrees twentie minutes 
of Northerly Latitude. 

"The 28 th day, about foure of the clocke in the after- 
.. , . noone I fell among* a great many of shoales, about 

Many shoales. © o J ' 

12. leagues to twelve leagues to the Southward of Cape La Warre. 
Cape La So there I came to an Anchor in three fathomes 
:irre " water, the winde beeing then all Easterly, and 

rode there all that Night. 

" The nine and twentieth in the morning I weighed 
againe, the wind being all Southerly, and turned untill 
night, and then I came to an Anchor in seven fathoms water 
in the offing to Sea. 

" How the tyde did set there, or whether that there did 


run any current or not, I cannot say; but I could find 
neither current nor tyde. 

" The thirtieth in the morning- 1 weighed againe, the wind 
still southerly, and turned all that day, but got very little, so 
at Evening I stood off to sea untill midnight, and then stood 
in againe. 

" The one and thirtieth, about seven of the clocke at night 
I came to an Anchor under Cape Charles in f oure 
fathomes, and one third part water, and rode 
there all that night." 

[This seems to me to end very abruptly, and I suppose 
Purchas has omitted the latter part.] 


This broadside is " without any date what soever," but it 
was circulated about this time (December, 1610). It is No. 
128 of the " Catalogue of Broadsides of the Society of 
Antiquaries of London," and I know of no other original. 

" By the Counsell of Virginea. 

" Whereas the good ship called the Hercules, is now pre- 
paring and almost in a readinesse with necessarie provisions 
to make a supplie to the Lord Governor and the Colonie in 
Virginea, it is thought meet (for the avoiding of such 
vagrant and unnecessarie persons as do commonly profer 
themselves being altogether unserviceable) that none but 
honest sufficient Artificers, as Carpenters, Smiths, Coopers, 
Fishermen, Brickmen, and such like, shall be entertained 
into this Voyage. Of whom so many as will in due time 
repaire to the house of Sir Thomas Smith in Philpot lane, 
with sufficient testimonie of their skill and good behaviour, 
they shall receive entertainement accordingly." 

[No Imprint.] 

440 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 


December 15, 1610. Letter from Mr. John More to Sir 
Kalph Win wood, written in London. Extract. 

" It is written from Seville, and confirmed likewise from 
other Ports, that one of the Kings of Barbary hath delivered 
Morrocco into the hands of the King of Spain for a sume of 
money ; which will subject our Merchants trading through 
the straights the more into the Spaniard's Mercy : Yet for 
the present we gaine this one point, by the diverting of the 
Spaniard's Designs into Africa, we are the more secure 
to settle our Plantations in Ireland and Virginia. So 
soon as the Hector [correctly the Hercules] (now ready to 
hoise sail) shall be set forth of this Haven towards Virginia, 
Sir Thomas Gates will hasten to the Hague, where he will 
conferr with the States about the overture that Sir Noel 
Caron hath here made for joining with us in that Collonie. 1 
Sir Noell hath also made a Motion to joyn their East India 
Trade with ours ; but we fear that in case of joyning, if it 
be upon equall Terms, the Art and Industry of their People 
will wear out ours." 

[Mem. — The Hercules sailed for Virginia soon after 
December 15, 1610.] 


I think that Robert Evelin, the writer of the following, 
sailed to Virginia in the Hercules, and that the letter was 
written about this time. It is taken from " The Evelyns 
in America," by G. D. Scull, Oxford, England, 1881, pp. 
62-65. Mr. Scull says Mrs. Stoughton died November 11, 
1610, and as the letter mentions her " debts," he thinks it 

1 Several references will be found to ginia Company of London," p. 51. The 

such plans in the letters of the Spanish letter was published in 1725 in the 

ambassadors. Mr. Neill has given an " Win wood Memorials," by Edinoud 

extract from this letter in his " Vir- Sawyer, vol. iii. p. 239. 




must have been written before her death ; but it seems to 
me evident that the reference is to her " deth" not "debts," 
and therefore I think the letter was written after November 
11, 1610, probably in December, just before the sailing of 
the Hercules. 

"Mother Evelyn, — I commend me most particularly 
unto you and to my brother Richard, hoping in God of 
your good health, which I beseech God long to continue to 
his will and pleasure with much comfort and happiness. I 
am very soriy that I am morgaged so much, that I am driven 
to tell you to pay the hundred marks to Mr. Stoughton for 
me, which you, at my request, did stand bound so kindly 
for me to him. I am much grieved at my heart for it that 
my estate is so mean, that at this time I am not able to 
repay it ; but if it be God's pleasure to restore me, I will 
repay it again to your good liking. I am going to the sea, 
a long and dangerous vo[yage with] other men, to make 
me to be [able] to pay my debts, and to restore my decayed 
estate again ; which, I beseech God of His mercy to grant 
it, may be [made] prosperous unto me to His honour, and 
my comfort in this world and in the world to come ; and I 
beseech you, if I do die, that you would be good unto my 
poor wife and children, which, God knows, I shall leave very 
poor and very mean, if my friends be not good unto them, 
for my sins have deserved these punishments and far greater 
at God's hands, which I humbly beseech God of His mercy 
to [pardon] . I would have gladly seen you and my brother 
at this time, but that the Captain of the ship made such 
haste away so suddenly. I am very sorry for the [deths] 
of my sister and brother Stoughton, but we must all be con- 
tented with the pleasure of Almighty God. [Whenever] it 
is His pleasure to dispose of us, no doubt they are most 
happy and blessed at rest toith God and out of this trouble- 
some world. My wife commends her unto you, and we do 
[heartily and] most humbly thank you for your love and care 
of her ; and I pray God give her years to shew herself duti- 

442 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

ful unto you for it, and thankful, and to her unkle. My 
mother Yunge, and my brother Morris and his wife, com- 
mend them unto you, and I would entreat you commend us 
unto Mr. Comber and his wife and Mr. Yunge and his 
wife ; and I would entreat my brother Richard, and Mr. 
Comber, to do me this kindness, that when [they] go to 
London, they would sometimes see my wife, and that she 
may not think that all my friends have forsaken her ; and 
that my brother Richard would do me this kindness, as to 
give my mother Yunge thanks for her [great] care of me 
and my children, and I shall be very bound to him for it." 


At a Court of the Mercers' Company held " on the 20 th 
December, 1610, the Wardens stated that they had been 
called before the Lord Mayor and ordered to call the Com- 
pany together touching a farther supply for the furthering 
of the plantation of Virginia ; but the Company answered 
that they had already adventured out of their stock a com- 
petent sum of money and answerable to that which other 
companies of the city had done, besides the large adventures 
of many particular brethren of the Company, and their reso- 
lution was not to adventure any farther out of the stock of 
the Company." 

The above is extracted out of a letter from the clerk of 
the company to me dated, Mercers' Hall, London, April 18, 


VOLUME 2587, FOLIO 137. 

Copy of a deciphered letter of Don Alonso de Velasco to 
the King of Spain, dated London, December 31, 1610. 
Received January 16 (i. e. 6th), 1611. 

"Sire. On the 30 th [20th] of September [CXXXVL] 


I wrote to Y. M. what I could hear about Virginia, by the 
arrival of Captain ' Neoporto ' from that country and since 
then I have been very anxious to penetrate the designs 
which they have for the future and I have ascertained that 
within a month from now there will sail four ships, the 
Captain's ship of 250 tons, another of 150, and the other two 
of 120 each. They carry 300 men (' todos obedientales de 
diver son obedientes ') and the 60 with their wives, 8 minis- 
ters of their religion, 1000 arquebuses, 500 muskets, 300 
corselets, 500 helmets, and a quantity of ammunition, all of 
which has been gotten ready with great secrecy, by order of 
the King, and without consulting the Council, and for 
greater concealment a rich merchant has been charged with 
the matter, who in the form of a Company with others has 
made these provisions. They go with orders to fortify 
themselves once more and to build ships, on account of the 
great f acilities offered in those countries, where they find an 
abundance of good oak-timber and pitch. Thus being so 
near to the ' Habana ' [Havana], if they succeed with this, if 
they sail from there, they can reach it in 6 days, having fair 
weather ; and this would be a very serious inconvenience for 
Y. M's fleets in case Y. M. should determine to go to war. 
" May Our Lord preserve Y. M." etc. 


From " Life of Ealegh," by Edwards, 1868, vol. ii. pp. 
333, 334. Probably written in 1610 ; but the date is un- 

Sir Walter Ralegh to Queen Anne of Denmark, consort of 
King James of England. 

" The same blessinge which God doth contynewe towards 
your Majestie will, I hope, put your Majestie in minde of 
your charritie towards others. I long since presumed to 
offer your Majestie my service in Virginia, with a shorte 

444 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

repetition of the comoditie, honor, and safetye which the 
King's Majestie might reape by that plantation, yf it were 
followed to effecte. I doe still hombly beseech your Majes- 
tie that I may rather die in serving the Kinge and my 
countrey then to perrish here. 

" I did also presume hertofore to set downe my answeres 
to all objectyones that could be made, to wit, that yf I 
wente not by a day sett that I would forfete my life and 
estate ; that I wold leave my wife and two sonnes pleadges 
for my faith, and that my wife shall yeald herself to death, 
yf I performe not my duty to the Kinge. And yf this 
suffice not, that it may be tould the masteres and marrineres 
that transporte me that yf I offer to saile elsewhere thay 
may caste me into the Sea. 

" But were ther nothinge ells, let your Majestie, I be- 
seech you, be resolved that it shall never be said of me that 
the Queen of England gave her worde for this man ; that 
the Queen tooke him out of the hands of Death ; that he, 
like a villaine and perjured slave, hath betray de so worthy 
a princes, and hath brokene his faithe. Noe, Maddam, as 
God lyveth, ther is no bound, noe, not the lose of 20 
sonnes, cane tye me so faste as the memory of your good- 
nes, and ther is neither death nor life that cane allewre me 
or feare me from the performance of my duty to soe wor- 
thie and charritable a Lady. 

" This I knowe your Majestie may effecte for me, and 
the sooner, if you please to engage your worde for me to 
the Earle of Salesbury. And yf your Majestie thinke me 
worthie of Life, or that I have any bloud of a gentleman in 
me, I beseech you vouchsaife it ; and your Majestie shall 
never repente you or receave lose by your goodnes towardes 
me, from whose reverence and service no power but that of 
God by death shall ever seperat, but that I will ever rest 
" Your most humble vassall, 

"W. Raleghe." 



January, 1611. This is No. 127 of the Collection of 
Printed Broadsides in the possession of the Society of 
Antiquaries of London, and I know of no other original. 

" By the Counsell of Virginea. 

" Seeing it hath pleased God, after such hard successe 
and the manifold impediments knowne to the World, that 
now by the Wisdome and industry of the Lord Governour 
settled in Virginea, the state and businesse of the English 
Plantation there succeedeth with hope of a most prosperous 
event, and that therefore it is resolved and almost in a read- 
inesse, for the further benefit and better settling of the said 
Plantation, to make a new supply of men and all necessarie 
provisions in a fleet of good ships, under the conduct of Sir 
Thomas Gates and Sir Thomas Dale Knights, and for 
that it is not intended any more to burden the action with 
vagrant and unnecessarie persons : This is to give notice to 
so many honest and industrious men, as Carpenters, Smiths, 
Coopers, Fishermen, Tanners, Shoemakers, Shipwrights, 
Brickmen, Gardeners, Husbandmen, and labouring men of 
all sorts, that if they repaire to the house of Sir Thomas 
Smith in Philpot lane in London, before the end of this 
present moneth of Januarie, the number not full, they shall 
be entertained for the Voyage, upon such termes as their 
qualitie and fitnesse shall deserve. 

" Imprinted at London for William Welby. 1611." 

446 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 


January 10, 1611. From the Register of Resolutions of 
the States General in the Royal Archives at the Hague, 
folio 23. 

" Resolution of the States General, granting leave of ab- 
sence to Captain Dale. Thursday 20 th January 1611. 

" On the writing presented by the Honorable Rudolph 
Winwood, Ambassador from the King of Great Britain, it 
is ordered as follows : — 

" The States General of the United Netherlands hereby 
consent and allow on the recommendation of his Highness 
the Prince of Wales, that Captain Thomas Dale (destined 
by the King of Great Britain to be employed in Virginia 
in his Majestys Service) may absent himself from his com- 
pany for the space of three years, and that his said company 
shall remain meanwhile vacant to be resumed by him if he 
think proper. It is understood that his pay as Captain 
shall cease during his absence." 


January 15. Folio 29. Further Resolution of the 
States General respecting Captain Dale. Tuesday, the 25th 
January, 1611. 

" It is considered at the further instance of the Hon ble 
Rudolph Winwood, Ambassador of the King of Great 
Britain, whether Captain Thomas Dale should be allowed 
to receive the payment of his salary as Captain for the term 
of three years during which he is allowed to be absent from 
his company, in the service of his Royal Majesty of Engr 
land, in Virginia ; But it is resolved, in view of the very 
prejudicial consequences resulting therefrom to the State, 
that the aforesaid Captain Dale shall have to be content 
with what has been granted him on the recommendation of 


the aforesaid Ambassador on behalf of his Highness the 
Prince of Wales." 


January 30. Folio 44. Further Resolution, etc. Wed- 
nesday the 9th February, 1611. 

" The Heer Joachimi reports that the Sir Winwood, Am- 
bassador of the King of Great Britain, General Veer, Gov- 
ernor of Briel, and Conway his Lieutenant, have again very 
urgently recommended, on behalf of his Highness the 
Prince of Wales, the request of Captain Dale, proceeding 
for three years to Virginia, that his allowance as Captain 
may go on in the meanwhile. It is again resolved, that 
the aforesaid Captain shall have to be content with the 
resolution here-to-fore adopted in this case." 

The foregoing resolutions (CXLIX., CL., and CLI.) were 
printed in Albany, New York, in 1856, among the Holland 
" Documents relative to the Colonial History of the State 
of New York." They were the results of recommendations 
from Henry, Prince of Wales, in favor of Sir Thomas Dale, 
given to the Ambassadors from the States when they were 
in England. 

John Berke, Albert de Veer, Helias Oldenbarneveld, and 
Albert Joachimi, the said Ambassadors, were knighted by 
King James at Whitehall on the 13th of May, 1610. They 
were still in England at the creation of Henry Prince of 
Wales, June 4, 1610. 


The following (CLII. and CLIII.) are among the English 
State Papers, "Correspondence, Holland." They have 
never been printed, I believe. 

448 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

February 6, 1611. Sir Ralph Winwood to Lord Salisbury. 

" Right honorable my very good Lord : 

" I receaved your Lordships Letters l in favor of Sir 
Thomas Gates, the last of January. And because the like 
motion some fewe dayes before, 2 was made for Sir Thomas 
Dale, lohich the Prince was pleased to recommend to the 
States Ambassadors when they were in England ; 3 
whereonto the States Generall gave this answere, that dur- 
ing his absence for three yeares, his Company should be 
opholden for him ; but in the meane tyme, the treatment 
for his person as Captayne should cease ; fearing that Sir 
Thomas Gates should finde no greater favour, I thought 
good before I would make the proposition in the Assembly 
of the States Generall, to acquaint, first the Count Maurice, 
with the charge I had receaved from his Majestie : And 
afterwards Mons* Barnevelt, whom I prayed to recommend 
the matter to some of his friends, who represented the 
States of Holland in the Assembly. 

"The second of this moneth I procured audience, and 
used to them these words. 

4 " ' Messieurs. Your Lordships have heard, for the 
report of it is general, how some gentlemen in England 
with other men of honour and of quality, have undertaken, 
at their own expense to establish a Colony of our People 
in the country of Virginia. Among the many who have 
worked hard to carry out this design, there is no one who 
has done more to advance this business, than one of your 
Captains, called the Chevalier Thomas Gates, who last year 
has been there, having been led there by the Providence of 
God, after having been exposed to the peril of shipwreck at 
sea, and having been cast by a tempest, upon the islands, 
the Bermudos, where he has remained, with all his follow- 
ers, for more than forty weeks. His Majesty of Great 

1 So Gates arrived at the " Haghe " 8 See note on the above numbers, 
about January 31, 1611. * The original of what follows is in 

2 See CXLIX., CL., and CLI. French. 


Britain, desiring a happy issue of this enterprise, on account 
of the great benefits which He foresaw would spring from 
it, both for the Christian religion and for the increase of 
Commerce, believes no one to be better qualified for such 
employment than the aforesaid de Gates, both for his own 
qualities and for the practical knowledge of those regions 
which he possesses. On this account His Majesty has 
charged me to ask your Lordships in his name and on his 
behalf, that with your kind permission he be allowed once 
more to proceed to those parts, and there remain for some 
time, conducting the Colony, until your service shall recall 
him from there ; and that, in the meantime, his Company 
be maintained, until his return, in charge of his lieutenant, 
and the other officers. This is not a great thing, and yet 
these little favours maintain friendship between friends and 
allies : nor is it to be feared that this request may be ex- 
tended too far, since there is only this man and Captain 
Dale, who are intended for this service. I request a prompt 
decision on your part : the Mf de Gates has been sum- 
moned, and the 4 ships, destined to make this voyage to 
Virginia, are ready to make sail, awaiting only a favourable 
wind and his coming.' 

" The President did pray me awhile to retire ; and after 
some half howers time, being called in he made me this 
answere ; ' That the States Generall were glad of any occa- 
sion, which might be presented, whereby they might give 
testimony of their dutifull respecte and affection to his 
Majestie, and therefore were well content, that at his majes- 
ties instance, Sir Thomas might be employed in Virginia : 
Until whose returne his companie should be entertayned : 
but during his absence, the treatment for his owne person, 
as Captaine, was to be defalked.' I replied, 'that that 
was the mulcte which ordinarily was imposed upon them, 
who without their leave, were absent from their charge : 
and therefore prayed them, syth they were pleased to give 
him leave, not to inflicte a penalty for his absence : ' The 
President answered : ( The resolution was taken by the 

450 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

States, which was not in theyr power to alter/ I prayed 
them ' to be pleased better to advyse of it : and whatsoever 
they should resolve, to give order I might receave it by 
writing/ which this day from the Greffier I did receave ; 
the copie whereof * I send herewith to your Lordship. The 
originall, I have delivered to Sir Thomas Gates, whom moste 
of it doth concerne. The States doe thinke, they doe him 
herein an extraordinary favour to bynd themselves, during 
his absence, to the upholding of his Company, which if he 
were present himselfe, would every day be subjecte to the 
hazard of caseering, and if the different [sic] of contribu- 
tions be not the more speedily accommodated, whereof here 
is small appearance, before many moneths be passed, there 
wilbe great alteration amongst our Companies ; and if once 
the Provinces begin to caseere, they will strive, a l'envye, 
who shall caste the fastest and discharge itself the soonest 
of the burthen of theyr souldiers. . . . 

" Raphe Winwood. 
" Haghe this 6. of february 1610." 


February 2, 1611. Reply of the States General to the 
propositions made for Sir Thomas Gates. 

" The States General of the United Provinces of the Neth- 
erlands, having maturely considered the recommendation 
made in their Meeting by Sir Ralph "Winwood, Ambassador 
of the King of Great Britain &c. in behalf of Thomas Gates, 
Captain of an English Company in their service to the end 
that said Gates be permitted to absent himself from his 
aforesaid Company for the time during which His Majesty 
may wish to employ him in a voyage, which he is to make 
in his service, with 4 ships to Virginia, or for such other 
time as their Lordships may wish to determine, whilst allow- 
ing him, however, in the meantime to enjoy his ordinary 




pay as Captain, &c. — declare that they desire nothing so 
much as to please and to serve His Majesty in all things, the 
consequences of which will not redound to the prejudice of 
their State, and are therefore well content and agree that 
the said Captain Thomas Gates may absent himself from his 
said Company and employ himself in said voyage for the 
time that the affairs of these Provinces will at all permit it, 
and that during this time, said Company shall be maintained 
and his place as Captain shall be left open for him, to be his 
a^ain at his return if he so wishes it. Well understood 
however that during his absence he shall not be allowed to 
enjoy the aforesaid pay, for this reason, and also even on 
this account, that the Province, to which this Company is 
allotted will make difficulties to pay it by itself : So that 
the foresaid Lordships the States General, request the said 
Ambassador that he will see to it and procure that His 
Majesty shall hold this excuse agreeable. 

" Done at the Meeting of the Honorable States General at 
the Hague, the 12 th of February 1611. 

" Magnus V* 
" By order of the Hon : States General. 
" Gersens . . ." 



VOLUME 2641. 

Copy of a minute of a letter of the King of Spain to Don 
Gaspar de Pereda, dated Madrid February 20, 1611, on 
Virginia affairs. 

" To Don Gaspar de Pereda Governor of the Havana. 

" Don Alonso de Velasco, my embassador in England has 
written to me in letters of the last of December of last year, 
of the foot hold which the English have in Virginia. 
"Within a month 4 ships with 300 men, a few women and 
many arms and ammunition, are to leave England for this 

452 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

same country. They have orders to fortify themselves once 
more and to build ships, so that if they succeed with this, if 
they leave there [Virginia], being so near to that Island, 
they can reach there [Cuba] within 6 days sail and it would 
be a very serious inconvenience for my fleets. Of this I 
wished to inform you, and to charge and command you 
as I now do, that you should send out and obtain a cer- 
tain account of what this means about Virginia, what 
forces and what strength they have there with every other 
information that can be gotten. You will be warned and 
prepared in your parts, so that no injury be done, report- 
ing to me at the same time with great exactness what 
there may be in this matter, and I shall be your affec- 
tionate." . . . 


These documents are now preserved among the Records 
of Northampton County, Virginia. Copies were made for 
me by Garland P. Moore, deputy for Gilmor S. Kendall, 
clerk. There was some difficulty about reading the old 
script correctly. Dale subscribed £75, and it may be that 
that amount is the correct amount in CLV 1 . However, the 
Council may have allowed him a Bill of Adventure to cover 
the whole expense of his outfit, etc. The date of CLV 2 . is 
not certain, and a good many words are given as doubtful. 
From the Records found in England, it seems that the clerk 
of the Company it this time was Edward Maye. I do not 
know which is correct, " Maye " or " Mayor." These papers 
were copied in England in 1643, and sent to Virginia, to 
be used in settling the estates of the wife of Sir Thomas 
Dale, who had recently died. 

" Whereas Sir Thomas Dale, Knight Marshall of Virginia 
hath payd in ready money to Sir Thomas Smyth Knight 
Treasurer of Virginia the summe of three hundred seventy 
five pounds for his Adventures towards the sayd voyage. 


It is agreed that for the same hee the sayd Sir Thomas Dale 
his heirs, executors, Administrators or Assignes shall have 
ratably according to his Adventures his full part of all such 
lands tenements and hereditaments, as shall from tyme to 
tyme bee there recovered planted and inhabited. And of 
such mynes and mineralls of gold, silver and other mettalls 
or treasure, pearls, precious stones, or any kind of wares or 
merchandizes, commodityes or profits whatsoever which shal 
be obtayned or gotten in the said voyage according to the 
portion of money by him ymployed to that use, in as Ample 
manner as any other Adventurer therein shall receyve for 
the like summe. 

"Written the twenty seventh of February Anno Dom. 
1610. Edward Mayor." 

" This is a true coppie of the original, under the Seale of 
the Virginia Company, examyned the 14 th day of October 
1643 by us under written. 

" Fra : Moses. No ry Public. 

"Solo: Seabright. " " 

CLV 2 . 

" Whereas the right honorable Sir Thomas Dale Knight 
Marshall of Virginia (being the first man of his ranke and 
degree that hath undertaken that charge and place) hath not 
only adventured his person in that service in tymes of great- 
est difficulty but has been at great charges both in further- 
ing the action and furnishing himself e. The Counsell of 
Virginia at their meeting on the xviij th of this instant upon 
their special trust and confidence that as hee hath begunn soe 
he will proceed and continue in advanceing soe christian and 
noble an Action, have withe unanimous consent thought 
this: — That our consideration be now had of him, but 
such (as in future times) shal be by no meanes drawne into 
precedent upon any occasion whatsoever — They therefore 
agreed that his person should be rated at the summe of seven 

454 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

hundred pounds and that hee, the said Sir Thomas Dale, his 
heyres, executors, Administrators or Assigns shall have rat- 
ably (according to the sayde Some) his and their full share 
of all such lands, Tenements and hereditaments as shall from 
tyme to tyme be there recovered, planted and inhabited. 
And of such mynes and mineralls of Gold and Silver and 
other mettalls or Treasures, pearls, precious stones, or any 
kinde of wares or merchandizes, commodities or profitts what- 
soever which shalbe obtayned or gotten in the said voyage 
in as ample manner as any other adventurer therein shall 
ratably receive for the like summe. Written this xxvi th of 
February An° Dom°. 161 . 

"Edwabd Mayor." 

" This coppie agreeth with the originall under the seale 
of the Virginia Company, examyned the xii th day of October 
1643 by us under written. 

" Fra : Moses. No 17 Publiq. 

"Solo: Seabright. " " 


1574-1660, PAGE 11. 

Abstract of a letter from Sir Thomas Roe to Salisbury, 
dated Port d'Espaigne, Trinidad, February 28, 1610-11. 

" Has seen more of the Coast, from the river Amazon to 
Orinoco, than any Englishman alive, having passed the wild 
coast and arrived at Port d'Espaigne. The Spaniards there 
are proud and insolent, yet needy and weak, their force is 
reputation, their safety is opinion. Will not exceed the 
honourable caution Salisbury gave him. The Spaniards 
treat the English worse than Moors. News that the King 
of Spain intends to plant Orinoco. Men, cattle and horses 
are arriving daily to be employed in fortifying the place, 
raising a new city, and in the conquest of Guiana. Thinks all 

A copy c 
lfiJO, sent to 

Philip iir, by Vclasco 


f the map of "that Province" in America! 

44 J2ui*uj.eH,l 

made for James 1 i i 

in his letter (OLVITI,) of March 22, 1611. 


will be turned to smoke. The Government is lazy, and has 
more skill in planting and selling tobacco than in erecting 
Colonies or marching armies. Don Juan de Gambo, the 
late Governor of Caraccas, proscribed for treating some 
English well, and fled inland. Will try and confer with 
him, for he is a great soldier, and may be of service to Eng- 
land. Should Roe fail, hopes to bring over one, born a 
Venetian, of almost equal ability." 


VOLUME 2588, FOLIO 22. 

Copy of a deciphered letter of Don Alonso de Velasco to 
the King of Spain, dated London, March 22, 1611. 

" Sire. Since I have come to this country I have tried 
to ascertain the condition of the people of Virginia, the 
reasons which induced the English to continue there and 
the inconveniences which this might cause Y. M's service. 
Having found the reports to vary very much I have tried 
to ascertain the truth by means of the persons who have 
come over in the two ships 1 which have recently arrived, 
thro' the agency of ( Guillermo Mongon ' [William Monson,] 
Admiral of this Strait, who as a person of such high author- 
ity among sailors has in secret and with great skill dis- 
covered what follows : 

" That the province is very fertile in all that may be 
planted and of a good climate — that there is much wild 
growing fruit and great quantity of grapes, and thus it is 
believed, that they would try to have vineyards — there is a 
great abundance of fish along the coast and in the rivers, 
and good oak timber as well as all the main necessaries for 

1 The Blessing and the Hercules ar- William Monson in CXXXVI. The 

rived in September, 1610, and these next ship to arrive was the Dainty, 

are probably the two ships referred probably in December, 1610, in which 

to. See the reference to the same the surveyor probably returned. 


ship building — there is no information of mines of gold or 
of silver being found, but there are some few of iron. 
They have built two forts on the bank of a river, and but 
for these the Indians would have made an end of them, 
as they are warlike and pursue them continually, so that 
they cannot come out into the country without great dan- 
ger, and they would have perished with hunger, if it were 
not for the swine which they have brought over from Ber- 
muda. It does not appear that they will be able to main- 
tain themselves, unless they bring over so large a number 
of people that they can make themselves Lords of the Coun- 
try, as the Indians now are. Their principal reason for 
colonizing these parts is to give an outlet to so many idle 
and wretched people as they have in England, and thus to 
prevent the dangers that may be feared from them. 1 They 
cannot sail from there to the Havana without first touching 
at the Canaries, on account of the currents 2 which follow 
there the whole coast from the Bahama channel by Florida 
up to Virginia, which is the way they would have to go, 
and which are so strong during the whole year that naviga- 
tion is impossible there. Thus I am assured by Monson, 
who tried it years ago without being able to succeed with 
it, and he learns the same from those who have after that 
tried to take that course. 

1 The reasons for planting the col- disordered men unfit to bring to passe 

ony were many. This was one of the any good action : So indeed say those 

reasons advanced hy some, and it was that lie and slander. But I answere 

put in practice to a certain extent in for the generalitie of them that goe, 

the first voyage of Gates, June, 1609 ; they be such as offer themselves vol- 

but many thought the terrible conta- untarily, for none are pressed, none 

gion which nearly swept away the are compelled : And be like (for 

colony in the fall of 1609 was almost ought that I see) to those are left 

entirely attributable to this element ; behind, even of all sorts better and 

and the managers of the enterprise, as worse. But for many that goe in per- 

will be seen by their broadsides, etc., son, let these objecters know, they be 

took every precaution to prevent the as good as themselves, and it may be, 

colony from being thus burdened many degrees better." [" The gen- 

again. The Rev. William Crashaw eralitie" were sent out by the com- 

in his sermon (February 21, 1610), in pany ; those that " goe in person " paid 

meeting this charge says : " Oh, but their own way.] 
those that goe in person are rakte up 2 The Gulf Stream, 
out of the refuse, and are a number of 


" They say also that it is impossible to pass to the South 
Sea by the river on which they have erected their two forts. 
By land it is more than 400 leagues off and many high 
mountains are there and vast deserts which the Indians 
themselves never yet have explored. Thus no credit can 
be given to what the Irishman Francisco Manuel says in 
the report which Y. M. commanded to be sent to me 

" This King sent last year a surveyor to survey that 
Province, and he returned here about three months ago 
and presented to him [King James] a plan or map of all 
that he could discover, a copy of which [CLVIIL] I send 
Y. M. Whose Catholic Person " etc. 


This map, said to have been made in Virginia by a sur- 
veyor sent over by the King of England (in 1610) for that 
purpose, who returned to England about December, 1610, 
procured in some secret way by the Spanish Ambassador in 
London and sent to the King of Spain, is very interesting 
and valuable. It is curious that it should be first published 
in the strange country which it attempted to delineate. 

I think the map evidently embodies (besides the surveys 
of Champlain and other foreigners) the English surveys of 
White, Gosnold, Weymouth, Pring, Hudson, Argall, and 
Tyndall, and possibly others. Strachey, referring to Argall's 
voyage of June to August, 1610 (CXLI.), says he " made 
good, from 44 degrees, what Captayne Bartho. Gosnoll and 
Captayne Waymouth wanted in their discoveries, observing 
all along the coast, and drawing the plotts thereof, as he 
steered homewardes, unto our bay." 

Purchas (vol. iii. p. 590), in a side-note to the narrative 
of Hudson's voyage along our coast in August, 1609, says, 
" This agreeth with Robert Tyndall" Tyndall made a 
plan of James River for the Prince of Wales in 1607, which 
is now probably lost. He made a chart of James and 

458 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

York rivers in 1608, which I have given (XL VI.). He 
was not in Argall's voyage, June to August, 1610 (CXLL), 
because from June 17 to 30 he was employed in the Chesa- 
peake ; but he was probably afterwards with Argall while 
trading in the Bay, the Potomac, etc. 

I am inclined to think that the map was compiled and 
drawn either by Robert Tyndall or by Captain Powell. 
However, I cannot be certain. The names of places on 
this map are sometimes different from those on Tyndall's 
Chart (XL VI.), and when the names are the same they are 
generally spelled differently. While I do not know posi- 
tively that either Tyndall or Powell was the draughtsman, 
it is certain that the Virginia Company of London, from 
the beginning, employed competent surveyors and posted 
themselves as rapidly as possible regarding the cartography 
of the country ; but it was highly important that they 
should preserve the fruits of their labor in this kind for 
their own use, and they did so as far as they were able. 
In 1616, when Virginia and the Bermudas were under 
nearly the same management, surveyors and commissioners 
it seems were sent out to both plantations, who probably 
made accurate surveys. No copies of the Virginia surveys 
have as yet been found ; but Richard Norwood's excellent 
survey of the Bermudas was engraved in 1626, and thus 
preserved, and this gives us the character of the men 
employed by the Virginia Company and the character of 
their work. Norwood was a man of note in his profession, 
and his work was excellent. 

The North Carolina coast, on this map, was evidently 
taken, chiefly, from Captain John White's survey and draw- 
ings. I have compared it with our present coast surveys 
and with other maps, and the following table is probably 
approximately correct. 



Name on Map. 
C. Feare. 

EndeSohes. [End Shores?] 
C. S. John. 
C. Kenrick. 
Po. Fernando. 
Po. Lane. 
Trinitie Harbor. 

Present Name. 

Cape Lookout. 

Near Whalebone Inlet ? 

Portsmouth I. ? 

Ocracoke Inlet ? 

Cape Hatteras. 

Near Chicamicomico ? 

Near New Inlet ? 

Oregon Inlet ? 

Near Nag's Head ? 

Roanoke I. 

Caffey Inlet ? now closed. 

It seems evident that W. Hole used a copy of the Vir- 
ginia part of this map for his engraving (CCXLIL). See 
the remarks on that map. 

The coast from Cape Charles to about 41° north lati- 
tude, and up the Hudson River to a little beyond the en- 
trance of the Mohawk, contains only one or two names, 
and I think was drawn from the recent surveys of Hudson 
(1609) and Argall (1610). The legend, "All the blue is 
dunne by the relations of the Indians," probably refers most 
especially to this part of the map. 

I believe, the New England coast of this map shows traces 
of the surveys of Captains Gosnold, Archer, Pring, Wey- 
mouth, and probably of the North Virginia colonists, as well 
as of Champlaine, and possibly other foreigners. This part 
of the map is especially interesting as it retains many of 
the names given to localities, etc., by the original dis- 

Name on Map. 

Cladia [Claudia]. 
Elizabethes lies. 
Marthay's Viniard. 
C. Cod. 
C. Shole. 

Present Name. 

Block Island. 
Elizabeth's Islands ? 
Martha's Vineyard. 
Cape Malabar. 
Cape Cod Shoal. 

460 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

Whitsun's hed. Cape Cod. 

Whitson's bay. Cape Cod Bay. 

Penguin. Barnstable ? 

Savidg lies. [(Rocks ?) along south shore of Massachusetts 

[Massachusetts Bay is drawn but not named.] 
A Shole. [Near Boston Harbor.] 
He of Sands. [Near Boston Harbor.] 
[Boston Harbor is drawn but not named.] 
Peninsula. Cape Ann. 

He Lobster. 

C. Porpas. Cape Porpoise. 

R. Sagadahock Kennebec River. 

I. St. George. Monhegan I. 


[The cross at the bend of the Tahanock was possibly 
erected there by Captain George Weymouth, June 13, 1605.] 
S. Georges Banck. Saint George's Bank, 

lies Basses 

I. haute. Isle au Haut. 

R. Pemerogett [Pentagoet?] Penobscot River. 
lies de Mountes Deserts. Mt. Desert Islands, 

lies Las Ranges. 
I. Peree. 

R. deEschemanis(Etechemins). St. Croix River. 
I. St. Croix. 
He oni[aux] Oiseaux. 

The last nine or ten names are evidently derived from 
French sources. 

It will not be necessary for me to annotate the portions 
of the map referring to Canada, Nova Scotia, Newfound- 
land, etc. 

I will mention the following additional references to early 
surveyors and maps. The Virginia Records at "Washington 
mention, under November, 1620, that Captain Madison, who 

Firs/ Huron Brooke 


had been twelve years together in Virginia, was especially 
employed by Dale in discovering the country, rivers, etc. 

The author of " New Albion " (1648) in describing Dela- 
ware Bay refers to Captain Smith's hook of Virginia, and 
to " Captaine Powel's Map" Without discussing the mat- 
ter here, I will say that it seems certain that Captains 
Robert Tyndall, Isaac Madison, and Nathaniel Powell were 
making surveys, drawing maps, etc., for the company from 
the beginning. 

[Mem. — "March 15, or thereabouts, Sir Thomas Dale 
sails for Virginia, with three ships, three hundred people, 
twelve kine, twenty goats, and all things needful for the 
colony." — Howes' Stow. 

"About the middle of March last [1611] Sir Thomas 
Dale, Knight Marshall of Virginia was sent thither with 
three ships and three hundreth men and all things necessary 
for the Colony, and also twelve kine, twenty goates, besides 
Coneies, Pigeons and Pullen." — Howes' abridgment of 

The fleet sailed from " the land's end March 17 th ." Prob- 
ably the only one of the documents, letters, etc., carried over 
by him which has been preserved is CLIX.] 


The Lawes, etc., afterwards printed in CXC, are con- 
tained in the reprint of Peter Force, 1844, vol. iii. pp. 82, etc. 

Sir Edwin Sandys to the Mayor and Jurats of Sandwich. 


" I am requested by his Majestie's Counsil for Virginia 
to conveigh these inclosed, 1 to your hands and to procure 

1 CLXL, CLXIL, and CLXIII. CLX. and CLXI. were published by 

462 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

your answer against the beginning of the next term. The 
effect is to invite your town and such particular persons of 
worth as shall be so disposed, to partnership in the great 
action of Virginia, which after manifold disasters doth now, 
under the government of noble and worthie leaders, begin 
to revive, and we trust ere long shall flourish. 

"I acquainted them that your Town had been much 
hindered by sickness : in regard whereof the less will be per- 
haps expected. But they would not pass over so principal 
a port, in an action tending generally to the good of the 
whole Realm, but the profit whereof will chiefly fall to the 
Haven Towns, and principally in them, to merchants. 

" But I will leave you to the letter itself ; only this much 
(to acquaint you with the present state of the business) : 
We have sent away Sir Thomas Dale with 300 men and 
great abundance of victual and furniture. We send after 
them this next month two ships more with 100 Kyne and 
200 swine for breed. And if monie come in, whereof we 
are in very good hope, in May next we shall send Sir 
Thomas Gates with other 300 men of the best and choicest 
we can procure. Which done, and God blessing them, the 
busines we account as won. 

" Thus with my very heartie salutations, I betake you to 
the Tuition and Direction of the Highest, and rest, 

" Your very loving friend. 

" Edwin Sandys. 

"Norborn, 21 March, 1610." (1611.) 

the Rev. Edward D. Neill, A. B., in made directly from these archives for 
1878, in his Early Settlement of Vir- me. They differ but little from Mr. 
ginia, pp. 40-43. The others have Neill's. The most important differ- 
not been published in America before, ence is in the date of CLXI. My 
so far as I know. They are all pre- copy gives the date as 20th February, 
served among the archives of Sand- his as the 28th. 
wich, England. I have used copies 


" A circular Letter of his Majestie's Counsil for Virginia. 

" The eyes of all Europe are looking upon our endevors 
to spread the Gospell among the Heathen people of Virginia, 
to plant our English nation there, and to settle at in those 
parts which may be peculiar to our nation, so that we may 
thereby be secured from being eaten out of all proffits of 
trade, by our more industrious neighbors. We cannot doubt 
but that the eyes, also, of your best judgments and affections 
are fixed no less upon a design of so great consequence. 

" The reasons, wherefore, that action hath not yet received 
the success of our desires and expectations are published in 
print to all the world. To repeat them were idlenes in us 
and must be tedious to you, yet to omit mention of that 
main reason which hath shaken the whole frame of this busi- 
nes and which hath begot these our requests to you, would 
but return unto us a fruitless accompt and consequentlie a 
hazard to destroy that life which yetbreatheth in this action. 

" That reason in few words was want of means to imploy 
good men and want of just payment of the means which were 
promised, so disabling us thereby to set forth our supplies in 
due season. 

" Now that we have established a form of government fit 
for such members in the persons of the Lord La Warr and 
Sir George Sommers already in those parts, as also in Sir 
Thomas Dale embarked with 300 men and provisions for 
them, and the Colony to the value of many thousands of 
pounds, who is already fallen down the river, in his way 
thither, and in Sir Thomas Gates whom we reserve to second 
this expedition, in May next with 300 more of the choicest 
persons we can get for moneys through your means and our 
own cares. We accompt from many advised consultations 
that £30.000 to be paid in two years, for three supplies, will 
be a sufficient sum to settle there, a very able and strong 
foundation of anexing another Kingdom to this Crown. 

464 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

u Of this £30.000. there is already signed by diverse par- 
ticular noblemen, gentlemen and merchants the sum of 
£18.000, as may appear unto you by a true copy l of their 
names and sums, written with their own hands in a Register 
book which remaynes as a record in the hands of Sir Thomas 
Smith, the Treasurer for that plantation, so that the adven- 
tures to be procured from all the noblemen, the Byshopps 
and Clergie that have not yet signed, from all the gentrie, 
Merchants and Corporate townes of this Kingdome, doth but 
amount to £12.000. payable as aforesaid. 

" To accomplish which sum we entreat your favors no 
farther than amongst yourselves, and as shall seem good 
unto you upon respect of your judgments, rank and place : 
we endevor by these our requests to gaine as helps unto us, 
in such poor measure as we have begun toward the advance- 
ment of so gloryous an action. 

" We are farther to entreat your helpes to procure us such 
numbers of men and of such condition as you are willing 
and able ; wee send you herewith the list 2 of the numbers and 
quality that we entend, God willing, to employ in May next. 

" As soon as you can with conveniency we desire your res- 
olutions touching means and men, upon receipt thereof we 
shall acknowledge due thanks and limit the time of their 
appearance, wherein we shall not forget the point of charge 
to the undertakers, howsoever we prefer so far as lies in us, 
a seasonable dispatch to the first place of our considerations. 

" The benefit of this action, if it shall please God to blesse 
these begynnings with a happy success must arise to the 
general good of this Common wealth. To lay then a strong 
foundation for so great a work we hold ourselves and our 
request to yourselves warranted by the reasons aforesaid, 
and by the rules of honour and judgment, and for as we 
ourselves, the present adventurers, cannot receive the whole 
benefit, so can it not be expected that we should undergo 
the whole charge. The often renewed complaints against 
Companyes heretofore hath happened by reason of the Mo- 


nopolizings of trade into a few men's hands, and though the 
ice of this busines hath been broken by the purses, cares, 
and adventures of a few, yet we seclude no subject from the 
future benefit of our present care, charge and hazard of 
person and adventures. All which we leave to your judicious 
considerations and only importune your speedy resolutions, 
that according to the warrants of duty we may either wash 
our hands from further care or cheerfully embrace strength 
from you to the furtherance of this action, that tends so 
directly to advance the glory of God, the honor of our 
English nation and the profit and security, in our judg- 
ment, of this Kingdome. 

"And soe leaving you to that sence hereof which his 
goodness shall please to infuse into you, who is of absolute 
power to dispose of all things to the best, we rest. 

" Your very loving friends. 
" From Sir Thomas Smythe's Pembroke. 

house in Philpot Lane the Montgomery. 

20 th February, 1610. (0. S.) H. Lo. Southampton. 

R. Lisle. 
[Illegible.] Tho. Smythe. Robert Mansell. 

Walter Cope. He. Fanshawe. Edwin Sandys. 
G. Coppin. Tho. Gates. Baptiste Hicks." 


This subscription list began to be circulated as early as 
November, 1610, if not before. 

The last session of the first Parliament of James I. closed 
February 9, 1611, and this list had evidently been circu- 
lated among the members of the House of Commons, many 
of whom signed it. Of the 100 knights, probably 75 
served at some time in the House, and most of these were 
then members. Of the 58 esquires, about 25 were then 
members. Of the 142 citizens and others, nearly all were 
leading men of affairs of that day, merchants, etc. A good 
many of them, also, served in Parliament; some became 



knights, baronets, etc. All of the subscribers must have 
been persons of considerable means, as the smallest sub- 
scription was £37 10s., a sum nearly equal to one thousand 
dollars present value. 

" Anno Dom : The names of such as have signed 

1610. [1611 N. S.] with the somes of money by them 

adventured on 3 yeares towardes the 
supply of the Plantation begonne in Virginia, accordinge 
to their order of writeing for that busines, remaininge in 
the Register Booke in the hands of Sir Thomas Smith, 


Sir Henrye Goodere 

37 10 

" Carew Ralieghe 

37 10 

Sir Thomas Smith 

£75 00 

" Henrye Carewe 

75 00 

" Robert Mansell 

75 00 

" Warwicke Heale 

37 10 

" Walter Cope 

75 00 

" William Smith 

37 10 

" Edwine Sandes 

75 00 

" Percivall Willoughbie 

75 00 

" Thomas Denton 

37 10 

" James Scudamore 

37 10 

" Thomas Dale 

75 00 

" William Fleetewoode 

37 10 

" Richard Grobhaui 

75 00 

" John Hungerford 

37 10 

" Mourice Berkley 

75 00 

" Thomas Grantham 

37 10 

" Dudley Digges 

75 00 

" Edmonde Bowyer 

37 10 

11 James Perrott 

37 10 

" Thomas Sherley 

37 10 

" Richard Spencer 

75 00 

" Anthonie Ashlie 

" Samuel Sandes 

37 10 

" John Bourchier 

" Thomas Mansell 

75 00 

" Henry Nevill 

" JohnHollis 

75 00 

" Christopher Parkins 

M Henry Nevill 

37 10 

" John Hanham 

« William Wade 

75 00 

" Robert Miller 

37 10 

« Edward Cecil 

75 00 

" Thomas Jermyne 

37 10 

u Baptist Hicks 

75 00 

" Valentine Knightley 

37 10 

" Robert Kelligrewe 

75 00 

" Thomas Middletou 

37 10 

" William Twisden 

37 10 

" John Ackland 

37 1C 

" John Scott 

75 00 

" John Watts 

37 10 

" John Sames 

150 00 

« Thomas Willford 

37 10 

" ffrauncis Leighe 

37 10 

u Edward Conway 

75 00 

" William Boulstrod 

37 10 

" John Greye 

37 10 

" John Harrington 

150 00 

" John Bennett 

37 10 

" John Davers 

37 10 

" Thomas Beomont, the 

" Thomas ffreake 

75 00 


37 10 

" Peter Manwoode 

37 10 

" William Lower 

37 10 

" George Coppine 

60 00 

" Thomas Leedes 

37 10 

" William Romney 

75 00 

" Cavaliero Maycote 

175 00 

" John Townsende 

37 10 

" Thomas Horwell 

37 10 

" ffrauncis Barrington 

37 10 

" Thomas Hewett 

75 00 Q 



Sir William St John 

75 00 

Raphe Ewens 

37 10 

" John St. John 

75 00 

Anthonie Erbie [Irby] 

37 10 

Ladie Elianor Carre 

37 10 

William Hackwell 

37 10 

Sir Walter Chute 

75 00 

Henrye Reignoldes 

37 10 

" Marmaduke Darrell 

75 00 

Thomas Warre 

37 10 

u Stephen Powell 

37 10 

Christopher Brooke 

37 10 

" Arthur Manveringe 

75 00 

William Ravenscrofte 

37 10 

" Robert Wroth 

75 00 

Lawrence Hyde 

37 10 

" David Murrey 

75 00 

ffrauncis Johanes 

37 10 

" William Craven Lord 

William Dobson 

37 10 


75 00 

Nicholas Salter 

37 10 

" George Carey 

45 00 

William Garrawaye 

50 00 

" Samuell Lennard 

37 10 

Thomas Stevens 

37 10 

" JohnCutts 

75 00 

ffrauncis Tate 

37 10 

" Walter Vaugban 

37 10 

Richard Tomlyns 

37 10 

" Oliver Cromwell 

75 00 

Nicholas Hyde 

37 10 

" Moyleffinche 

75 00 

Richard Percivall 

37 10 

" John Wentworth 

37 10 

John Hare 

37 10 

" Frauncis Goodwine 

37 10 

Robert Askwith 

37 10 

" John Leveson 

37 10 

John Waller 

37 10 

" Thomas Walsingbam 

37 10 

John Harris 

37 10 

" Heury Peyton 

37 10 

Thomas Coventrye 

37 10 

" William Harris 

75 00 

Anthonie Dyott 

37 10 

" Henry ffanshawe 

60 00 

Thomas Willson 

37 10 

" John Heyward 

75 00 

ffrauncis Wortley 

37 10 


37 10 

Gresham Hogan 

37 10 

« Smith 

75 00 

Captaine Owen Gwinne 

37 10 

" eywarde 

37 10 

Walter Fitz William 

75 00 

" Ralphe Shelton 

37 10 

Henry ffane 

75 00 

" William Herieke 

37 10 

Augustine Stewarde 

37 10 

" Charles Willmott 

37 10 


37 10 

John Culpeper 

37 10 


100 00 

Humfrey Johnson gent 

37 10 

" nwoode 

125 00 

Captaine John Kinge 

37 10 

" Thomas Harkfleete 

37 10 

Thomas Watson 

75 00 

" Edward Heron 

37 10 

John Arundell 

37 10 

" John Dodrige 

37 10 

Henry Cromwell 

37 10 

John Legate gent 

37 10 


John Crowe gent 

37 10 

John Pawlett 

£75 00 

Thomas Mildmay 

37 10 

Richard Martin 

37 10 

John Hoskyns 

37 10 

John Wollstenholme 

75 00 

ffarnando Heyborne 

37 10 

John Eldred 

37 10 

Thomas Gouge gent 

37 10 

David Waterhouse 

37 10 

William Crashawe mynister 

37 10 

Anthonye Barners 

37 10 

John Heyward mynister 

37 10 

William Coyse 

37 00 


37 10 

Arthur Ingram 

75 10 

Captaine Thomas Button 

37 10 

John Bingley 

75 00 

Captaine Gyles Hawkeridge 

37 10 

John Welde 

37 10 

Mrs. Elizabeth Scott (vidua) 37 10 




Devoreux Woogan 

£37 10 

Christopher Landman 

37 10 

Mr. Robert Johnson 

£60 00 

Alleine Cotton 

37 10 

** Hewett Staper 

60 00 

Edward Baber (Barber) 

37 10 

" William Russell 

37 10 

John Stoakley 

37 10 

" John Merricke 

37 10 

James Askewe 

37 10 

" Richard Chamberlyn 

37 10 

George Roberts 

37 10 

" George Chamberlyne 

37 10 

William Palmer 

37 10 

" George Scott 

37 10 

Ralphe Freeman 

37 10 

" Jerome Heyden 

37 10 

Adrian Moore 

37 10 

" ffrauncis Covell 

37 10 

Nicholas ffarrar 

37 10 

" Charles Anthonye 

37 10 

Edward Bishoppe 

37 10 

" Robert Offley 

37 10 

William Evans 

37 10 

" William Canuinge 

37 10 

Matthew Shepherd 

37 10 

" Henry Vincente 

37 10 

Thomas Dike 

37 10 

« William Welbie 

37 10 

George Pitt 

37 10 

" Jeames Hawoode 

37 10 

Nicholas Hooker 

37 10 

" John West 

37 10 

Edward Harrison 

37 10 

" Rice Webb 

37 10 

[Mr. Robert ?] 

" William Quicke 

37 10 

Abraham Dawes 

" Phineas Pett 

37 10 

Raphe Hamour 

" Edmond Wynne 

37 10 

Thomas Leavat 

" Laurence Campe 

37 10 

Edward ffawcett 

" Peter Gate 

37 10 

Thomas Jadwine 

" George Etheridge 

37 10 

John Kerrell 

" Thomas Wheatley 

37 10 

John Geringe 

" Stephen Sparrowe 

37 10 

John ffearmer 

" Edward Ditchfield 

37 10 

Robert Shingleton 

" Richard Pigcott 

37 10 

Nicholas Andrews 

" Hildebrand Spruson 

37 10 

William Greenwell 

" George Swinhowe 

37 10 

Phillipe Jacobson 

37 10 

" Peter Mounsell 

37 10 

Richard Rogers 

37 10 

" George Barkley 

37 10 

Averye Drauffeild 

37 10 

" John Woodall 

37 10 

John Busbridge 

37 10 

" Abraham Cartwright 

37 10 

Richard Caswell 

37 10 

Christopher Clitheroe 

37 10 

Martin ffreeman 

37 10 

William Payne 

37 10 

Abraham Chamberlyne 

37 10 

Thomas Scott 

37 10 

John Robinson 

37 10 

William Barners 

37 10 

Edward Alleine 

37 10 

Richard Maplesden 

37 10 

Edward Cage 

37 10 

Thomas Church 

37 10 

Gyles ffrauncis 

37 10 

Nicholas Exstone 

37 10 

William ffelgate 

37 10 

Richard Stratforde 

37 10 

Thomas Draper 

37 10 

John Wooller 

37 10 

Matthewe Dequester 

37 10 

Humfrey Hanforde 

37 10 

John ffletcher 

75 00 

Randall Carter 

37 10 

Charles Hawkins 

37 10 

Edward Lukin gent 

37 10 

Laurence Greene 

37 10 

Jefferey Duppa 

37 10 

Nicholas Benson 

37 10 

Ellis Roberts 

37 10 

John Hodges 

37 10 

Roger Harris 

37 10 

Thomas Norrincot 

37 10 



William Nicholls 

£37 10 

Daniel Darnellye 

£37 10 

Edmond Alleine gent 

75 00 

Andrew Throughton 

37 10 

William Brighte 

37 10 

William Barrett 

37 10 

Thomas Style 

75 00 

Bourne (?) 

37 10 

Thomas Cordell 

75 00 

Edward Barners 

37 10 

.John Reignolds 

37 10 


37 10 

Peter Bartle 

37 10 

. . . • 

37 10 

John Wiliest 

37 10 

Robert Mildmaye 

37 10 

Humfrey Smythe 

37 10 

John Withers 

37 10 

Roger Dye 

37 10 

George Holeman 

37 10 

Nicholas Leake 

37 10 

Raphe Kinge 

37 10 

Morris Abbot 

37 10 

Cleophas Smythe 

37 10 

Thomas Hinshawe 

37 10 

John Cason 

37 10 

Thomas Hodges 

37 10 

Thomas ffoxall 

37 10 

Thomas Wale 

37 10 

Robert Parkhurste 

37 10 

Lewis Tate 

37 10 

William Hazleden 

37 10 

Humfrey Merrett 

37 10 

Jarvize Munds 

37 10 

Robert Peake 

37 10 

William Bonham 

37 10 

• . . • 

37 10 

William Tucker 

37 10 

37 10 

Richard Warner 

37 10 

Francis Bradley minister 

37 10 

William ffleete 

37 10 


37 10 

William Burrell (Burwell) 

37 10 

"The adventures of the noble men and companies of 
London amounteinge to the some of ffive thousande pounds 
togeather with the partieulers here recyted makes up the 
some of eighteene thousand powndes mentioned in our 


"The Trades-men to be sent into Virginia under the 
Comaunde of Sir Thomas Gates. 

Neames Phisisions — 


Chirurgions - 

Millwrights for Iron Mills 

i 2 



Iron Miners 




Iron finers 




Iron founders 




Hamermen, for Iron 




Edge tole makers for Iron 







Colliers for charcole 












Ship Carpenters 








Edge tole makers 




Baskett Makers 
















Potters of Earth 


Net makers 


House Carpenters 


Uphoulsters of feathers 

Hempe planters 

Hempe dressers 


Millwrights for Water mills. 


Pike makers 


Leather dressers 

[Miner]ell men 

470 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

Masons 2 

Bakers 2 

Brewers 2 

Swine herdes 2 

Spinners of Pack threade 2 

Cordage makers 2 

Bellowes Makers 2 

Millers 2 
Mat makers 

Gunpowder makers 2 

Saltpeter men 2 

Salt makers 2 

Braziers in Mettle men 2 

Distillers of Aqua Vite 2 

Sadlers 1 

C oiler-makers 2 

Furriers 2 

Stockmakers for peeees 2 

Wheele and Plowrightes 6 

Gun makers 2 

Tyle-makers 2 

Mr. Dorman of Sandwich, Kent, writes me regarding 
CLX. to CLXIII. inclusive, as follows, viz. : — 

" Sandwich, Kent, 8tk July, 1886. 

" My dear Sib, — In accordance with your letter of the 
18th ultimo, I send you herewith copy of the documents 
you require. 

" The MSS. [CLXII. and CLXIII.] appear to me to be 
in the same handwriting, and were apparently sent to Sand- 
wich in the letter from the Council of Virginia of 20th 
February, 1610 [CLXI.]. They are defective and decayed 
in some parts, and in some few cases I have been obliged 
to make a guess at the names, while others I have been 
compelled to leave blank. . . . 

" Yours faithfully, 

" Thomas Dorman/* 

[Mem. — Edward Harlie and Nicholas Hobson probably 
sailed from England in March, 1611, on their voyage to our 
northern coasts. Purchas (iv. p. 1837) had the narratives 

First Baron Harington 


of this voyage, which had probably been preserved by Hak- 
luyt ; but he does not publish it. 

April 8, Master Wm. Welby entered for publication at 
Stationers' Hall, " Three Articles sett downe by the Councell 
of Virginia for 300 men to go thither." I have not found 
this publication. 

April 11, the voyage of Thos. Edge and Jonas Poole to 
Greenland and towards the west of it.] 


April 11, Master Wm. Welby entered for publication 
at Stationers' Hall " under the handes of Sir Thomas Smith 
& Th' wardens. The bylls of adventure, with blanckes con- 
cerninge the Summes of money disbursed for adventures 
towards the voyage of Virginia." The following I believe 
to be a copy of one of these " bylls of adventure." 

" The Byll of Adventure. 

"Whereas paid 'in ready money to Sir Thomas 

Smythe Knight, Treasurer for Virginia the sum for 

adventure towards the said Voyage. 

" It is agreed that for the same the said shall 

have ratably according to adventures full part 

of all such lands, tenements and hereditaments as shall from 
time to time be there recovered planted and inhabited : 
And of all such mines and minerals of Gold, Silver and 
other mettalls or treasure, pearls, precious stones or any 
other kind of wares or merchandise commodities or proffitte 
whatsoever which shall be obtained or gotten in the said 
Voyage according to the porcion of money by im- 

ployed to that use in as ample manner as any other adven- 
turer therein shall receive for the like summe. 

" Written this daye of 

I suppose these Bylls of Adventure had been previously 
written. They were now printed, leaving the necessary 
blanks for names, etc. 

472 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 


These documents (CLXV. and CLXVI.) are from the 
English State Paper Office, Correspondence, Spain. They 
are the earliest references which I have found, from the 
representative of England at the Court of Spain ; but I 
suppose the English Ambassador at that court was always 
performing his duty, in this matter, in the interest of Eng- 
land, as faithfully as the Spanish Ambassador in England 
certainly performed his duty in the interest of Spain ; yet 
it seems that their correspondence has not been so faithfully 

April 10, 1611, Francis Cottington, English Ambassa- 
dor in Spain, writes from Madrid to Lord Treasurer Salis- 
bury : — 

"... The Shipps, buylt at ye Havana (& sayd to be 
ordayned for a journey unto Vergiiiia) are now in Lysbone. 
I am dayly tould by many, that from thence shall ye Ver- 
ginyan Voyage proceed, and with at least 40 sayle of shipps, 
to which I doe give soe lyttle credit, (knowing ye poore 
abylyty of this state) as I am almost ashamed to advertyse 
yt unto your Lordship, yet can assure you out of my own 
knowledge that with those plantations they are here so 
much trobled, as they know nott how to behave them- 
selves in the busyness." 


April 23, 1611, Cottington again writes to Salisbury : — 
" The rumor of sending from hence certayn armed Gal- 
lions unto Verginia doth dayly encrease, but I am styll soe 
farr from beleeving yt as I would not wyllingly that your 
Lordship should soe much as dreame of yt." 

[Mem. — The first voyage of the English to the Islands 
of Japan, being the eighth voyage set forth by the East 


India Company, begun April 18, 1611, returned to Eng- 
land September 27, 1614.] 


VOLUME 2588, FOLIO 39. 

Copy of an original letter of Don Alonzo de Velasco to the 
King of Spain, dated London, May 26, 1611. 

" Sire. The report which Y. M. commanded me to look 
into 1 — telling of two vessels that had sailed from here for 
the East Indies; but this was uncertain. For they have 
only gone to Virginia a ° r d to the Island of Trinidad, as the 
opportunity offered in search of tobacco. These are the 
ships of which I have given an account to Y. M., and i" 
think it would be a difficult task for any vessel of some 
size to sail from here without my knowledge. From Hol- 
land it may be that they sail without my knowing it ; but 
if the news were certain that came these few days ago, they 
will look more carefully before going to those parts. They 
say that the Indians have murdered all the Dutch and 
burnt their ships in the ports in which they were fighting 
against them, having found themselves to be cheated by the 
false money which they gave them in trading with them. 
If this information shall be confirmed, or not, I will report 
the matter to Y. M. whom God preserve as is needful. 
From London May 26. 1611. 

"Don Alonso de Velasco." 

[Mem. — Captain Matthew Somers arrived in England 
in the Patience with the body of Sir George Somers 
some time after February 28 and before July 26, 1611, 
possibly in May ; but, I think, much more probably early 
in July. 

"Toward the end of May 1611, Sir Thomas Gates, 

1 Unfortunately, as I have said, the king's dispatches for 1611 are lost. 

474 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

Knight, Lieutenant General of Virginia was sent with three 
ships and three Carvells, and two hundred and fourscore 
men and twenty women, and two hundred kine, and as 
many swine with other necessaries." — Stow's " Chronicle," 
abridged by Howes (edition 1618). Other accounts 1 say 
that he carried " one hundred kine and two hundred 
swine." Hamor 2 says he arrived in Virginia * about the 
second of August," and that his " passage was more long 
than usuall." The usual voyage was about nine weeks. 
Lord De la Warr mentions his having met " Gates at the 
Cowes neere Portsmouth ; " but he does not give the date 
of the meeting. We know that Lord De la Warr was at 
the Azores on the 18th of April ; but we do not know how 
long he remained there. We know that he arrived in Lon- 
don on the 21st of June ; but we do not know how long 
he had then been in England. However, I am inclined to 
rely upon Howes and Hamor, and to think that Gates sailed 
" toward the end of May, 1611," or early in June, although 
" The New Life of Virginia " 3 conveys the impression that 
letters from Dale in Virginia were received in England before 
Gates was " furnished out," etc., by the special exertions of 
the " Lord Generall Cecill, Sir Robert Mansel and some 
others." I think the author of CCX. must have erred. 
Dale arrived in Virginia May 12 (not 10 as in CCX.), and his 
letter of Aviso was sent from Virginia May 25. It could 
scarcely have reached England before June 25, and if so, 
Gates could not have had over about five weeks in which to 
be " furnished out " and to make the voyage. That is, if 
he arrived in Virginia " about the second of August," as 
stated by Hamor; but there is some cause to doubt the 
accuracy of this date also. However, without discussing the 
matter further, I will only repeat that I am inclined to think 
that Gates sailed from England " toward the end of May " 
or early in June, 1611. All documents, letters, etc., carried 
over by him then are now probably lost.] 




from a collection made from the Jesuit archives at Rome, 
published by R. P. Auguste Carayon, S. J., at Paris, France, 
in 1864, under the title " Premiere Mission des Jesuites au 
Canada." The translations given in this work were made 
for me by Professor M. Scheie De Vere of the University 
of Virginia. 

May 31 (0. S.). Letter written by Father Biard to the 
Very Rev. Christopher Balthazar, Provincial of France, 
in Paris. (Copied from the autograph preserved in the 
Archives of Jesus at Rome.) 

" My Reverend Father ! 
Pax Christi ! 
"... This affair and several others which occurred dur- 
ing the latter part of our journey were the reason why we 
could not leave Dieppe before January 26 [16] 1611. 
M. de Biancourt, a young, highly accomplished gentleman, 
with much experience afloat was our conductor and chief on 
board. We were 36 persons in a ship called the Grace of 
God, of about sixty tons. We had only two days favorable 
wind ; on the third we found ourselves suddenly, by con- 
trary winds and tides, driven within one or two hundred 
yards of the cliffs of the Isle of Wight in England, and it was 
well for us that we found there good anchorage j without 
which all would have been decidedly over with us. Having 
escaped from there we landed at Hyrmice and afterwards at 
Newport where we spent 18 days. 1 On the 16 th February, 
the first day of Lent a favorable North-west wind sprang up, 

1 The English were at once placed selves well before Argall was commis- 

on their guard against these French sioned to remove them, about July, 

colonies on the borders of North Vir- 1612. 
ginia, and had probably posted them- 

476 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614. 

enabled us to leave and accompanied us till we left the 
channel behind us. 

" From Port-Royal in New France, on the 10 th of June, 
1611. Pierre Biard." 




Copy of a minute of a letter of the King of Spain to Don 

Alonso de Velasco, dated Madrid, June 17, 1611. 
" For Don Alonso de Velasco. 

" Because it is understood that the English are still ex- 
ceedingly busy with that question about Virginia, and it is 
important to think of a remedy with which all this may be 
met. I charge and command you to send from that King- 
dom, where you are, two Catholic men, in whom you can 
perfectly trust, sending them aboard the first vessel that 
may sail for those parts and directing them to bring to you 
a very exact account of all that is going on there, so that, 
being better informed, the most suitable measures may be 
adopted. In this you will be very careful to see that the 
utmost diligence be used before the injury grow larger, and 
you will inform me of all that may be done in this matter." 


VOLUME 64, NO. 53, CAL. PAGE 48. 

Lord De la Warr had probably reached England some lit- 
tle time before the following letter was written; but the 
exact date of his return is not known. 

" To the right honorable my very good Lord the Earle of 
Salisbury Lord High Treasurer of England. Give thes. 

" May it please your Lo p : — 

" I would gladly have wayted on your Lordship the last 


night as soone as I came to towne but I understoode from 
Sir Walter Cope that your advice was otherwise : first to 
have a care of my health, then to attend his Majesty and 
afterwards your Lordship. For my health I thank God I 
finde myselfe perfectly recovered though something weake in 
regarde of my long sicknes, ever since my first arrivall at the 
Hands I have recovered dayly, and I arived at Fiall the 
18 th of Aprill, or thereabouts, so that I dare bouldly say, 
that I have no touch of my disease remayning on me, and if 
your Lordship shall thinke it fitt I would presently attend 
his Majesty. This long and paynefull sickness of myne, 
hath no whit discoradged me to proceede with the business 
I have undertaken, if it be now prosecuted as it is begun ; 
nether had my retourne hether bin so suddayne if the winds 
had favoured myne intention for the West Indies, at my de- 
parture from Virginia : for I dare bouldly say there was 
never more hope then at this present and when it shall please 
your Lordship I doubt not but to give you full satisfaction 
to every doubte or scandall that leyeth upon that country, 
fearing nothing less then an honorable and profitable end of 
all if it be not let fall. 

" Thus attending your Lordship's further advice I humbly 
take my leave this 22 d of June 1611. 
" Your Lo : servant to command, 

"Tho: LaWare." 


The following tract was entered for publication at Sta- 
tioners' Hall on July 6, 1611, " under the handes of Sir 
Thomas Smithe and the Wardens." It was again printed 
by Purchas in his "Pilgrimes," vol. iv. pp. 1762-1764, 
and Captain Smith gives some extracts from it in his 
" General History " (1624), p. 109. 

At the sale of the so-called Sir Francis Drake's Library 
in March, 1883, an original fetched $132.75. 

Originals are now preserved in this country in the Lenox 

478 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609^JULY, 1614. 

and John Carter-Brown libraries, and in the library of Mr. 
Kalbfleisch of New York. 

It is probably the only publication of the first English 
Lord Governor and Captain General in America. Mr. 
Griswold printed twenty copies of CLXXI. in 1868 ; but I 
have never seen this reprint. 

" The Relation of the Right Honourable the Lord De-la- 
Warre, Lord Governour and Captaine Generall of the Col- 
onic, planted in Virginea. 

" London *[f Printed by William Hall for William Welbie, 
dwelling in Pauls Churchyeard at the Signe of the Swan. 

" A Short Relation made by the Lord De-La-Warre, to 
the Lords and others of the Counsell of Virginia, touching 
his unexpected returne home, and afterwards delivered to 
the generall Assembly of the said Company at a Court 
holden the twenty five of June, 1611. 

" Published by authority of the said Counsell. 

" My Lords, etc. 

" Being now by accident returned from my charge at 
Virginea, contrary either to my owne desire, or other men's 
expectations, who spare not to censure me, in point of duty, 
and to discourse and question the reason, though they 
apprehend not the true cause of my returne, I am forced, 
(out of a willingnesse to satisfie every man) to deliver unto 
your Lordships, and the rest of this Assembly, brief